curitiba transport management case study

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Section 2 Case Studies, Strategies, and Lessons from the North and South

8 Case Study VI. Sustainable Transportation in Latin America. Bus Rapid Transit Systems in Curitiba, Brazil, and TransMilenio in Bogota, Colombia

Chapter overview.

This chapter examines sustainable transportation solutions for medium-sized cities. The first part describes the integrated, transit-oriented development policy implemented in Curitiba, Brazil, which enabled one of the most sustainable Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems globally. The second part critically examines the successes of the first phase of the bus rapid transit system in Bogota, known as the Trans Milenio. Next, this chapter critically unpacks the equity and efficiency challenges of the second and third phases of the Trans Milenio. Finally, the third part offers a critical analysis of the benefits of bus rapid transit systems and the barriers to effective implementation.

Learning Objectives

• Compare transportation systems, including rail-based public transit and bus rapid transit, from the cost-benefit analysis perspective.
• Understand the mobility challenges of Brazilian cities and identify the city planning factors and policies that resulted in an integrated, transit-oriented development in Curitiba, Brazil.
• Examine how the TransMilenio BRT in Bogota changes residents’ commutes and contrast who benefits more from its Phases 1 and 2.
• Analyze how informal transport, i.e., privately owned and operated buses, competes with the BRT system on the Avenida Septima in the city.
• Identify the broader lessons of bus rapid transit systems in Latin America, which may be adapted for use in other cities in the North and South

WHAT IS BUS RAPID TRANSIT?

The face of urban areas worldwide has tremendously changed during the past decades due to the dominance of cars in shaping urban landscapes. However, there is an agreement among scholars and decision-makers that car-dominated cities are not sustainable and have resulted in transportation-related challenges. These challenges range from increased congestion, air pollution, and accidents to environmental problems, energy depletion, visual intrusion, the decline in public transit use, and lack of accessibility to required facilities for underserved populations.

Therefore, countries constantly look for public transport systems that are most cost-efficient transportation solutions that do not require substantial investments from governments and that the operation would be relatively cost-efficient. Rail systems, including heavy rail, metro rail, and light rail transit, have usually been offered as popular options to achieve the goal of developing good public transit (Hensher & Golob, 2008); however, creating a road-based public transit and making better use of bus systems are considered more affordable and achievable options, especially in developing countries and cities (Hensher & Golob, 2008; Pojani & Stead, 2015). Moreover, in many cases and for most residents, road-based public transit is the only transportation system that may provide access to access jobs, education, health care, and other public services (Pojani & Stead, 2015). In other words, the construction costs of bus systems are significantly less expensive than that for rail systems and subway.  However, the literature also found that in many cities worldwide, the conditions of the road-based public transit services are inadequate to serve their populations’ mobility needs. Especially regarding bus services, which are often considered unreliable, uncomfortable, inconvenient, and even dangerous (Pojani & Stead, 2015). Therefore, in recent decades, policymakers and planners have introduced some achievable and low-cost strategies, such as painting specific lines on roads allocated for bus use, to enhance the quality of bus services. These low-cost strategies can be combined with technological advances, such as lights automatically turning red for other vehicles and green for buses to give priority to buses and improve the quality of the bus services.  Overall, governments have enhanced and expanded bus routes . However, some bus systems have not improved transit efficiency, partly because they lack separated or dedicated lanes (Pojani & Stead, 2015).

Therefore, a more practical and effective intervention regarding the bus system has been introduced in the past two decades, which offers the construction of bus lanes separated from other lanes by ng barriers, cones, or different physical features. These separated lanes are either located on the curbside or in the middle of a roadway and are exclusively for the use of public transit (Pojani & Stead, 2015). This system is called bus rapid transit (BRT). This bus-based mass transit is an attractive alternative to rail transit that has been progressively emerging in the last couple of decades in both loping and developed countries (Hensher & Golob, 2008; Pojani & Stead, 2015).

BRT could be implemented in two types: full BRT and light BRT. In either type, BRT is a type of public transit that operates on its right-of-way. High-quality interchanges integrated intelligent card ticket collection, and quick throughput of people entering and disembarking buses are all features of an entire BRT system (Hensher & Golob, 2008). Full BRT is considered a more suitable option for larger cities since it can move up to 45,000 passengers per hour per direction, even more than many rail services deliver (Pojani & Stead, 2015). The following image (Table 8.1 ) describes the characteristics of an entire BRT system, which has been implemented in only a few cities worldwide, such as Bogota in Colombia and Curitiba in Brazil. Some of the most efficient and cost-effective public transport systems have been developed in Latin American cities, including Mexico City, Bogota, Medellin (Pojani & Stead, 2015). Among these, the best practices of BRT are found in Bogota in Colombia and Curitiba in Brazil (Hensher & Golob, 2008). On the other hand, light BRT is a system with some dedicated right-of-way and lesser integration of service and fares (Hensher & Golob, 2008). Light BRT usually moves 13,000 passengers per hour per direction and is appropriate for medium-sized cities (Pojani & Stead, 2015).

Much can be learned from the experiences of these cities as they have been able to resolve the conflict over space (which is limited in the global south compared to the north) and provide dedicated right-of-way for these new bus systems. Within all cities worldwide, there is fierce competition over space for different activities. For mobility and access, private mobility has always been a dominant force in winning the bid over public modes of mobility, such as bus or rail or nonmotorized modes like cycling. Automobility or car-oriented transportation infrastructure is thus a significant pattern that promotes private car usage and shapes the city’s landscape, urban form, and citizens’ travel mode choice related to their time-space limitations (Sheller & Urry, 2000).  While prioritizing some modes over others within a city speaks to the broader political and economic structures that impact the decisions, we will go over the experience of Mexico City to learn how conflict over space was resolved, which led to the implementation of a successful BRT

Mexico City opened its first phase of the BRT project in 2005. The first route runs on an existing bus route and along Avenida Insurgents, which is one of the most vibrant financial and business corridors in Mexico City. The implementation of the first route faced opposition from different  stakeholders, including commuters, local residents, business owners and street vendors, who stated that the construction of the BRT system would impact businesses, communities, and historical buildings.  The opposing groups believed that the line providing access to the historical downtown would be used primarily by tourists, and thus, it would not resolve congestion issues near the old downtown area of the city. Another view supported the project and believed it could clear the streets of poor urban residents, informal buses,  and street vendors. Most conflicts were resolved after protests and negotiations between governments, organizations, and transportation organizations. The selected route was changed and moved further away from central parts and narrow streets. Although the first months of implementation were complex for the government,  operators, and users, commuters have positively evaluated the performance of the BRT system. Commuters find the system more convenient than the previous traditional buses, which were unsafe and uncomfortable for many passengers. One-third of respondents in a survey stated that they switched to BRT from the metro, and 9% switched from cars. The BRT system in Mexico has been expanded from one to seven lines over the past two decades to reach different areas of the complex Mexico City Metropolitan Area due to its success in improving the quality of mobility and relatively low costs of construction, operation, and high ridership (Vergel-Tovar & Landis, 2022)

Another successful model of BRT system is Transantiago in Santiago, Chile that was initiated in 2007 and involved a feeder and truck network and a fare integration between bus and metro. Like the case of Mexico City, Transantiago faced numerous protests and outrage before implementation that led to deciding to add more buses and providing more governmental subsidies to fund the operation. The initial plan was born in 2000 master plan of the city, in which exclusive bus lanes was suggested for this system (citation p172 restructuring). This project was recommended on bus lanes with multimodal infrastructure to meet rapidly growing demand. However, as Chile’s treasury minister claimed, the delay in project was due to funding cut from bus toward freeway and metro projects. The BRT system in Santiago has been implemented in three different types of streets. The first type is narrow street where traffic is mixed. In the second type, exclusive lanes are marked (paved) on the ground to separate these buses from general traffic, however, enforcement on restricting these lanes has been a challenge for the city. Finally, 50 kilometers of bus-only lanes on the center of streets. In these streets, capacity was added from the sides to increase width. On one of the major arterials, residents opposed the dedicated bus lanes because it took a massive amount of space and made it harder to cross the street, which is a live walking street close to downtown. The residents from the area also stated that such a high-speed system benefits people traveling from peripheral areas. The current plan of the city is to program more dedicated bus lanes despite several opposition from the public. The objections mainly are against cutting down trees, taking space from housing and business units, and harder access to local schools. Today, to minimize the conflict, the government has dropped focus from main corridors that need large space with higher values in central areas and has been concentrating on roads that avoid taking away space from cars.

 Table 8.1 Characteristics of an entire BRT system.

Source: Pojani & Stead, 2015

Regarding the policy to make BRT systems possible and practical, the literature discusses that BRT systems (especially the entire BRT system) need high commitment and support from political leaders and governments. The best results are achieved when the public and private sectors collaborate. Data shows that more than 150 cities across the globe have developed an operational BRT system, of which 70 at least are in Asia, Africa, and Latin America (Pojani & Stead, 2015).

Moreover, BRT systems are beneficial in a variety of ways. Analyses have found that the local travel conditions and the quality of public transit performance have significantly improved by introducing BRTs into the public transit system in most cities. Data shows that BRT systems have greatly helped decrease travel time and are more reliable than conventional bus systems. In addition, BRT systems, if appropriately configured, can carry more passengers per hour than many rail systems. Hesher and Golob (2008) found a spectrum where metros and BRT can offer equivalent capacity, between 20,000 and 40,000 passengers (about twice the seating capacity of Madison Square Garden) per hour daily. However, there are significant variations in upfront costs: $5 to $20 million for HBRT and $30 to $160 million for metros per kilometer, respectively (Hensher & Golob, 2008. Studies also show that users accept the BRT system as a comfortable and reliable mode of public transport (Pojani & Stead, 2015).

In addition, BRT systems are more sustainable and help cities with their environmental issue. In this matter, buses in a BRT system usually use natural gas, electricity, or biofuels, which are much more environmentally friendly than fossil fuels. Therefore, energy consumption and emissions are reduced when implementing BRT systems in cities (Pojani & Stead, 2015).

Another considerable advantage of BRTs is that they can be implemented with much lower costs than other types of public transit, such as rail, subway, or metro. BRT, which is far less expensive, effectively mimics the functionality and amenities of a modern rail-based transportation system. A BRT system will typically be four to twenty times less costly than an LRT system and ten to one hundred times less expensive than a metro system (Hensher & Golob, 2008). Also, BRT systems range in price from $1 million to $8 million per kilometer, depending on the size and complexity of the project (the need for overpasses or underpasses and the need for property acquisition. BRT costs less than $10 per kilometer, even in sophisticated cities with more extraordinary labor expenses. BRT could run without subsidies at reasonable charges ($1 per ride) if planned. Other appealing qualities include quick implementation timelines (1–5 years), adaptability to limited space historical areas, and business districts with tiny route segments (Pojani & Stead, 2015).

The literature identifies two primary factors determining whether the transportation project is attractive enough for the government and the media: 1) infrastructure costs and 2) patronage level. These two factors are illustrated in Figures 8.1 and 8.2, respectively. Accordingly, the infrastructure costs (per km), as shown in Figure 8.1, vary from $53.2 million/km to $0.35 million. Figure 8.1 shows lower costs in Asia and Latin America (Hensher & Golob, 2008). On the other hand, Figure 8.3 shows the ridership rates as passengers per hour per direction for different cities.

Moreover, BRT systems are beneficial in a variety of ways. Analyses have found that the local travel conditions and the quality of public transit performance have significantly improved by introducing BRTs into the public transit system in most cities. Data shows that BRT systems have greatly helped decrease travel time and are more reliable than conventional bus systems. If appropriately configured, BRT systems can carry more passengers per hour than many rail systems. Hesher and Golob (2008) found a spectrum where metros and BRT can offer equivalent capacity, between 20,000 and 40,000 passengers (about twice the seating capacity of Madison conditions are different for different countries, such as the different prices of input, different timelines, and baseline conditions for construction, and different amounts of funding available, still BRTs are considered as an option worth the investment and are known as more sustainable forms of public transit and better cost-effective options in most places around the world (Hensher & Golob, 2008). While BRT systems benefit cities in many ways, problems are still associated with developing and implementing BRTs in many countries worldwide. These problems are related to “rushed implementation, tight financial planning, excessive occupancy levels, early deterioration of infrastructure, poor supervision of the system, insufficient user education for initial implementation and use of the system” (Pojani & Stead, 2015. While many of these problems result from poor levels of policy making and financial planning, and not the BRT system itself, in many cases, these problems affect the public and political opinion about BRT and result in views of BRT as the “second-best option compared to rail.”

Typically, one of the biggest advantages of BRT system over other modes is its lower capital costs for implementation. Depending on the BRT planning model and local conditions on local labor, land and other costs, BRT lines per kilometer costs can be around one-eighth to one-fourth of building fixed-route light rail infrastructure. That said, the BRT system usually generates better numbers of paper compared to rail regarding operating and development costs and its advantages in the real world are not as evident.

In most case BRT is implemented in highly dense areas, with less than standard street width. In these settings, there is a huge amount of foot traffic passing through the stress along with other modes of transport, which makes securing or preserving right-of-way for a particular mode very hard. For BRT, this will lead to a gradual increase in station dwell times, reducing reliability.

In a similar way, BRT systems can face operational challenges as ridership increases by the populations. Overcrowding of BRT systems can cause egress and access time longer and make the dwell and boarding time spike drastically during peak hours. In the case of TransMilenio, travel demand rose by 30 percent between 2005 to 2010, while bus capacity increased only by 2 percent. This has resulted in less desirability and reliability of the system, because of which many middle-class riders switched to other modes of transport including motorbikes (Vergel-Tovar & Landis, 2022).

Along with these outstanding issues, BRT planning in many countries suffer from other issues such as rushed implementation, tight financial budgeting, deterioration of infrastructure and incomplete implementation of fare collection system that results in delays. The political economy of cities and regions on the other hand, seldom is in favor of implementing BRT system in place of light rail expansion. It is believed that BRT, unlike light rail, cannot stimulate or redirect land use development pattern and foster sufficient growth. Using shared-right-of-way with private cars also creates a negative impression about BRT for large groups of populations. These issues have kept BRT system as an alternative approach when light rail expansion is too expensive or not feasible (Hidalgo & Gutiérrez, 2013).

However, being able to be developed and implemented rapidly, BRT has become to many politicians and cities that intend to complete development projects before the election cycles. In many cases world-wide including the city of Guadalajara, Mexico, BRT corridors have been built in less than two years, which showcases the ease associated with BRT development compared to rail.

The Benefits of Bus Rapid Transit Systems  

To explain the benefits of BRT systems in terms of mitigating the emission of CO2, in this section, we refer to a scholarly article by Hook et al. (2010), which provides some in-depth analysis of the CO2 impacts of two BRT systems, including Bogota, Colombia, and Mexico City. Different factors determine the GHG impacts of transportation, which are identified in four primary categories, including the level of travel activity (A), the modal structure (S), the fuel intensity (I), and the carbon content of the fuel used (F) (Hook et al., 2010. To understand how GHG emissions are affected by BRTs, Hook et al. (2010) mainly focus on projects that reduce GHG emissions by changes they make in the modal structure (S. This factor has been measured through a methodology introduced by Jurg Grutter (the consultant of the Clean Development Mechanism or CDM) (Hook et al., 2010. Accordingly, this type of project reduces GHG emissions by persuading passengers to change their travel mode from car to bus or by making changes in ways in terms of units (e.g., to switch from a 12 m bus to an 18 m articulated bus), or by changing to higher occupancy modes (e.g., the average passengers per bus might increase from 60 to 150).

8.3.1 Bogotá, Colombia 

The planning and development of the Bogota BRT system started in 1999, and since then, this BRT system has been known as one of the most successful ones worldwide. The responsible agency, TransMilenio, has established an 84 km bus network with 114 stations and 1,080 articulated buses with separate lanes. The buses’ average speed is about 27 km/h, carrying about 1.5 million passengers daily. The first project to obtain CDM credits for lowering GHG emissions per transported unit was TransMilenio. (Hook et al., 2010. According to the CDM methodology, the Reduction in GHG emissions is calculated based on the difference between the emissions produced by the project and the emissions that would be made if the passengers had used their former modes of travel. Thus, in this method, the number of passengers and the distance they would travel is assumed to be constant between 2 cases, and the only change is the mode of transport. Or the method takes that the passengers would use the same way. Still, the number of passengers would increase when using the BRT system (for Bogota, bus capacity increased from 60 to 160 after implementing the BRT system).

The emissions out of the BRT project and the baseline were calculated and compared for different years and are presented in Table 8.2. Scholars found that the GHG mitigation potential of BRT systems is influenced by the extent to which commuters use buses over time. Table 8.3 compares the estimated and effective GHG emissions associated with the TransMilenio system in Bogota from 2006 to 201. Although TransMilenio significantly reduced emissions and congestion in the first years of its implementation, the subsequent phases and the system’s expansion have not been as effective as the first stage. Some users used informal transit or switched to cars, which explains why the estimated emissions were lower than the actual or practical emissions from 2006 to 200. Therefore, GHG assessments of BRT should carefully consider traffic and ridership changes, as Hook and colleagues argued (Hook et al., 2010).

According to Hidalgo et al., (2013), implementation of TransMilenio system has generated a series of impacts in different directions. Enhancing labor force participation and employment balance increased after this system was implemented in Bogota. The revenue generated by this system in the form of tax on income, sales, industry taxes and vehicle taxes, has also increased after implementation of TransMilenio. Crime stats also have reported a 85% between the period prior to (1999-2000) and following (2001-2002) the implementation of TransMilenio (Hidalgo et al., 2013).

Regarding land development and price increase impacts, the results have shown positive impacts (increase in land prices) within 1 km from the new BRT service. Moreover, depending on the socio-demographic composition of neighborhoods, research has found positive land price impacts for areas within walking distance of TransMilenio. However, in the immediate vicinity of stations, prices have dropped due to noise pollution and safety issues. The impact of transit system on land price is however an ongoing debate that needs careful investigation for creating robust knowledge (Hidalgo et al., 2013).

TransMilenio’s ability to expand the service and provide an attractive transportation option for a wide range of passengers cultivated the attention of transportation planners in many other cities, dealing with rapid growth rates and limited availability of land. Asian cities like Taipei (Taiwan), Nagoya (Japan), or Seoul (Korea) were some of the cities that preferred adding BRT lines to their regional public transit system instead of expanding metro system. China is another country that has developed BRT system rapidly for many of its fast-growing cities that may not have the financial capabilities to build a metro system.

Source: Hook et al., 2010

Mexico City, Mexico

The first BRT corridor in Mexico City started its implementation in 200. This system has 262 micro-buses and 90 buses, of which 97 buses are articulated with higher capacity (160 passengers for each bus) and better fuel efficiency. This BRT system operates along 20 km of roadway on a reserved right-of-way. In 2006, Rogers adopted Gretter’s methodology and estimated that the CO2 emissions would be reduced by 25,887 tons per year due to the implementation and use of this new BRT corridor in Mexico City. Accordingly, 18,000 tons would be avoided by replacing many smaller and less fuel-efficient buses with a smaller number of larger and more fuel-efficient vehicles. Also, emissions fell by another 15,000 tons because of improved mixed-traffic vehicle flow along the BRT corridor. Road construction would result in one-time direct emissions of 38,600 tons. Because of conservative modal shift assumptions, only about 5%, or 1,300 tons of CO2 reductions, were expected to result from the modal shift. (Hook et al., 2010. Although CDM rejected the results reported by Rogers for Mexico City, after using the Grutter method, the results were quite the same, showing a significant reduction in CO2 emissions (Hook et al., 2010. The results of the decline in CO2 emissions due to Mexico City BRT implementation are shown in Table 8.4.

Table 8.4 Emissions Reductions from Mexico City BRT Corridor (Metrobus InsurgentsCorridor)

Comparison between Bogota and Mexico City BRT systems regarding emissions reduction

In general, three main characteristics of the BRT systems are recognized to have the most impact in reducing CO2 emissions, including 1) Projected modal shift, 2) Load Factor (passengers km/bus km), and 3) Speed (Hook et al., 2010. There are some differences between the emission reductions in Bogota and Mexico City. One of the reasons for this difference is related to the difference in modal split in these two cases. The percentage of passengers that moved from private automobiles and taxis in Mexico City was similar to that in Bogotá, but 13% did so from the underground metro system, as shown in Table 8. . Since hydroelectric, thermal, and natural gas is all used in Mexico City, switching from the metro to the bus could not have had the expected CO2 reductio. It could also explain why the CO2 benefit per kilometer for the Bogotá BRT system was twice as high. The effect of the BRT system on mixed traffic is another factor that affects the modal shift. The BRT systems improved mixed-traffic flow in Bogotá and Mexico City due to the modal shift and the elimination of the mixed-traffic lanes of many buses and unofficial low-capacity buses (Hook et al., 2010).

Table 8.5 Previous modes used by BRT passengers in Bogota and Mexico City

Land-Use Planning and the BRT: Learning from Curitiba

Development of BRT system usually follows two general common approaches. The first model employs a comprehensive approach usually by the central government that develops a mobility plan in which the features and magnitude of travel demand by different socio-demographic groups is estimated and proposes a plan with different transit facility recommendations. This model of BRT development is advantageous in enabling the system to be fully integrated with development plans and existing transportation networks. Taking this comprehensive and multi-modal approach enables planners to connect various identified development and redevelopment plans to these corridors and facilitate the smooth integration of BRT with status quo.

Another model for implementing BRT system is an incremental development that is usually small-scale and defined for a specific area or corridor rather than proposing or implementing a city-wide and connected network. In other words, planners under this approach will identify areas with worsening conditions on road congestion, pollution, etc. and suggest high-capacity transit line as a quick and direct response. While this approach pays less attention to the integration of new service into the existing conditions, it is usually the quickest response. This is probably the reason BRT and rapid-response transportation planning have proven to be popular in fast-growing cities such as those in Asia (Hidalgo et al., 2013).

To discuss how a long-term vision of land-use planning and transportation enables the most sustainable BRT system across the globe, in this part, we refer to an article titled Curitiba, the Cradle of bus rapid transit by Lindau et al. (2010. Curitiba is the first Brazilian city to organize and implement a private bus operation in catchment areas and the first city in the world with an entire BRT system. Curitiba is a unique example of integrating transport and land-use planning regarding bus use and implementing a successful bus system worldwide. Incorporating different environmental innovations to launch the system with six corridors and upgrading the existing corridors has made Curitiba the best-case study for a BRT system over the last 35 years (Lindau et al., 2010. Throughout the past 50 years in Curitiba, transport, land use, and environmental management innovations have successfully implemented a citywide transit system perfectly integrated with land-use planning. Curitiba is an excellent example of innovative ideas leading to cost-effective, equitable, and environmentally friendly mobility options.

Curitiba is one of the world’s best examples of integrated transportation and land-use planning while having one of Brazil’s highest percentages of private automobile ownership. (Lindau et al., 2010. Unlike other big cities in Brazil that used federal funding and did not achieve great success in their transportation system, Curitiba used the investment opportunity to enhance its bus system and busway corridors, which led to future growth and made it one of the best cases in incorporating the bus system into a city’s public transit system. However, in the case of other cities in Brazil, their bus corridors are usually implemented in isolation from a firm and systematic regulation or lack political stability, comprehensive long-term land-use planning, and transportation-related strategies. Therefore, in other cities in Brazil (except for Curitiba), the results of the bus systems are partial and inefficient, with overcrowded vehicles that cannot meet the demand (Lindau et al., 2010).

One of the most significant factors in achieving a successful transportation system is having a compelling, long-term vision articulated in a plan, which considers all aspects and issues related to the design and gradually leads to accomplishing the system’s goals. In the case of Curitiba, the three critical periods in the history of modern Curitiba are identified:

• Planning concepts and aspirations from 1943 to 1970
• From 1972 to 1988: Plan implementation that resulted in the creation of the Integrated Transit Network, a citywide integrated bus transit system (RIT, from Rede Integrada de Transporte in Portuguese)
• Metropolitan growth and advancements to the integrated bus transportation system from 1988 to the present

In the 1970s, Curitiba started planning to implement an LRT when its population was only 400,00. However, this plan was canceled due to the expensive costs associated with the LRT system. The Institute for Research and Urban Planning of Curitiba (IPPUC) proposed a trunk-and-feeder bus system running along separated median flow lanes as the main element of the axial transit route in reaction to this abandonment of the projects. (Lindau et al., 2010. This bus system was gradually upgraded until it became the first complete BRT system in the world. In 1980, Curitiba secured the requirements for developing the Integrated Transit Network (RIT. The Urban Development Authority of Curitiba (URBS) later received the authority to plan and oversee all means of transportation within the Curitiba metropolitan region in 1990 after passing various legislative agreements. (Lindau et al., 2010).

Curitiba’s approach to developing and expanding its transportation system is unique to Brazi. It shows that an efficient, practical, and well-planned collaboration between related organizations and parties can lead to successful results. In the case of Curitiba, the two key organizations are IPPUC and URBS, which collaborate in providing traffic solutions and urban planning. Accordingly, the IPPUC consolidates urban development plans, programs, and projects from several administrative entities of Curitiba and its metropolitan region. In contrast, URBS oversees planning and managing transportation in the metro area and provides licenses to bus transit operators (Lindau et al., 2010. Due to this effective collaboration, Curitiba became an iconic city in Latin America in terms of the role of urban planning in providing one of the successful cases that demonstrates the realization of plans that transcend political administration.

Integrated Transit Network or RIT is a municipal initiative whose goal has been to provide integration between transportation planning and land-use planning in Curitiba. Nowadays, 14 cities (out of 26) of the metropolitan area are under RIT’s coverage. The main structure for developing the BRT system started by “providing a backbone of transit-oriented development (TOD) initiative through low-cost and high-impact intervention. Accordingly, the RIT includes the following components:

• A longitudinally separated median busway
• Tube stations with level access and ticket prepayment
• Integration of pricing and delivery across many services
• Control of dispatch at terminal stations
• Specialized services (express radial routes, inter-neighborhood circumferential routes, feeder services, downtown circulator using small buses, special services for students, hospitals, and tourists, and centralized fare collection)

In 2007, a total number of 2.26 million trips per working day were performed by RIT, which were done by a fleet of 2,600 buses, and all these trips counted as 483,000 km/day in Curitiba (Lindau et al., 2010. The RIT infrastructure covers 72 km of bus road (busway corridor), 347 stations (tube stations) with level access to the bus, pre-paid tickets, and 29 urban terminals. All data regarding RIT shows that Curitiba used a gradual approach to implement RIT, meaning that every step has been done gradually and carefully in coverage and components. According to y, Table 8.6 depicts a table that shows the development of RIT’s features over decades.

Source: Lindau et al., 2010

With the addition of the new corridor, the Green Line, in 2009, the BRT system in Curitiba introduced more sustainable and practical options, such as cleaner vehicles and fuels, increased capacity, and improvement in commercial speed. This RIT corridor includes every aspect of a modern complete BRT system. In March  010, the system upgraded a hall by introducing a new method of passing lanes at stations. In this u-graded model, the stations were displaced, and parking was eliminated to provide more space for adding a new route and bus to the system. These new buses share the road (busway) but do not stop at every station. The new arrangement boosts the corridor’s capacity to 20,000 people per hour in each direction, citing the data gathered by URBS. The commercial speed is also raised to 25 km/h.(Lindau et al., 2010).

Finally, we can conclude that the main factor that makes Curitiba a successful case in using buses in the public transportation system and having a BRT system is the practical integration between transportation and land-use planning, which becomes possible through effective political leadership and cooperation, being innovative in providing solutions, programming, and planning and adhering to the plans, making the best use of the new technologies, and finally, consistency and continuity.

As mentioned, BRT implementation can result in several types of changes in built environment and the dynamics across various built environment factors. One of the most frequently documented impacts is related to land and housing stock price uplifting. Previous research has reported an increase of land use values in areas near BRT systems which may represent a significant impact for the existing population. Most of the literature on the relationship between transit expansion and property values have shown that South American and Asian cities have experienced a more pronounced increase than US cities where express bus system was implemented. A research case study conducted in US for 2018 observed that the price increase because of public transit has been identical across BRT, light-rail and heavy-rail, implying a greater net return of capital costs when spent on BRT development (Ingvardson & Nielsen, 2018).

Regarding other types of impacts and probably more long-term ones, BRT investments have shown in induce residential and commercial development. However, the empirical cases on this type of impacts are still limited (Vergel-Tovar & Landis, 2022). What is known in this area is that the magnitude or significance of these impacts are heavily related to accompanying land use policies. Taking the case of Curitiba as an example, the 40 years of BRT implementation demonstrates successful integrated land use and transit planning. In this city, BRT investments and supporting land use policies are developed in such a way that encourages high-density development along the BRT corridors. In contrast, Quito and Bogotá has observed induced developments in vicinity of BRT stations only, with limited corridor-wide developments.

Given some of the issues of BRT implementation discussed earlier, inducing urban development and redevelopment has been proved to be hard and very context-base. For instance, while Bogotá has witnessed more induced commercial development because of TransMilenio, while redevelopment was more diverse and intense around BRT corridors connecting key activity areas. It is also worth mentioning that when such infrastructure implementation are carried out successfully and are accompanied by appropriate land use policies for real-estate and other economic activities, the system can result in a constantly increasing ridership. Research has shown that BRT ridership is higher when the surrounding environments confronts to the elements and principles of transit-oriented development (TOD) (Vergel-Tovar & Landis, 2022)

An Examination of the Benefits and Implementation Challenges of BRT Systems in Bogota, Colombia

As we discussed in the previous sections, BRT has been known as a cost-effective transportation alternative for sustainable urban mobility. There have been successful cases of initiating and implementing this transportation option worldwide. In addition to the benefits resulting from the BRT system, such as being environmentally friendly, improved mobility, enhanced accessibility, and more equity in transportation, BRT is thought to positively affect land and property values. Although there is no complete consensus over the impact of BRT systems on the land market, empirical studies show that in some cases, such as Bogota, Colombia, better access to BRT stations leads to increased property value in the residential section (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004). In this section, we refer to the study titled Value of Accessibility to Bogotá’s Bus Rapid Transit System by Rodriguez and Targa (2004) to understand how the BRT system in Bogota changes residents’ commutes and how these impacts will change over time in terms of the beneficiary groups. Furthermore, this study examines the relationship between multifamily apartment rentals and accessibility to BRT station locations (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004).

While BRT is revolutionizing public transit systems worldwide, many empirical studies in Latin America have also proven its effectiveness and success. For example, BRT shows coordinated operations, technology, infrastructure, and equipment improvements. In addition, BRT is also known for embracing different applications to enhance the service a bus-based transit system can provide. For example, BRT systems in Bogota, Colombia, encompass a network of dedicated lanes used exclusively by large-capacity buses, with expedited boarding and alighting. In general, the most prominent characteristics of BRT that make it unique and successful are:

• There is less capital cost of implementing BRT in comparison to other modes (such as rail)
• There is more flexibility in implementation and operation in terms of both infrastructure and timing. BRT can b  installed gradually, enabling functions before a particular corridor’s components are finished. Like BRT, Light Rail Transportation (LRT) can more quickly adapt to variations in demand. When the position of activity in space changes, the alignment of BRT may also be easily changed (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004)
• BRT vehicles (buses) can use normal roads; in other words, they can run on and off the right-of-way
• The busway (BRT roads) can be used by other vehicles, for instance, emergency vehicles (ambulance and fire trucks).
• By incorporating new technologies, BRT vehicles can use less energy and fossil fuels and produce less GHG emissions.

Although BRT has become the center of attention, particularly in the last two decades, some questions remain about its usefulness as a mass-transit option. From the decision-maker’s point of view, the disadvantages of BRT are discussed as restrictions in encouraging economic development when compared with light rail and heavy rail systems. It has to be n examined that investors are more inclined to develop residential, commercial, and office land use around the rail line and rail stations rather than bus lanes and bus stations. Also, there are concerns regarding the proximity-related adverse effects of BRT service, such as noise, pollution, and other adverse effects associated with bus services. However, these negative externalities could be compensated by using compressed natural gas (CNG) as fuel for BRT vehicles and, therefore, cancel out the impact of using fossil fuels. Accordingly, policymakers believe LRT infrastructure has more excellent permanence and physical presence. It also brings more commitment to public transit, and therefore, it has more potential in attracting private sector investments and simulating land development around the stations. However, there is a need for more research and more empirical studies to understand the impact of BRT on land development and investment attraction, as well as the relationship between accessibility to BRT and land values (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004).

While in the case of Curitiba, the BRT investments and the land-use developments are very closely planned and work together, in many other cases, the impacts of BRT on proximity-related externalities, accessibility, and land development are still unclear. For instance, in his section, we specifically focus on the case of Bogota to determine the impacts of BRT accessibility on land development. Bogota is the capital of Colombia and one of the densest cities in the world. On the other hand, while the car ownership rate is low in Bogota compared to other big cities in Latin America, the city still struggles with mobility issues. Therefore, many attempts have been made to solve the mobility issues in Bogota; however, many have failed during the last few decades. On the bright side, in the previous two decades, “some mobility and urban development initiatives were undertaken in the city to implement sustainable strategies for the city’s transportation system” (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004). Accordingly, in 1 99, the city invested in an extensive BRT network built between 1999-2000 and started its operation in late 2000, with two main corridors. This completed new work is expected to cover 80% of the daily transit trips in the city.

Data shows that people’s mobility and accessibility have dramatically improved with the implementation of the BRT system. According to statistics on ridership, the BRT system now has 42.5 km of dedicated busways that carry about 800,000 one-way trips daily. According to the passenger numbers, TransMilenio brings more people than the public transportation network of several major cities worldwide (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004). Also, transforming a busway corridor with severe safety and pollution issues and aesthetic concerns into a new BRT system with dramatically reduced travel times, lower noise, and fewer greenhouse gas emissions makes Bogota’s instance unique (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004).

After selecting a 1.5 km buffer area around two main corridors of the BRT system in Bogota, the local physical accessibility to the BRT system and BRT stations was measured. Its impact on residential land value and rental prices was analyzed. In addition, other study authors have controlled for other related factors, such as house characteristics. Finally, the results of this analysis demonstrate that higher prices for multifamily residential rental units are related to improved physical accessibility to BRT station sites. According to the capitalization effects of local physical accessibility, properties 5 minutes closer to stations have increased the rental price from 6.8 to 9.3 %. These findings demonstrate that property owners value access to BRT station sites and influence the housing price (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004).

Studies of the impacts of the access to BRT stations on land value in Bogota’s current conditions help future planners understand how such accessibility would shape land-use planning in Bogota. The BRT system grew from a 42.5 km network to several hundreds of kilometers of BRT network. This expansion tremendously affected the accessibility to different land uses and their affordability and access. Regarding the differences the BRT network will cause in its first phase compared with the impacts in its second phase, the authors believe that the expansion will make BRT more competitive versus other modes, such as the private vehicle, as the system expands. This competitive advantage will increase the system’s overall usability and customer value, which should be reflected in the correlation between local usability and land values (Rodríguez & Targa, 2004).

In the following paragraphs, we specifically analyze how informal transport, privately owned and operated buses, competes with the BRT system in Bogota. We will also discuss how the location of the Phase 3 implementation did not benefit low-income commuters and how the BRT competes with Informal Transportation that is more affordable and flexible for low-income commuters. For this purpose, we refer to an article titled Bus Rapid Transit: Is TransMilenio a Miracle Cure? by Alan Gilbert (2008).

Although TransMilenio BRT has been known as a successful example of improving urban transport in Bogota, it has recently been severely criticized for different reasons, such as Cost, ownership structure, design efficacy, and, most crucially, the fact that it failed to address the problem of transpiration in Bogota effectively (Gilbert, 2008). Thus, considering that the BRT system in Bogota has been known for its success, it is unfortunate to recognize that it has failed to serve the poor and underserved population in Bogota specifically.

Data shows that in developing and developed countries, two reasons are mainly causing people to opt to use their vehicles or private cars for travel: the absence of sound and reliable public transit and increased incomes. However, as confirmed by both research and empirical studies, private cars are not sustainable for different reasons, such as increasing congestion, increasing air pollution, reducing citizens’ quality of life, and decreasing economic productivity and competitiveness. Countries in Latin America have not been an exception, and increased car ownership rates have also adversely affected them. Therefore, to overcome the negative externalities created by increased car ownership and the use of private cars, most cities worldwide have decided to develop rail transit as the most suitable option. However, many problems are associated with developing rail transportation systems (subway, metro, and light rail transit), such as the high construction and maintenance costs, the limitations in covering most parts of the city, and the uneven service minority and low-income populations. Therefore, creating an adequate bus system is the best way to address concerns relating to the increased usage of private automobiles and issues with rail transportation. (Gilbert, 2008).

Therefore, one of the most reliable and efficient systems introduced to public transit is the BRT system since they can carry almost the same number of passengers as rail systems while being much cheaper to build and maintain. As we mentioned in previous sections, the first successful model of BRT was implemented in Curitiba, and then this model was followed by other cities in Latin America. Among these cities, Bogota has also implemented an excellent example of BRT, in which the constructive collaboration between the public and private sectors has resulted in good outcomes. However, as mentioned, the BRT system in Bogota (TransMilenio bus system) has also faced some problems and has been recently criticized for different reasons. For instance, the number of passengers using the BRT system has decreased, mainly because these passengers have decided to switch back to the old-style buses. Another issue is that the fare has increased relative to wages and the Cost of traveling with other types of buses. In addition, it has been mentioned that some specific aspects related to expanding the third phase of the project are controversial (Gilbert, 2008).

Table 8.7 shows the construction plan for different phases of the BRT system in Bogota. Data collected su vying people in Bogota shows that Trans Milenio was cited as the primary mode of transportation by 19% of those surveyed by Bogotá Como Vamos in 2005, 18% in 2006, and 14% in 2007. In 2007, the syst m carried 1.3 million people on an average workday (Gilbert, 2008).

Source: Gilbert, 2008

The local criticism regarding the Bogota BRT started when Phase 2 began in 2004. The first group o  complaints was related to three main issues, including 1) the traffic congestion caused by the construction of the system, 2) the decay of the road surface, and 3) the deteriorating condition of the bus stations. The second group f criticism was mostly concerning overcrowding, delays to the bus system, and passenger protests regarding the decrease in the system’s services. The third group o  complaints was about safety and security issues, indicating the risk of robbery, primarily because of overcrowding. Finally, the four h group of issues was related to the decline in the technical problems of the system. Undoubtedly, this confluence of pests is to blame for the declining approval ratings. Compared to other forms of transportation, the public awarded Trans Milenio an excellent rating when it first began operating; in 2001, it scored a 93% acceptance rating. However, only 66% of respondents believed the service was still outstanding or excellent in 2007 (Gilbert, 2008).

Moreover, one of the most critical questions regarding the efficiency of the Bogota BRT system relates to its state of equity and affordability. This is an essential issue since most of the city’s population is low-income, and the system’s construction is highly subsidized. Current data show that most users of the BRT system in Bogota are middle-income people; however, the low-income population is the majority. The main reason for this issue is related to the network’s expansion and the areas covered by the network; Transmilenio’s current routes do not reach large areas of poor settlement, and the fares charged are more expensive than those in the traditional system. Furthermore, although future c corridors will cover a much broader socio-economic cross-section of the city, the subsequent and recently expanded phases (Phase 3) do not prioritize routes that pass through poor areas (Gilbert, 2008).

Therefore, removing competition is the most appropriate way to solve the issue. The small-scale owners and drivers must negotiate a political agreement to do this. Due to unfair competition, TransMilenio is not transporting as many passengers as the present fleet of articulated buses can accommodate. Buses are still parked in the garages, and TransMilenio tariffs have climbed due to rising costs and stagnant passenger volume. If nothing is done to halt the illegal buses and speed up the scrapping program, TransMilenio may find itself in a dangerous downward spiral. It won’t be able to convince clients to switch from the existing system, which is less expensive, and would need to raise prices once again to survive. (Gilbert, 2008).

Last but not least, a considerable portion of public money is spent on building Bogota’s infrastructure. Making space for personal automobiles, taxis, and standard buses accounts for a large part of the expense of building corridors. If public policy could limit the number of private cars using Bogotá’s streets, the infrastructure cost may decrease, and the number of passengers might grow. (Gilbert, 2008).

In this chapter, we introduced one of the recent successful public transit solutions, known as BRT. Being a cost-effective mode of transport, BRT implementation has become a common response to traffic congestion, environmental pollution, and other transportation-related problems, especially in cities of developing countries. The benefits associated with BRT system ranges from reductions in pollutions to shifts in travel behavior and travel time reductions, or from increased labor force participation to increase in tax revenues and upshifts in property values in vicinity of the systems. Reviewing some of the most successful cases in terms of implementing a BRT system, we demonstrated the extent of the BRT impacts on urban transportation landscape. Regarding social equity in transportation, BRT systems have shown good promises. For instance, Bogotá’s TransMilenio BRT system impact analysis shows that poor riders have received more travel time reduction than middle-class ones. Offering more efficient routes and network design, BRT users are shown to pay lower fares compared to conventional buses in several cases including Mexico City, Bogota, and Lagos.

One the other hand, several studies have also shown mixed or contradictory results. Studies have in fact shown little impact of job access for poor or larger time saving for middle- and high-income groups than poor.

More research is needed to evaluate how implementation of BRT can be pushing factor from other modes of transport especially driving alone, which is one the major issues in transportation in North American cities. Perhaps, a comprehensive analysis is needed to understand what built environment factors are needed for a successful BRT system and how the benefits can lead to a better social equity landscape in auto-centric American cities.

• The bus rapid transit (BRT) system is a top-notch bus-based transportation system that offers metro-level capabilities for quick, pleasant, and economical services. (Institute for Transportation and Development Policy, n.d.)
• Informal transportation is often composed of tiny cars that a single person owns, operates, or leases.

Prep/quiz/assessments

• Please compare the benefits and challenges of the subway system vs. the BRT system. You can address this question by reading about the BRT TransMilenio in Bogota, Colombia, and Subway Line B in Mexico City.
• How do Phases 1 and 2 of the BRT TransMilenio change the commutes of residents in Bogota? Who benefits more from Phases 1 and 2?
• After the success of Phases 1 and 2, what benefits and challenges does Phase 3 present? More specifically, how does informal transport, privately owned and operated buses, compete with the BRT system in the Avenida Septima?
• What are the limitations of BRT as a transport policy?
• What can Global South and North cities learn from Trans-Milenio’s case study?

Gilbert, A. (2008). Bus rapid transit: Is Transmilenio into a miracle cure? Transport Reviews , 28 (4), 439–467. https://doi.org/10.1080/01441 40701785733

Hensher, D. A., & Golob, T. F. (2008). Bus rapid transit systems: A comparative assessment. Transportation , 35 (4), 501–511. http://dx.doi.org.ezproxy.uta edu/10.1007/s11116-008-9163-y

Hook, W., Kost, C., Navarro, U., Replogle, M., & Baranda, B. (2010). Carbon dioxide reduction benefits of bus rapid transit systems: Learning from Bogotá, Colombia; Mexico City, Mexico; and Jakarta, Indonesia. Transportation Research Recor , 2193 (1), 9–16. https://doi.org/10.3141/2193- 2

Lindau, L. A., Hidalgo, D., & Facchini, D. (2010). Curitiba the cradle of bus rapid transit. Built Environment , 36 (3), 274–282. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23289717

Pojani, D., & Stead, D. (2015). Sustainable urban transport in the developing world: Beyond megacities. Sustainability , 7 (6), 7784–7895. https://doi.org/10.3390/su706 784

Rodríguez, D. A., & Targa, F. (2004). Value of accessibility to Bogotá’s bus rapid transit system. Transport Reviews , 24 (5), 587–610. https://doi.org/10.1080/01441 4042000195081

Hidalgo, D., & Gutiérrez, L. (2013). BRT and BHLS around the world: Explosive growth, large positive impacts and many issues outstanding. Research in Transportation Economics , 39 (1), 8–13. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2012.05.018

Hidalgo, D., Pereira, L., Estupiñán, N., & Jiménez, P. L. (2013). TransMilenio BRT system in Bogota, high performance and positive impact – Main results of an ex-post evaluation. Research in Transportation Economics , 39 (1), 133–138. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.retrec.2012.06.005

Ingvardson, J., & Nielsen, O. (2018). Effects of new bus and rail rapid transit systems – an international review. World Transit Research . https://www.worldtransitresearch.info/research/6699

Sheller, M., & Urry, J. (2000). The city and the car. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research , 24 (4), 737–757.

Vergel-Tovar, C. E., & Landis, J. (2022). Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) – The Affordable Transit Megaproject Alternative . https://doi.org/10.4337/9781803920634.00013

is a top-notch bus-based transportation system that offers metro-level capabilities for quick, pleasant, and economical services. (Institute for Transportation and Development Policy, n.d.)

is a kind of urban rail public transit that, on average, has more capacity and speed than typical street-running tram systems but lesser capacity and speed than heavy rail and metro systems. The phrase is commonly used to describe rail systems with rapid transit-style features that normally employ electric rail cars and operate mostly in private rights of way that are isolated from other traffic but may occasionally be mixed with other traffic in city streets, depending on the situation. (Rail System, n.d.)

is often composed of tiny cars that a single person owns, operates, or leases.

Green Cities and Transportation Copyright © by Ariadna Reyes-Sanchez; Ladan Mozaffarian; Soheil Sharifiasl; and Elmira Shirgir is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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What the World's First Bus Rapid Transit System Can Teach Us

Curitiba, Brazil pioneered the use of bus rapid transit and paved the way for other countries in Latin America and around the world.

Curitiba City, in the Brazilian state of Parana, is widely known as the pioneer for Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) in the world. It was launched in 1974 with conventional buses in mixed traffic. Curitiba was the first city in Brazil to organize private bus operation in catchment areas and the first city in the world to implement a full BRT system.

Through consistent innovation, it has grown from a simple bus system to highly advanced network of bus lines.

• 1974 : First two BRT corridors were opened.
• 1979 : Feeder and interdistrict buses integrated with BRT, creating the Rede Integrada de Transporte (RIT).
• 1982 : All five major BRT corridors were all functional.
• 1992 : Iconic circular boarding platforms introduced, along with the use of biarticulated buses to increase system capacity.
• 2009 : New "Green line" BRT corridor was opened.
• $1.5 million ($8.5 million, 2012 equivalent) : Estimated cost per kilometer in 1971
• $1.25 (2012 equivalent) : Single fare cost
• $60 million in 2009 ($64 million, 2012 equivalent) : Estimated cost of initial 9.4 km long segment of the "Green Line"
• $200,000 ($214,000, 2012 equivalent) : Estimated construction cost per kilometer (at the time of construction)

Institutions / Stakeholders

• Citizens of Curitiba
• City of Curitiba
• URBS (Curitibas Transportation planning agency)
• IPUCC (Curritiba's urban development authority)
• Local businesses

With 1.8 million inhabitants occupying about 432 km 2 land area, Curitiba is one of the 10 most populous cities in Brazil. The city also has the highest private car ownership in the country with almost 400 cars for every 1,000 inhabitants in 2010. Curitiba achieved what other Brazilian cities tried to do. São Paulo, Belo Horizonte, Recife, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro used federal funding available in the 1970s for bus systems performance improvements only, whereas Curitiba used the investment opportunity on busway corridors to direct its future growth.

Lack of funds stalls mass transit project

In the 1970s, when Curitiba had only 400,000 inhabitants, plans for implementing a light rail transit (LRT) system were prepared. The idea was aborted due to LRT’s high capital costs.

Population continues to grow

The city stands right at the center of a metropolitan area that includes 26 municipalities with a total population of 3.17 million inhabitants. The population of Curitiba´s metropolitan area has increased 9.3 times over the last 50 years (4.6% annual growth) and 2.1 times over the last 20 years.

BRT fills in mass transit challenge

The IPPUC (Institute for Research and Urban Planning of Curitiba) conceived a trunk-and-feeder bus system. This bus system was gradually upgraded until reaching the status of the first full BRT system in the world.

BRT connects more areas, servicing more people

In 1980, with the implementation of the east-west corridor, Curitiba consolidated the basis for the RIT. A single flat fare enabled a cross subsidy between short and long displacements by allowing users to interchange between trunk and feeding services at terminals and tube stations. In 1990, a series of legal arrangements between the State of Paraná and the City of Curitiba empowered URBS (Urban Development Authority of Curitiba) to plan and manage all the transportation modes within the Curitiba metropolitan area.

Numbers and facts

• 1.3 million passengers/day
• 6 BRT corridors
• 70 km of dedicated lanes
• 359 stations including 30 terminals
• Flat fare allows integration between entire bus-based transit network
• Signature "tube" stations and closed terminals for improve integration level boarding at all BRT stations

Key statistics

• 75% of the population commutes using the BRT system
• 55% RIT accounts for all trips in Curitiba
• Better air quality Curitiba has significantly better air quality than other Brazilian cities of similar size
• 18 km corridor, the "Green Line" BRT runs along since opening in 2009
• 18,000 average people per day, the "Green Line" carried in its first year

Success comes from several elements

Curitiba's success was derived from the following elements: a mix of political leadership, innovation, pragmatism, technocracy and continuity.

As with any other city in Brazil, Curitiba faced periods of turmoil when political administrations challenged the status quo in promoting big changes. But its solid technical entities in charge of urban planning, traffic and transit management--IPPUC and URBS--provided the technical support.

Setting new standards

Over the years Curitiba has been demonstrating to the world its potential to produce creative and relatively low-cost solutions for urban mobility.

With the inauguration of its sixth corridor and the capacity upgrades of existing corridors, Curitiba consolidates 35 years of continuous bus oriented development, and sets new standards for the future of high-performance BRT system.

• Curitiba BRT Report by the Integrated Transport Systems and BRT systems Alliance
• Curitiba BRT Video

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A model for Transit Oriented Development: Curitiba, Brazil

Transit Planners

Related resources.

GEF Sustainable Cities Integrated Approach Pilot Project

Pinning down Urban Acupuncture: From a Planning Practice to a Sustainable Urban Transformation Model?

The Urban Rail Development Handbook

C40 Good Practice Guides: Curitiba - Bus Rapid Transit Modernisation

Curitiba was the first city to develop Bus Rapid Transit in 1974 and today the city continues to be a transit innovator, having recently launched a program to implement hybrid and electric buses. Curitiba’s BRT system was developed as an integral part of an overall Masterplan (1966), xxxii its main objectives included radial expansion of the city along five corridors, integrating land use and transport, and creating a dedicated planning institute IPPUC. xxxiii The Masterplan is revised every 10 years, and the latest revision includes a comprehensive urban sustainable development plan for the next 50 years.

In the 1990s, after creating the BRT system thanks to a partnership between the municipality and bus operators (which made the first BRT lanes cost 50 times less than subway xxxiv ), Curitiba tackled the integration of all bus lines into the Rede Integrada de Transporte, with a hierarchy of bus service types and common terminals, allowing passengers to use one ticket for as many bus lines as necessary. xxxv In 2011, BRT expanded its carrying capacity with the implementation of the Direct Line – a bus stopping at fewer stops, reducing substantially longer-distance travel time. In 2012, the city also initiated the integration with a bicycle network, expanded through the 2012 Bicycle Masterplan. xxxvi Curitiba also continues innovation in other parts of its transport sector: since 2014, they have been promoting 100% electric buses.

Today, 80% of travellers use the BRT system and it carries around 2 million passengers per day. xxxvii The BRT has 30 hybrid buses, reducing overall fuel needs by 35% and limiting pollutant emissions (NOx, particles). Curitiba’s BRT system model has already been replicated in more than 150 cities worldwide.

Reasons for success

The success of the BRT system is related to its integration in Curitiba’s masterplanning and support from different stakeholders. On the micro level, some employers subsidise their employees who use the BRT system. On the macro level, urban planning is integrated with the BRT system, with urban growth being restricted to corridors of growth – along key transport routes – using a combination of control and incentives, such as extended permitting for developers that wish to construct taller buildings close to the transit corridors.

When/why a city might adopt an approach like this

Cities developing or updating urban development plans, planning for upgrade of their transport system or looking into implementing a BRT system, can all use this approach to ensure that different transport modes are well integrated and constitute the most efficient system possible. 

C40 Good Practice Guides

C40's  Good Practice Guides  offer mayors and urban policymakers roadmaps for tackling climate change, reducing climate risk and encouraging sustainable urban development. With 100 case studies taken from cities of every size, geography and stage of development around the world, the Good Practice Guides provide tangible examples of climate solutions that other cities can learn from. 

The Bus Rapid Transit Good Practice Guide is available for download here .  The full collection of C40 Good Practice Guides is available for download here .  

All references can be found in the full guide.

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Urban cycling mobility: management and urban institutional arrangements to support bicycle tourism activities—case study from Curitiba, Brazil

• Published: 01 June 2020
• Volume 48 , pages 2055–2080, ( 2021 )

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• Mario Procopiuck   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7346-1938 1 , 2 ,
• Yenifer Ninosca Silva Segovia 1 &
• Ana Paula Vaz Procopiuck 3  

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Simultaneously addressing micro-mobility and urban tourism has been a challenge for urban managers formulating cycle-inclusive urban policies in different countries. In this context, we investigate how municipal public agencies have historically planned with regard to cycling as a mode of transport in the urban mobility system in Curitiba, Brazil, and how they currently associate the city’s cycle-inclusive and cycle tourism activities. This research is qualitative and based on documentary evidence and interviews with managers of municipal agencies. The results indicate that Curitiba’s cycling infrastructure is underused compared to other Latin American cities, cyclists still face high traffic risk, planning policies place greater emphasis on technical bicycle projects than cyclist safety, innovations in cycling policy emerge from urban management systems and societal urban governance, and relations between public agencies are more operational and bureaucratic than strategic in strengthening leisure-cycle and urban cycle tourism activities. We conclude that the development of public policies to support these cycle-related activities has been valued in different contexts, but still does not seem to be a priority in Curitiba.

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This study was financed in part by the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior – Brasil (CAPES) – Finance Code 001.

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Procopiuck, M., Segovia, Y.N.S. & Procopiuck, A.P.V. Urban cycling mobility: management and urban institutional arrangements to support bicycle tourism activities—case study from Curitiba, Brazil. Transportation 48 , 2055–2080 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11116-020-10121-z

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This chapter seeks to turn the reader's attention from the oftcited practices of European cities to an example further south. It highlights innovations in Curitiba, Brazil, that have been successful in alleviating the interrelated problems of urban growth: sprawl, environmental degradation, and economic inequality. The chapter also highlights Curitiba's innovations and illustrates their relevance to other growing cities. It overviews of Curitiba's history and the basic framework developed to address the challenges attendant with tremendous growth. The chapter discusses specific practices employed by Curitiba to mitigate the negative impacts of growth while addressing the challenges Curitiba still faces. Although Curitiba is the eighth largest city in Brazil, it has the fourth largest GDP, with 66 percent of its GDP produced by the commerce and service sectors given Curitiba's resistance to the expansion of heavy industry. The chapter concludes by exploring how Curitiba's innovations can be applied in other urban contexts, both in the United States and abroad.

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better operations

By prof. torbjørn netland, public transportation that works: the curitiba case.

Cities all over the world strive to improve their public transport system. The benefits of a faster, more reliable and more effective bus transportation system is obvious; both to users and the environment. Why is public transport then often so extremely badly planned, expensive and unreliable?  Curitiba in Southern Brazil offers their solution to the challenge. In fact, in such a way that the city is well-known to city planners worldwide. What has Curitiba done?

City of Curitiba, Brazil 31-3-2012

Curitiba’s bus system is referred to as one of the world’s most efficient, and cities like Los Angeles, Bogota, Las Vegas, Bangalore and many more have modeled their bus systems with inspiration from Curitiba. In 2010 the city was even awarded with the Globe Sustainable City Award. Curitiba’s bus system can briefly be described as:

The bus system of Curitiba, Brazil, exemplifies a model Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system, and plays a large part in making this a livable city. The buses run frequently—some as often as every 90 seconds—and reliably, and the stations are convenient, well-designed, comfortable, and attractive. Consequently, Curitiba has one of the most heavily used, yet low-cost, transit systems in the world. It offers many of the features of a subway system—vehicle movements unimpeded by traffic signals and congestion, fare collection prior to boarding, quick passenger loading and unloading—but it is above ground and visible. Around  70 percent of Curitiba’s commuters use the BRT to travel to work, resulting in congestion-free streets and pollution-free air for the 2.2 million inhabitants of greater Curitiba (…)  about 1,100 buses make 12,500 trips every day, serving more than 1.3 million passengers—50 times the number from 20 years ago. Eighty percent of travelers use the express or direct bus services. Best of all, Curitibanos spend only about 10 percent of their income on travel—much below the national average. (Goodman et al, 2007).

I was fascinated by the “space shuttles” that stand at many of the bus stops (see picture below).

Enter stations for the Curitiba buses

These glass-covered platforms are similar to what would be the metro station under ground elsewhere. They allow the bus company to have the all the passengers ready to board as the bus arrives. Payment is taken care of as the passengers enter the platform. The price is  fixed and relatively cheap. This removes monetary transactions in the buses and creates safer conditions for the driver (in an area of the world with above average crime rates). I imagine that these shelters would be perfect for the colder conditions in the Northern part of Europe; who does not hate to stand in zero degrees, slash and sleet, to wait for the bus that rarely is on time? You lose some flexibility (the bus must stop at the exact location every time) – but, in my experience, standards beat flexibility in transportation systems. It is all about reliability and volumes – two highly interdependent performance measures.

In the part of the world that I come from, the following ironic picture is a good example of the volumes and fun of riding the bus:

Something to learn from Curitiba, Brazil?

It’s a fun fact that the Swedish company Volvo Buses produces and delivers the new buses to Curitiba City in their Curitiba plant (which is the reason why I’m here). As we export the design of our great Nordic products, it should be of interest to import some great Brazilian ideas back home.

• Goodman et al (2007) “Curitiba’s Bus System is Model for Rapid Transit” http://urbanhabitat.org/node/344
• Rede Integrada de Transporte  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rede_Integrada_de_Transporte
• Travel in Brazil: CURITIBA (06). City Images From the Rear of a Bi-Articulate Bus  (insiderbrazil.wordpress.com)

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Modernizing Bus Rapid Transit: Curitiba, Brazil

Modernizing bus rapid transit:, curitiba, brazil, context and policy overview, implementation, barriers and critical success factors, results and lessons learned, links to similar initiatives.

Policy area

Policy option, financial capacity, administrative capacity.

Curitiba, in southern Brazil, is considered one of the world’s most successful examples of how to plan, build and operate a municipal bus rapid transit (BRT) system. In the 1970s, the city introduced the BRT system to ease congestion on its roads. Between 1990 and 2000, the city government subsidised travel and installed an e-ticketing system to encourage the public to use it. Despite its popularity, however, in the new millennium, the bus transport system faced fresh challenges in the face of economic and population growth. An increasing number of people were opting for private vehicles over the BRT system and ridership decreased 4.3 per cent between 2008 and 2012. [1] Studies suggested a lack of punctuality and a last-mile solution as possible causes for the decline in popularity. [2] Consequently, the Urban Development Authority of Curitiba (URBS) decided to overhaul the BRT system, implementing a series of improvements.

The URBS adopted a two-pronged approach to modernising the BRT system. First, it built a new BRT corridor connecting the major terminals and outlying suburbs to accommodate passengers with limited access to public transport. Second, the city partnered with private enterprise to create an intelligent transport system, including measures such as dynamic traffic management, traffic priority signalling and real-time bus information. The government further embarked on improvements in the city’s cycling infrastructure, adding bike lanes and racks in neighbourhoods adjacent to BRT corridors.

Curitiba’s BRT system was originally built in 1974. [ 3 ] In tandem with its development, the city government adopted strategic approaches to meet the challenges that arose at different stages.

Phase 1: Incentivising ridership

The URBS and bus operators upgraded the city’s BRT system incrementally to match municipal growth in a sustainable way. The prefecture of Curitiba was the largest URBS shareholder – a municipal company with the power to steer the development of the public transport system. [ 4 ] In the first two decades of project implementation, the Curitiba government aimed to build an integrated transit network to guide the city’s land-use policies. It constructed an east-west arterial corridor dedicated to bus transit and introduced a flat fare to facilitate transfer between different modes of public transport. [ 5 ]

At the time, two factors impeded passengers from taking buses. An old-school payment method resulted in delays as passengers formed long queues to buy tickets from drivers, with a knock-on effect on bus departure times. Moreover, the bus fare was not affordable for low-income groups. To tackle these challenges, the city government launched an electronic ticketing system to speed up payment and offered incentives to low-income people to promote the use of the BRT system.

In 2002, an electronic ticketing system replaced conventional coin-based payment to accelerate boarding and curtail fare evasion. While express and direct buses required passengers to prepay at stations and terminals, other types of buses allowed passengers to pay with a contactless transport card on embarking. According to the URBS, around 60 per cent of passengers opted for contactless payment when e-tickets were introduced. [6] The elderly and people with disabilities were issued with transport cards that entitled them to lower bus fares. [7]

The e-ticketing system was developed and installed together with Vivo, Brazil’s leading mobile operator, Dataprom, a Brazilian supplier of public transport solutions, and Swedish telecoms giant Ericsson. [8]

In addition to Curitiba's e-ticketing system, the city has launched various incentive programmes. In 2005, the city government cut the Sunday bus fare by 50 per cent to encourage ridership. [9] In addition, multiple groups, including the elderly, children below the age of five, students and people with reduced mobility, travelled free on any BRT service. A unique programme the city undertook to improve social inclusion and the use of public transport was “Garbage that’s not garbage.” The programme encouraged people to sort their residual waste and bring recyclables to waste stations in exchange for bus tickets. [10] This meant that residents of impoverished areas could travel to the city centre by affordable means and access more employment opportunities.

Phase 2: Technical transformation

Since 2009, the City of Curitiba has implemented significant changes to the operation and management of the BRT system. The goal was to improve the user experience and to provide greener public transport. Measures included: (1) the operation of a Green Line and (2) the introduction of an intelligent transport system.

The Green Line was Curitiba’s first step in improving the BRT system’s operational efficiency. The city’s first corridor incorporated segregated bus lanes, allowing different types of BRT services to operate simultaneously without encroaching on each other’s schedules. [11] Stations built along the Green Line provided sufficient space to accommodate local, direct and express services, creating an extensive transport network that connected more neighbourhoods than ever before.

Green Line in Curitiba, Brazil.

The Green Line also demonstrated the Curitiba government’s ambition to increase the sustainability of public transport. It was one of the world’s first bus systems to operate using 100 per cent biodiesel. In summer, the stations used rainwater to cool their interior temperature. The Green Line was estimated to emit 30 per cent less carbon dioxide and 70 per cent less smoke than buses fuelled by diesel. [12]

The city also implemented measures to improve the operation and management of the BRT system through an intelligent transport system. In 2013, the City of Curitiba established a public-private partnership (PPP) with a consortium comprising Indra (a Spanish company), Esteio and Dataprom (two local enterprises specialising in integrated monitoring systems) to develop an intelligent transport system. [13] The lead company, Indra, had had a long working relationship with the Brazilian government, implementing its terrestrial infrastructure modernisation project throughout the country. Two years prior to the PPP, the Curitiba government had worked with Indra and Esteio to pilot a traffic-light control system and test priority bus signalling in two affluent areas. [14] Based on the success of these pilots, the city awarded the consortium a US$ 15 million contract to develop more efficient and environmentally friendly public transport. [15]

The resulting intelligent transport system comprised (a) dynamic traffic management, (b) a priority signalling system and (c) real-time bus information. The goal of the system was to streamline urban traffic management and enhance the efficiency of citywide public transport.

• Dynamic traffic management

The intelligent transport system combined the URBS’s operations centre and other data sources, such as video detectors and a surveillance system, to develop a dynamic traffic plan that evolved with the traffic. The operations centre monitored the city’s fleet of 2,500 buses in real time through on-board computers, GPS modules and sensors, [16] which collected information including bus location, adherence to schedules and estimated travel time, sending it back to the operations centre each minute. [17]

The system also identified areas prone to congestion and proposed alternative routes using predictive algorithms. [18] Any route changes would be communicated to drivers through a message panel installed in the buses. [19] All data transmitted to the operations centre were stored as open data in its database for research purposes. [20]

    2. Priority signalling system

The priority signalling system analysed the geolocation of every bus to optimise its travel time. [21] By linking the GPS module, or automatic vehicle location (AVL), in every bus to the operations centre, it was possible to adjust the timing of traffic lights when a bus was approaching and give it signal priority. [22] The system identified the appropriate intersections for such prioritisation, calculated the optimal travel time of each bus and adopted the best course of action based on the traffic conditions at the various intersections. [23] It also took into account factors such as the location of bus stations, the design of bus lanes (segregated or non-segregated lanes) and bus occupancy rates. [24] Based on this analysis, the operations centre could trigger green lights for buses as needed.

   3. Real-time information

Leveraging the AVL, the operations centre published information such as changes in route, deviations and estimated travel times on a phone application named “Curitiba 156”. Furthermore, electronic panels were installed at stations that indicated bus arrivals and departures in real time. [25] On-board electronic panels provided the estimated travel time to each station, so passengers could anticipate the time it would take to travel to their destination. [26]

Curitiba 156.

Phase 3:  Sustainable public transport

As the city’s population continued to grow, mobility remained a challenge, especially the issue of the “last mile”. Along with the technical transformation of the BRT system, the city government decided to promote cycling to build a more integrated and sustainable public transport system. In 2012, a bicycle-sharing system was implemented as a pilot project and will resume after the revision of an urban cycling route. [27] The city is estimated to be investing about US$ 40 million in creating a cyclist-friendly environment. [28] The first step consisted of renovating the existing cycling infrastructure and extending bikeways by another 200 km. [29] Bike lanes were constructed along BRT corridors and bike racks were installed at almost every station.

Declining ridership was the major difficulty the BRT system encountered. Despite its initial popularity, ridership trended downwards in the 2000s due to unpleasant passenger experiences caused by delays and unpredictable timetables. To resolve this complex problem, the city government implemented gradual changes.

First, it set clear and achievable goals centred on improving the passenger experience and promoting environmental sustainability. Second, the city focused on small wins rather than being over-ambitious. Suitable technical solutions were found to different issues. The successful implementation of each stage laid the groundwork for the project’s ultimate success.

Lastly, the city involved citizens in improving system service quality. For example, it provided green incentives to low-income passengers to promote ridership, social inclusion and environmental protection.

Since its launch in 1974, Curitiba’s BRT system has undergone a remarkable transformation, leading to better operations and management. To date, public transport accounts for nearly 50 per cent of all travel and commutes in the city, while private vehicles only account for about 26 per cent. [30] The rider experience has improved significantly; users rate all seven corridors “good” when it comes to service quality. [31]

Furthermore, the BRT system has successfully promoted environmental sustainability. Optimal operational efficiency combined with biofuel buses has resulted in a 50 per cent reduction in smoke and pollutants, as well as around a 35 per cent decrease in public transport fuel consumption. [32] These results have encouraged the city government to adopt more biofuel buses and increase their monthly mileage by 70 per cent. [33]

Curitiba’s success has inspired other cities around the world to follow its BRT lead. For instance, Bogotá, Colombia has adapted Curitiba’s BRT system to local needs with considerable success. [34]

Cities interested in developing or renovating their public transport systems can learn from Curitiba’s achievements:

• Cities should break down the issues they encounter into small components. In the case of Curitiba, the decline in ridership could be attributed to the problematic ticketing system, a lack of punctuality and a lack of incentive. The city government tackled each issue individually, rather than adopting a one-size-fits-all solution.
• Cutting bus fares is not the only way to enhance social inclusion. Curitiba’s Green Line incentive programme is a case in point. The city encouraged low-income families to recycle residual waste in exchange for bus tickets. The programme not only improved the city’s sanitation, but also provided affordable transport options for citizens living in poor outlying areas, linking them with more economic opportunities in city centres.
• Incremental progress eventually leads to success. When tackling a tricky problem, cities should adopt a comprehensive strategy, but implement gradual change. Focusing on the satisfactory completion of each stage of implementation paves the way for an overall win.
• It is important to design a mechanism that allows the traffic operations centre to control the traffic or intervene without causing traffic chaos.
• In addition to the aforementioned challenges, low ridership may stem from the lack of an integrated system. Providing solutions to the last-mile issue is essential to promoting public transport. In practice, a bicycle-sharing system is commonly used to resolve the problem.

BRT system in Lanzhou, China

BRT system in Bogotá, Colombia

BRT system in Honolulu, Hawaii

[1] F. Halais (2012), “Has South America's Most Sustainable City Lost Its Edge?” Bloomberg CityLab , 6 June 2012. Available at: https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2012-06-06/has-south-america-s-most-sustainable-city-lost-its-edge .

[2] K.K. Hashiguchi, B. de Freitas Gai, D.F. Pigatto and K.V. Ono Fonseca (2020), “Exploratory Analysis of Public Transportation Data of Curitiba, Brazil,” EasyChair Preprint No. 3782. Available at: https://easychair.org/publications/preprint/SbBB .

[3] D. Reed (2015), “How Curitiba's BRT stations sparked a transport revolution – a history of cities in 50 buildings, day 43.” The Guardian , 26 May 2015. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/may/26/curitiba-brazil-brt-transport-revolution-history-cities-50-buildings .

[4] URBS (n.d.), “Quadro de acionistas.” Curitiba. Available at: https://www.urbs.curitiba.pr.gov.br/institucional/acionistas .

[5] L.A. Lindau, D. Hidalgo and D. Facchini (2010), “Curitiba, the Cradle of Bus Rapid Transit.” Built Environment , 36(3): 274‒282. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23289717?read-now=1&seq=1 .

[7] URBS (n.d.), “Cartao-Transporte.” Curitiba, Brazil. Available at: https://www.urbs.curitiba.pr.gov.br/ .

[8] United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), (2012) “The Buses of Brasil: Connectivity - Intelligent Transport Solution | Brasil.” Bonn, Germany. Available at: https://cop23.unfccc.int/climate-action/momentum-for-change/lighthouse-activities/the-buses-of-brasil-connectivity-intelligent-transport-solution .

[10] International New Town Institute (n.d.), “Curitiba, Brazil.” Rotterdam, the Netherlands. Available at: http://www.newtowninstitute.org/spip.php?rubrique127 .

[11] L.A. Lindau, D. Hidalgo and D. Facchini (2010), “Curitiba, the Cradle of Bus Rapid Transit.” Built Environment , 36(3): 274‒282. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23289717?read-now=1&seq=1 .

[13] Indra (2013), “The Brazilian city of Curitiba awards Indra its largest intelligent urban transport and mobility project for €15 million,” 22 July. Available at: https://www.indracompany.com/en/noticia/brazilian-city-curitiba-awards-indra-largest-intelligent-urban-transport-mobility-project .

[14] Indra (2009), “Indra strengthens its position in the Brazilian traffic market after winning contracts,” 14 January. Available at: https://www.indracompany.com/en/noticia/indra-strengthens-position-brazilian-traffic-market-winning-contracts .

[15] Indra (2013), “The Brazilian city of Curitiba awards Indra its largest intelligent urban transport and mobility project for €15 million,” 22 July. Available at: https://www.indracompany.com/en/noticia/brazilian-city-curitiba-awards-indra-largest-intelligent-urban-transport-mobility-project .

[16] K.K. Hashiguchi, B. de Freitas Gai, D.F. Pigatto and K.V. Ono Fonseca (2020), “Exploratory Analysis of Public Transportation Data of Curitiba, Brazil,” EasyChair Preprint No. 3782. Available at: https://easychair.org/publications/preprint/SbBB .

[18] Indra (2013), “The Brazilian city of Curitiba awards Indra its largest intelligent urban transport and mobility project for €15 million,” 22 July. Available at: https://www.indracompany.com/en/noticia/brazilian-city-curitiba-awards-indra-largest-intelligent-urban-transport-mobility-project .

[19] K.K. Hashiguchi, B. de Freitas Gai, D.F. Pigatto and K.V. Ono Fonseca (2020), “Exploratory Analysis of Public Transportation Data of Curitiba, Brazil ,” EasyChair Preprint No. 3782. Available at: https://easychair.org/publications/preprint/SbBB .

[21] Indra (2013), “The Brazilian city of Curitiba awards Indra its largest intelligent urban transport and mobility project for €15 million,” 22 July. Available at: https://www.indracompany.com/en/noticia/brazilian-city-curitiba-awards-indra-largest-intelligent-urban-transport-mobility-project .

[22] R. Cervero (2013), Bus Rapid Transit (BRT): An Efficient and Competitive Mode of Public Transport , Brussels: European Automobile Manufacturers’ Association (ACEA). Available at: https://www.acea.be/uploads/publications/20th_SAG_HR.pdf .

[23] Indra (2013), “The Brazilian city of Curitiba awards Indra its largest intelligent urban transport and mobility project for €15 million,” 22 July. Available at: https://www.indracompany.com/en/noticia/brazilian-city-curitiba-awards-indra-largest-intelligent-urban-transport-mobility-project .

[24] K.K. Hashiguchi, B. de Freitas Gai, D.F. Pigatto and K.V. Ono Fonseca (2020), “Exploratory Analysis of Public Transportation Data of Curitiba, Brazil,” EasyChair Preprint No. 3782. Available at: https://easychair.org/publications/preprint/SbBB .

[26] R. Cervero (2013), Bus Rapid Transit (BRT): An Efficient and Competitive Mode of Public Transport , Brussels: European Automobile Manufacturers’ Association (ACEA). Available at: https://www.acea.be/uploads/publications/20th_SAG_HR.pdf .

[28] F. Duarte (2013), “Quality of Life and Bicycles ‒ How Curitiba has become one of the world’s most liveable cities” in J.C. Dextre, M. Hughes and L. Beech (eds.) Cyclists & Cycling Around the World ‒ Creating Liveable and Bikeable Cities . Lima: Fondo Editorial, Pontifical Catholic University of Peru. Available at: http://cyclists-world.com/onewebmedia/93-100_Quality%20of%20Life%20and%20Bicycles%20-%20%20How%20Curitiba%20has%20become%20one%20of%20the%20world%C3%94%C3%87%C3%96s%20most%20liveable%20cities.pdf .

[30] BRT Data (n.d.), Global BRT Data: System indicators . Available at: https://brtdata.org/location/latin_america/brazil/curitiba

[31] BRT Data (n.d.), User rating, corridor . Available at: https://brtdata.org/indicators/corridors/user_rating_corridor

[32] URBS (n.d.), Sustentabilidade: Transporte . Available at: https://www.urbs.curitiba.pr.gov.br/transporte/sustentabilidade

[34] D. Reed (2015), “How Curitiba's BRT stations sparked a transport revolution – a history of cities in 50 buildings, day 43.” The Guardian , 26 May 2015. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/may/26/curitiba-brazil-brt-transport-revolution-history-cities-50-buildings .

EV Charging Infrastructure

Taipei, taiwan.

Integrated Micro-Mobility

Kaohsiung, taiwan.

Keelung Real-Time Traffic Information Platform

Keelung, taiwan.

Tainan Smart Parking System

Tainan, taiwan.

Balancing Privacy and Intelligent Transport

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TAIPEI BIKE SHARING SYSTEM ‒ YOUBIKE

Parking Information Guidance System

Green, inclusive and gender-responsive urban transport:

Tbilisi, georgia.

TransMilenio:

Bogotá, colombia.

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Planning a Sustainable City: The Making of Curitiba, Brazil

• November 2013
• Journal of Planning History 12(4):334-353
• 12(4):334-353

• The University of Calgary

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