women's rights essay hooks

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103 Women���s Rights Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

Inside This Article

Women'''s rights have come a long way over the years, but there is still much work to be done in order to achieve full gender equality. Writing essays on women'''s rights is a great way to raise awareness about the issues that women face and to advocate for change. If you are looking for inspiration for your next essay on women'''s rights, here are 103 topic ideas and examples to get you started:

• The history of women'''s rights movements
• The impact of the #MeToo movement on women'''s rights
• Gender discrimination in the workplace
• The wage gap between men and women
• Reproductive rights and access to healthcare
• Women'''s rights in developing countries
• The role of women in politics
• The portrayal of women in the media
• Violence against women and the need for stricter laws
• The importance of education for women'''s empowerment
• The intersectionality of women'''s rights and race
• The role of religion in shaping women'''s rights
• Women'''s rights in the LGBTQ+ community
• The impact of social media on women'''s rights activism
• The role of men in supporting women'''s rights
• The effects of globalization on women'''s rights
• Women'''s rights in the criminal justice system
• The representation of women in literature and art
• The impact of colonialism on women'''s rights
• The role of women in the environmental movement
• The relationship between women'''s rights and economic development
• The challenges faced by women in STEM fields
• The importance of reproductive rights for women'''s autonomy
• The impact of the #BlackLivesMatter movement on women of color
• The role of women in the labor movement
• The impact of war and conflict on women'''s rights
• The need for better representation of women in government
• The impact of social norms on women'''s rights
• The role of education in preventing gender-based violence
• The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on women'''s rights
• The importance of intersectional feminism in advancing women'''s rights
• The role of women in the fight against climate change
• The impact of the #SayHerName movement on women of color
• The role of women in the disability rights movement
• The impact of reproductive rights on women'''s economic empowerment
• The impact of colonialism on indigenous women'''s rights
• The role of women in the anti-war movement
• The intersectionality of women'''s rights and disability rights

As you can see, there are countless topics to explore when it comes to women'''s rights. Whether you choose to focus on historical events, current movements, or future challenges, writing essays on women'''s rights is a powerful way to advocate for gender equality and inspire change. So pick a topic that resonates with you, do some research, and start writing!

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Perspective

With the death of bell hooks, a generation of feminists lost a foundational figure.

Lisa B. Thompson

Author and cultural critic bell hooks poses for a portrait on December 16, 1996 in New York City, New York. Karjean Levine/Getty Images hide caption

Author and cultural critic bell hooks poses for a portrait on December 16, 1996 in New York City, New York.

"We black women who advocate feminist ideology, are pioneers. We are clearing a path for ourselves and our sisters. We hope that as they see us reach our goal – no longer victimized, no longer unrecognized, no longer afraid – they will take courage and follow." bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman

Arts & Life

Trailblazing feminist author, critic and activist bell hooks has died at 69.

There are well-worn bell hooks books scattered throughout my library. She's in nearly every section – race, class, film, cultural studies – and, as expected, her books take up an entire shelf in the feminism section. I doubt I would have survived this long without her work, and the work of other Black feminist thinkers of her generation, to guide me. I've retrieved every bell hooks book today, and the unwieldy stack comforts me as I assess the impact of her loss.

If you ever heard hooks speak, it would come as no surprise that she first attended college to study drama, as she recounted in a 1992 essay. In the 1990s she blessed my college campus for a week, and I was mesmerized by lectures that were deliciously brilliant yet full of humor. Her banter with the audience during the Q&A floated easily between thoughtful answers, deep questioning and sly quips that kept us at rapt attention. Her words garner just as much attention on the page. She was a prolific writer, and her intellectual curiosity was boundless.

Discovering bell hooks changed the lives of countless Black women and girls. After picking up one of her many titles – Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center; Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics; Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism – the world suddenly made sense. She reordered the universe by boldly gifting us with the language and theories to understand who we were in an often hostile and alienating society.

She also made clear that, as Black women, we belonged to no one but ourselves. A bad feminist from the start, hooks was clearly uninterested in being safe, respectable or acceptable, and charted a career on her own terms. She implored us to transgress and struggle, but to do so with love and fearlessness. Her brave, bold and beautiful words not only spoke truth to power, but also risked speaking that same truth to and about our beloved icons and culture.

As we traversed hostile spaces in academia, corporate America, the arts, medicine and sometimes our own families, hooks not only taught us how to love ourselves, but also insisted that we seek justice. She helped us to better understand and, if necessary, forgive the women who birthed and raised us. She claimed feminism without apology, and encouraged Black women in particular to embrace feminism, and to do more than simply identify their oppression, but to envision new ways of being in the world. She called on us to honor early pioneers such as Anna Julia Cooper and Mary Church Terrell, who first claimed the mantle of women's rights.

The lower-case name bell hooks published under challenged a system of academic writing that historically belittled and ignored the work of Black scholars. She also used language that was as plain and as clear as her politics. While her writing was deeply personal, often carved from her own experiences, her ideas were relentlessly rigorous and full of citations—even though she eschewed footnotes, another refusal of the academy's standards that endeared her to those of us determined to remake intellectual traditions that denied our very humanity.

Rejecting footnotes seemed to symbolize the fact that the knowledge hooks most valued could not fit into those tiny spaces. Her writing style hinted at the fact that her ideas were always more expansive than even her books could hold. While there were no footnotes, her books were love notes to a people she loved fiercely.

No matter where she taught or lived, bell hooks always kept Kentucky and her family ties close. She frequently claimed her southern Black working-class background and an abiding love for her home. Although she was educated at prestigious schools, she always spoke with the wisdom and wit of our mothers, grandmothers and aunties. Her return to the Bluegrass State and Berea College towards the end of her career has a narrative elegance. A generation of feminists has lost a foundational figure and a beloved icon, but her legacy lives on in her writing, which will provide sustenance for generations to come.

Lisa B. Thompson is a playwright and the Bobby and Sherri Patton Professor of African & African Diaspora Studies at the University of Texas at Austin. Follow her @drlisabthompson on Twitter and Instagram .

How to Write a Marvelous Women’s Rights Essay

Being a college student means being ready to handle academic assignments on various topics, issues, and questions. It is no problem if you have no idea how to write a progress repor t, or you ask yourself, “How should I write my term paper on the most important historical events in the USA?” or if you are mulling over “How to write my coursework ?”, or if you are looking for some professional help with “How should I write my dissertation if I am not quite familiar with the issue it covers?”

In this situation, you have several solutions: on the one hand, you can turn to our professional service with your “ write my essay for me ” request or visit our website and get some writing tips for free. 

Writing a women’s rights essay may sound too feminist. But don’t think this way! Essays and books that touch women’s rights issues have had great influence on society. Speeches, social activities, and publications are only a small part of the continuous struggle of women for their rights and freedoms. All these have turned women from mere housewives into persons with rights and freedoms. Women all over the world began to fight not only for the right to vote and work, but also for the voice in their own families.

Feminism is a recognition that people are treated differently depending on their biological sex and prevailing dominance of gender norms. Women face inequalities at schools, colleges, and work. Many of them have limited access to recourse and politics. Domestic and intimate partner violence and sexual assaults are conducted all over the world on regular basis. And feminism is a woman’s decision to fight these inequalities to create a more equitable society.

To be a feminist means to recognize a woman as an independent, full-fledged person. Both men and women can share feminist ideas. But if we consider feminism as women’s movement for rights and freedoms, then a man can be considered as their ally and a like-minded person.

What is a women’s rights essay

When you ask yourself, “How should I write my college essay on a specific issue?” it is very important to understand the entire goal of your writing. For example, when working on a point of view essay , you have to understand which point of view you are going to present, as well as when working on an observation essay , you have to understand what you will take a look at.  A women’s rights essay is an essay written on topics related to feminism and women’s rights movements. Writing a women’s rights essay may involve the research of historical aspects of women’s rights movements, investigating and analyzing the most urgent problems connected with limitation of women’s rights and freedoms, and highlighting solutions to the problems. To write a good women’s rights essay you need to use your skills to persuade, analyze, and think critically.

Usually, women’s rights essays are written in an analytical, descriptive, or persuasive style. As any academic assignment, these essays should be based on articles and publications from reliable sources. Every point of view should be supported by evidence with quotations, statistics, or facts. The essay should be properly cited and formatted according to the required formatting style.

In this article our essay writers want to share with you some approaches and ideas that may be helpful when writing a women’s rights essay.

Thesis ideas for a women’s rights essay

Sometimes, students come to us with their “ write my research pape r” or “ write my assignment ” requests because they are assigned a paper in a field they are not familiar with. Of course, in this case, college learners are more likely to face challenges because they need to choose the topic to cover. As a solution, you can search for some up-to-date thesis ideas that could help you choose something relevant to your audience.   In this article, we are going to take a look at some thesis ideas for a women’s rights essay.  This type of essay can touch all spheres that are connected with women’s rights. You can discuss the role of women in a particular epoch, analyze women’s rights movements and organizations, explore the issues on women’s equality, and much more.

Usually essays are connected with the most urgent women’s rights issues. Below you can see the list of issues accompanied by thesis statements.

• Child marriage.

Thesis: Child marriage should be banned, as it puts young girls at risk of early pregnancies with life-threatening conditions. Countries should use progressive programs to reduce child marriage.

• Domestic violence.

Thesis: Violence from intimate partners can move from threats and verbal abuse to acts of violence. The paper will discuss the causes and consequences of violence from an intimate partner in hetero and gay couples.

• Gender equality.

Thesis: The paper will discuss the need of quality maternal health care and health education in third world countries.

• Sexual violence and rape.

Thesis: Sexual assault cannot be justified in any case. Students should learn how to minimize the risk of becoming a victim and how to help those who have been abused.

• Women in the army.

Thesis: Women veterans are more prone to becoming homeless and committing suicide than civilian women. The paper discusses the ways to improve the life of women veterans.

• Labor rights.

Thesis: Women are paid less than men, so the government should have great attention to controlling payment systems according to gender.

• Sexual and reproductive rights.

Thesis: Women should have the right to decide whether to have an abortion or not. And if the woman will decide to leave the child, she should be supported by the government.

• Women’s access to justice.

Thesis: To solve the problem of the poor access women have to justice, we should understand causes and consequences of this issue.

If you want more topic ideas for your essay – check our women’s rights topics . Our use our free AI essay writer tool to generate more ideas on this specific topic.

Women’s rights essay intro paragraph

Here is an example of an introduction paragraph for women’s rights essay.

Title: Intimate Partner Violence

One of the most common forms of violence against women is intimate partner violence. For more than a century ago, it was considered more of a normal thing to beat a woman. In many countries it’s still common. The problem of domestic violence has long been a taboo issue, and still it faces resistance from society on addressing this problem.

There are many myths about the problem of intimate partner violence, such as that violence occurs only in socially disadvantaged families, that there is a certain appearance and social position of women subjected to violence, etc. Violence exists in all social groups regardless of the level of income, education, position in society, class, race, culture, religion, and socioeconomic aspects.

Women’s rights essay examples

When you are suffering difficulties with writing your college paper, whether you are looking for some “ write my personal statement ” assistance, or you are searching for “ write my PowerPoint presentation ” help, or you simply need a professional to entrust your “ write my APA paper ” order to, a quality sample paper can show you the best route.

On our website , you can find more ideas for your essay in our samples dedicated to women’s rights:

• The role of women at the beginning of the 20th century
• How the American Revolution influenced women’s rights in the 18th century
• Views of Coco Chanel on women’s rights

Women’s rights essay sample

In the text below you can find a full example of a women’s rights essay. Consider the structure, transition phrases, and how the author approaches the topic.

Are We Still Fighting for Women’s Rights Today? Why or Why Not?

Apparently, the modern world finds itself amid the exaltation of another feminist movement wave. In fact, feminism as a global movement, and not only for women’s rights but for the equality of human rights, has been at the top of the list of every contemporary dispute all over the range of social groups. Feminism as a movement emerged at the dawn of the previous century and has had its growth and decline. In the last five years, it has become a trend to discuss the rights of women in terms of the equality of rights in general. However, the movement does not occur to limit itself within verbal disputes only, as it has spread in many other areas of actions, such as legal norms, mass media presentations, and many others. Accordingly, we are still fighting for women’s rights today.

Many apparent and less apparent reasons influence the fact that the struggle for the rights of women continues. Feminists all over the globe are implementing their discussions and actions in terms of various facets of the question of human rights (Shachar, 2006). The primary basis that grounds the discussion constitutes the argument of human rights that serves as a critical justification for the existence of the feminist movement (Bunch, 1990, p. 486). This way, an ordinary feminist would always claim that human rights and equality are a critical prerogative that encompasses the overall ideology of the feminist movement. As is underlined by Bunch, women being equal with men, which is the main slogan that represents the idea, includes the right of women within the given perspective. Accordingly, one might as well happen to claim that in spite of many victories on the side of the feminist movement, there is still an evident manifestation of the fact that the struggle continues, and women still fight for their rights.

It has already been mentioned that the fight for women’s rights continues within many facets of its perspective, as it encompasses the terms of legal implementation of norms, ideological persuasion through media, and simple alternation of the ethical norms conductions. Such a thing as the use of feminine words is one of the key examples that claim to interpret the struggle and its spread within the ideological perspective. Through the meager details that spread to the ethical norms of the professional environment, the alterations of which lead to the positive change from the initiative of the feminist movement, the ideology, and general perception spread itself (Shachar, 2006). For instance, as the manager shakes hands with male representatives of the work community and ignores merely the female part of the audience, people who appear to step up against the male-biased norm of the professional ethics ritual represent the evidence of the topicality of the feminist movement. One might also appear to claim that meager details that could as well seem to be irrelevant present the most critical element that allows asserting the fact that the fight for women’s rights continues.

It also occurs to be essential to realize that formality is never enough for the feminist movement to be active. This way, for the fight for equality, for human rights and for the rights of women to go on, it appears to be crucial to avoid empty promises and formal changes. Feminists must take into consideration the fact that implementing the legal changes on the official level is what the movement altogether must strive for. Making sure that women are paid as much as men, that administrative positions are occupied by women as much as by men, that women do get the same career chances as men, that politics allows for women to be equal opponents to men who can take the same positions at the governmental organs, is an evident change that claims the feminist movement to be successful in terms of their fight for human rights and equality. All in all, feminists who struggle in their battle for the right of not only women, but humanity as a whole, must look out for the empty promises and false changes; however, it is vital to concentrate on the fact of institutional change. For this reason, the women’s rights movement also considers the legal change to be institutional, as specified on this level the change in the community comes.

Nevertheless, the implementation of the initiative articulates itself quite evidently from the changes that follow from the initial steps that individuals make within a community. It occurs to be spoken of schools and kindergartens, but elementary schools specifically, where the children perceive the existent norm in their community, which they manage to impose on society in general. Thus, the changes in society that are perceived in early childhood influence the fact of the existence of the feminist movement and its success.

Eventually, by summing up, one has to underline the fact that there is an evident manifestation in modern society that the fight for women’s rights continues. The rise of the feminist movement wave, in which contemporary society appears to find itself, claims to have its success in various areas of the global range. It is vital that changes occur not only on the formal level, but also find their evident employment on the institutional level.

Bunch, Charlotte. “Women’s rights as human rights: Toward a re-vision of human rights.” Human Rights Quarterly, vol 12, no. 4, 1990, p. 486. JSTOR, doi:10.2307/762496. Shachar, Ayelet. Multicultural jurisdictions: Cultural differences and women’s rights. Cambridge Univ. Press, 2006.

Where to find additional information and inspiration for women rights essay

We are happy to provide lists of documents, books, and movies that may inspire you with ideas for your women’s rights essay. Also, you can find helpful information and facts.

Documents to study:

– Seneca Falls Convention (1848) – The Declaration of Sentiments (1848) – National Women’s Conference (1977) – Speech: “Ain’t I a Woman?” (1851)

Books to read:

– “The Yellow Wallpaper” (1892) – Charlotte Perkins Gilman – “The Second Sex” (1949) – Simone de Beauvoir – “The Feminine Mystique” (1963) – Betty Friedan – “The Bell Jar” (1967) – Sylvia Plath – “The Beauty Myth” (1990) – Naomi Wolf – “Desert Flower” (1998) – Waris Dirie – “Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy” (2003) – Barbara Ehrenreich – “Why Be Happy When You Could Be Normal?” (2011) – Jeanette Winterson – “The Second Shift” (2012) – Arlie Russell Hochschild

Movies to see:

– “The Life and Times of Rosie the Riveter” (1980) – “Ida B. Wells: A Passion for Justice” (1989) – “A League of Their Own” (1992) – “Ma Vie en Rose” (1997) – “The Contender” (2000) – “Whale Rider” (2002) – “Killing Us Softly 4: Advertising’s Image of Women” (2010) – “The Women’s Balcony” (2016) – “Battle of the Sexes” (2017)

Women’s rights essay help from writing experts

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Writing a women’s rights essay may be both easy and difficult. We sincerely hope that this article will help you create a good essay, or at least will inspire you on writing one. However, if you have some troubles with writing your assignment, just know that EssayShark is here to help you. Fill in your specifications in the order form and get a completely unique paper by the deadline.

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Essay on Feminism

500 words essay on feminism.

Feminism is a social and political movement that advocates for the rights of women on the grounds of equality of sexes. It does not deny the biological differences between the sexes but demands equality in opportunities. It covers everything from social and political to economic arenas. In fact, feminist campaigns have been a crucial part of history in women empowerment. The feminist campaigns of the twentieth century made the right to vote, public property, work and education possible. Thus, an essay on feminism will discuss its importance and impact.

Importance of Feminism

Feminism is not just important for women but for every sex, gender, caste, creed and more. It empowers the people and society as a whole. A very common misconception is that only women can be feminists.

It is absolutely wrong but feminism does not just benefit women. It strives for equality of the sexes, not the superiority of women. Feminism takes the gender roles which have been around for many years and tries to deconstruct them.

This allows people to live freely and empower lives without getting tied down by traditional restrictions. In other words, it benefits women as well as men. For instance, while it advocates that women must be free to earn it also advocates that why should men be the sole breadwinner of the family? It tries to give freedom to all.

Most importantly, it is essential for young people to get involved in the feminist movement. This way, we can achieve faster results. It is no less than a dream to live in a world full of equality.

Thus, we must all look at our own cultures and communities for making this dream a reality. We have not yet reached the result but we are on the journey, so we must continue on this mission to achieve successful results.

Impact of Feminism

Feminism has had a life-changing impact on everyone, especially women. If we look at history, we see that it is what gave women the right to vote. It was no small feat but was achieved successfully by women.

Further, if we look at modern feminism, we see how feminism involves in life-altering campaigns. For instance, campaigns that support the abortion of unwanted pregnancy and reproductive rights allow women to have freedom of choice.

Moreover, feminism constantly questions patriarchy and strives to renounce gender roles. It allows men to be whoever they wish to be without getting judged. It is not taboo for men to cry anymore because they must be allowed to express themselves freely.

Similarly, it also helps the LGBTQ community greatly as it advocates for their right too. Feminism gives a place for everyone and it is best to practice intersectional feminism to understand everyone’s struggle.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Conclusion of the Essay on Feminism

The key message of feminism must be to highlight the choice in bringing personal meaning to feminism. It is to recognize other’s right for doing the same thing. The sad part is that despite feminism being a strong movement, there are still parts of the world where inequality and exploitation of women take places. Thus, we must all try to practice intersectional feminism.

FAQ of Essay on Feminism

Question 1: What are feminist beliefs?

Answer 1: Feminist beliefs are the desire for equality between the sexes. It is the belief that men and women must have equal rights and opportunities. Thus, it covers everything from social and political to economic equality.

Question 2: What started feminism?

Answer 2: The first wave of feminism occurred in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It emerged out of an environment of urban industrialism and liberal, socialist politics. This wave aimed to open up new doors for women with a focus on suffrage.

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Essay on Women’s Rights

Students are often asked to write an essay on Women’s Rights in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Women’s Rights

Introduction.

Women’s rights are fundamental human rights that everyone should respect. They include the right to live free from violence, to be educated, to vote, and to earn a fair wage.

History of Women’s Rights

The fight for women’s rights began in the 1800s. Women protested for the right to vote, work, and receive equal pay. Their efforts led to significant changes.

Importance of Women’s Rights

Women’s rights are vital for equality. When women have the same rights as men, societies are fairer and more balanced.

There is still work to be done to ensure women’s rights worldwide. Everyone should strive to promote and protect these rights.

250 Words Essay on Women’s Rights

The historical context.

The fight for women’s rights has been a long-standing struggle. From the suffragettes of the early 20th century who fought for women’s right to vote, to the women’s liberation movement of the 1960s which sought economic and social equality, women’s rights have been a contentious issue throughout history.

Current Status

Despite significant progress, gender inequality persists in many parts of the world. Women are still underrepresented in political and corporate leadership, they are more likely to live in poverty, and they face higher levels of violence and discrimination.

Challenges and Solutions

The path to gender equality is fraught with obstacles, including deeply entrenched societal norms and institutions. However, change is possible. Education, legislation, and societal shifts in attitudes towards gender can play a significant role in promoting women’s rights.

The fight for women’s rights is a fight for human rights. As society evolves, it is crucial to continue advocating for gender equality, not just for the benefit of women, but for the betterment of society as a whole.

500 Words Essay on Women’s Rights

Women’s rights, a subject that has been at the forefront of social and political discussions for centuries, is a complex and multifaceted issue. It encompasses a wide range of topics, from the right to vote and work to reproductive rights and gender equality. This essay aims to delve into the evolution of women’s rights, the current state of these rights, and the challenges that remain.

The Evolution of Women’s Rights

Current state of women’s rights.

The progress made in the past century is undeniable. Women have achieved significant strides in political representation, educational attainment, and economic participation. However, the fight for equality is far from over. Globally, women still earn less than men, are underrepresented in positions of power, and are more likely to experience violence and discrimination.

Challenges and the Way Forward

The struggle for women’s rights faces numerous challenges. These include deeply entrenched patriarchal norms, religious and cultural beliefs, and structural inequalities that disadvantage women. To overcome these obstacles, it is essential to continue advocating for policy changes that promote gender equality, such as equal pay legislation, paid parental leave, and laws to prevent and punish gender-based violence.

In conclusion, while significant progress has been made in the fight for women’s rights, there is still much work to be done. The struggle for gender equality is not just a women’s issue; it is a human issue that affects us all. By continuing to advocate for policy changes and cultural shifts, we can create a world where all women have the opportunity to live free from discrimination and violence, and to realize their full potential.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

Happy studying!

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Women's Rights — Women’s Rights in Today’s Society

Women's Rights in Today's Society

• Categories: Women's Rights

About this sample

Words: 1636 |

Published: Nov 19, 2018

Words: 1636 | Pages: 4 | 9 min read

Feminism as a Defense of Women's Rights in Today's Society

Personal thoughts and conclusions, women’s rights essay outline.

1) Introduction

• Personal connection and significance of the topic
• The significance of women’s rights and feminism in contemporary society

2) Historical Context

• Women’s historical lack of legal and political rights
• Persistent gender inequality

3) Feminism Defined

• Political, economic, and social gender equality
• Debunking common misconceptions
• Ashley Judd’s speech as an example of feminist activism

4) Gender Pay Gap

• Overview of the wage gap
• Disparities for women of color
• Unequal benefits and contraceptive costs

5) Gendered Pricing

• Gender-based pricing in consumer goods
• Economic impact on women
• Reasons behind gendered pricing

6) Media’s Role

• Media’s influence on feminist perceptions
• Social media and feminist movements
• Addressing media-generated stereotypes

7) Opposition to Feminism

• Recognizing feminism’s critics
• Analyzing anti-feminist arguments

8) Sexual Harassment

• Prevalence and definition
• Impact on victims
• Importance of a safe reporting environment

9) Personal Experience and Conclusion

• Sharing a personal experience related to sexual harassment
• Reflecting on the impact
• Emphasizing the urgency of gender equality
• Reiterating the importance of women’s rights and feminism

10) Works Cited

Works Cited

• Adichie, C. N. (2014). We should all be feminists. Anchor Books.
• Hooks, B. (2000). Feminism is for everybody: Passionate politics. Pluto Press.
• The National Organization for Women. (2021). Women’s Rights. https://now.org/issues/
• Steinem, G. (2015). My life on the road. Random House.
• United Nations Development Programme. (2021). Gender equality. https://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/sustainable-development-goals/goal-5-gender-equality.html
• Davis, A. Y. (2016). Freedom is a constant struggle: Ferguson, Palestine, and the foundations of a movement. Haymarket Books.
• Federici, S. (2019). Caliban and the witch: Women, the body and primitive accumulation. Verso Books.
• Shetterly, M. L. (2016). Hidden figures: The American dream and the untold story of the black women mathematicians who helped win the space race. HarperCollins.
• Johnson, A. G. (2014). The gender knot: Unraveling our patriarchal legacy. Temple University Press.
• Orenstein, P. (2012). Cinderella ate my daughter: Dispatches from the front lines of the new girlie-girl culture. HarperCollins.

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Introduction

Works cited.

The struggle for women’s rights and abolition were intricately linked movements of the 19 th century. Professor Kelton in fact has argued that the former was in many ways an unintended outcome of the latter. Kathryn Kish Sklar is one of the women who were born in the early 19 th century and played a great role of ensuring that women achieve their equality with their male counterparts.

Thus, the 19 th century marked an era when this feminist views gradually came into play and greatly influenced gender interactions. Despite the challenges facing the women’s rights movement, the group is important movement that introduces women to equal opportunities with men.

How the Anti-Slavery Movement Challenge Established Notions of Manhood and Womanhood

Kathryn Kish Sklar’s general idea in the book is to enlighten people on the role of women in the society during the 19 th century, how it changed dramatically, how women began to realize the various opportunities for them outside the domestic scene.

She demonstrates this by showing how the white women became sympathizers of the black women who were held as slaves and were fighting for their liberation. Gender equality was the driving force behind the pushing for the freedom of slaves. As a result, the traditional views of women were changing, hence bringing about the notion of feminism (Sklar 14).

On the other hand, Feminism precedes anti-feminism. This means that when one makes an effort to eliminate male dominion in the society, another tries to counter this efforts in order to maintain the status quo (Heilmann 51). The issue of feminism was countered by the United States government by abolishing slavery and giving the black men the rights to vote instead (64). This shows that the government was not ready to offer the women their rights as it decided to be gender biased.

What Led the Grimké Sisters to Conclude That They Should Pursue Women’s Rights and Abolition

Sklar (31) points out that the Grimke sisters had a growing belief that every human being is an independent entity and only subject to God and not to another human being. In 1829, the Grimke sisters traveled from South Carolina to Philadelphia where they found an opportunity of justifying the rights for women in addressing their issues in public.

They received oppositions from the clergy men from South Carolina’s men, thus making the Grimke sisters to form the women’s rights movement in Philadelphia as they knew that the Orthodox Quakers in Philadelphia did not only oppose the issue of slavery but were also not ready to deal with challenging social issues that would result to disunity among members of their community.

Despite the fact that they still had a challenge of addressing the issues concerning women equality, the Grimke sisters managed to convey their intended message using the biblical point of view. This is illustrated through Angelina who claimed that she did not recognize the difference between the rights of men and the rights of women since Jesus Christ does not advocate for inequality (Sklar 35).

Therefore, the Grimke sisters objected the slavery and their inequality with their male counterparts by basing their arguments on a Christianity point of view. By addressing their issues publicly, they managed to push for the abolition of various rules that worked to their disadvantage. Some of these rules included obtaining the husband’s consent while carrying out some activities, loosing of their names once they got married, loosing their property once the women got married, lack of power in controlling the children (Sklar 53).

The Grimke sisters played a critical role in facilitating the passing of the married woman’s property law in 1850.This law provided the married women with an opportunity of owning as well as inheriting property (Sklar 96). Through these movements, the women continued pushing for other things such as schooling. As a result, they acquired high skilled jobs such as doctors. More over, in the civil war period they served as nurses to soldiers (104).

What Women in the Women’s Rights Movement Wanted and the Reasons Why

Towards the mid 19 th century, during the time of economic growth the family unit begun to realize that they needed to work together to keep up with a changing world with new opportunities and intensified needs (Weiss and Marilyn 103).

Most men went to urban centers to work in industries and women were left at home to carry out domestic work which included raising children, cooking and cleaning and being there when the husbands return. This resulted into a new dynamic in gender roles where women increasingly felt that they needed to do more to contribute to the welfare of the household through earning an income. This can be seen as the origin of women’s right movement whose reception was not welcomed by their male counterparts.

The women however did not relent on the push for their rights. In 1834, various women’s societies which comprised of members from Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, and New England collaborated in order to abolish prostitution as well as other types of women’s sexual harassment. The women in United States continued to fight for their rights to vote in 1848, hence leading to National Women’s Rights Convention in 1850 which was headed by male who supported this move (Sklar 109).

In 1858, the rights for women however went to greater heights as they demanded for their reproductive rights. In spite the fact that women contributed greatly in the anti-slavery movement, their participation was however controversial and this led to a division in the American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS) in 1839 after Kelley Foster was elected as a business committee member (Sklar 111).

Therefore, the anti-slavery movement created an avenue for the formation of the women’s right movement thus bringing about what women wanted; women public speakers such as Grimke sisters, and Abby Kelly Foster among others. Women perceived that by being in a position of public speakers will provide them with an opportunity of creating a considerable impact on social changes of the women in the society.

How the Issues of Race and Gender Complicate the Respective Abolitionist and Suffrage Movements and Then Ultimately Weaken the Latter

The issue of race in the abolitionist and suffrage movement came as a result of the black women been given the rights to vote. This made the white men to be scared of what would happen if a women’s government came in place (Sklar 112).This facilitated the spread of racism into the women’s right movement which was instigated from both within the groups as well as outside the group.

On the other hand, the white women feared that the black men would take up their positions in the political arena and hence they started to portray racism within the movement (Fluehr-Lobban 190). Hence, the issue of race and gender complicated the abolitionist and suffrage movement, thus weakening it in the latter through formation of black women rights movement and white women right movement.

From the above illustrations, Kathryn Kish Sklar’s demonstrates the power of the women’s rights movement by expressing the women’s words, deeds and life experiences. Women like the Grimke sisters who were the pioneers of the movement during the time of the anti-slavery movement have influenced the women of the 20 th and the 21 st century. The 19 th century marked an era during which the foundation of what today is referred to as “the independent woman” was laid.

However, in spite the fact that the Grimke sisters managed to fight for the role of women in the society, racism thereafter played a critical role in segregating the blacks among the whites, thus forming what we see currently; the white women activist movement and the black women activist movement.

Fluehr-Lobban, Carolyn. Race and racism: an introduction. Lanham, MD: Rowman Altamira, 2006, pp. 186-194.

Heilmann, Anne. Anti-feminism in Edwardian literature. London: Thoemmes Continuum, 2006, pp. 46-93.

Sklar, Kathryn. Women’s rights emerges within the anti-slavery movement, 1830-1870. Boston, MA: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2000, pp. 113-12.

Weiss, Penny and Marilyn Friedman. Feminism and community. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1995, pp. 109- 99.

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10 rules: following bell hooks’ instructions for our movement

February 1. 2022 Jess Eagle, Strategic Communications Manager

How to best honor a mother and creator of feminism, bell hooks: follow the instructions she provided for our movement. They are as relevant today as when she wrote them 30 years ago. 

These are the tenets Equal Rights Advocates lives and works by. They guide our every decision.

“bell hooks taught us, love must drive our movement — our goals, our priorities, and  how  we do our work.  We cannot reject love as feminism’s cornerstone because we are afraid we won’t be taken seriously. ”

bell hooks told us, feminism must center the needs of Black women and others who are most oppressed by society and culture. We must commit to finding solutions for people of all genders. Our movement must reject a fear-based scarcity mindset of white supremacy that tries to fool us into seeing a limited number of seats at the table, that tries to divide us with the lie that we must choose our battles.

bell hooks taught us, we must do our work with the recognition that sexism, racism, homophobia, and all forms of oppression overlap to create women’s daily experiences of economic insecurity, gender-based violence, professional and creative stifling, and the devaluing of our lives and contributions. All forms of oppression have joined forces to keep us down, so we too must all join forces to achieve true freedom.

“bell hooks told us…our movement must reject a fear-based scarcity mindset of white supremacy that tries to fool us into seeing a limited number of seats at the table. ”

bell hooks showed us, love must drive our movement — our goals, our priorities, and how we do our work. We cannot reject love as feminism’s cornerstone because we are afraid we won’t be taken seriously. In a culture that tries to convince us love has no value outside the home, rejecting love as our movement’s North Star means conceding to the very forces that oppress us in the first place.

bell hooks reminded us, the love that leads our movement for change must include self-love , the most radical exercise of anti-oppression a woman can practice.

This Black History Month, we honor bell hooks by recommitting ourselves to her instructions for the feminist movement:

• “Dominator culture has tried to keep us all afraid, to make us choose safety instead of risk, sameness instead of diversity. Moving through that fear, finding out what connects us, reveling in our differences ; this is the process that brings us closer, that gives us a world of shared values, of meaningful community.” – Teaching Community: A Pedagogy of Hope, 2003
• “To build community requires vigilant awareness of the work we must continually do to undermine all the socialization that leads us to behave in ways that perpetuate domination.” – Teaching Community: A Pedagogy of Hope, 2003
• “ All our silences in the face of racist assault are acts of complicity. ” –  Killing Rage: Ending Racism, 1995
• “We continue to put in place the anti-sexist thinking and practice which affirms the reality that females can achieve self-actualization and success without dominating one another .” – Feminism is for Everybody: Passionate Politics, 2000
• “It is obvious that many women have appropriated feminism to serve their own ends, especially those white women who have been at the forefront of the movement; but rather than resigning myself to this appropriation I choose to re-appropriate the term ‘feminism,’ to focus on the fact that to be ‘feminist’ in any authentic sense of the term is to want for all people, female and male, liberation from sexist role patterns, domination, and oppression .” – Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism, 1981
• “One of the best guides to how to be self-loving is to give ourselves the love we are often dreaming about receiving from others… It is silly, isn’t it, that I would dream of someone else offering to me the acceptance and affirmation I was withholding from myself. This was a moment when the maxim ‘You can never love anybody if you are unable to love yourself’ made clear sense. And I add, ‘ Do not expect to receive the love from someone else you do not give yourself .’” – All About Love: New Visions, 1999
• “We can’t combat white supremacy unless we can teach people to love justice. You have to love justice more than your allegiance to your race, sexuality and gender. It is about justice.” – interview with Jet Magazine, 2013
• “Marginality [is] much more than a site of deprivation. In fact I was saying just the opposite: that it is also the site of radical possibility, a space of resistance.” – Marginality As a Site of Resistance, 1990
• “The process begins with the individual woman’s acceptance that American women, without exception, are socialized to be racist, classist and sexist, in varying degrees, and that labeling ourselves feminists does not change the fact that we must consciously work to rid ourselves of the legacy of negative socialization .” – Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism, 1981
• “The moment we choose to love we begin to move against domination, against oppression. The moment we choose to love we begin to move towards freedom , to act in ways that liberate ourselves and others.” – Outlaw Culture: Resisting Representations, 1994

Follow the rest of our Black History Month content, including a series honoring Black Women Currently Making History, by following us on Twitter and Instagram .

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Women’s Rights Essay | Essay on Women’s Rights for Students and Children in English

February 13, 2024 by Prasanna

Women’s Rights Essay:  Ever since time unknown, there have been differences between the two genders. The issue of women empowerment or women rights women’s Rights Essay | Essay on Women’s Rights for Students and Children in English e not something new and have been continuing from a very long time.

There are feminists worldwide who argue that men get more privileges than women. Today it is right to say that the gender roles have somewhat become equal than what it was in the past, yet there is still a long way to go.

You can also find more  Essay Writing  articles on events, persons, sports, technology and many more.

Long and Short Essays on Women’s Rights for Students and Kids in English

We are providing students with samples of essay on an extended piece of 500 words and short writing of 150 words on the topic “Women’s Rights Essay” for reference.

Long Essay on Women’s Rights 500 Words in English

Long Essay on Women’s Rights is usually given to classes 7, 8, 9, and 10.

Feminism is a movement that has always stood up for women’s rights. It recognises the idea that individuals are treated differently based on their biological identities, and they still exist a dominance of the male gender. No matter what the environment is, be it a school or work, women are treated in a subordinate manner.

Across time and culture, women rights movement have changed in form and perspective. Many argue for the notion that women’s rights are in the domain of workplace equality. Still, many say that even domestic equality is in the niche of women’s rights.

There are exceptional circumstances like in case of maternity leave that women require unique treatments. In the USA the concept of maternity leave came up long back, and nowadays the idea has reached to the developing countries. Women of many countries are subjected to social ills, but if there are special provisions for the safeguard of women, then there can be women equality ensured.

The history of women rights movements could be traced back to the 1700s and the 1800s. The first-ever convention to take place in favour of women’s rights was in Seneca Falls, situated in New York. Later, the marriage protest of 1855 by Lucy Stone and Henry Blackwell advocated the rights of women. They protested against the laws that bound women in their husband’s control and supported that women should have their own identity and should exist outside the control of their husbands.

The National Organization for Women or more commonly known as NOW was another step forward in women rights movements. It took place in 1966 and were entirely based on the idea of equality. This organisation wanted to provide equal opportunity to women so that as humans, their full potentials could develop.

In 1979, a United Nations Convention took place for discussing women’s rights. The main focus of this convention was to take suitable measures for removing all discrimination against women, which was a significant step forward in the women’s right movement. This convention made it clear that gender equality should exist in all sphere, no matter if it is economical, political, civil, social, or cultural. This convention looked forward to reducing all the prejudices against women, the abolition of sex trafficking or child marriages.

Europe saw the first-ever proto-feminist movements in the 19th century. This movement propounded the ideals of feminism, and such a concept inspired many women. The most well-known effect of this proto-feminist movement is the Female Moral Reform Society which gave the women a significant representation.

Ever since the historical times, women have actively participated in building the society. Several women took place in the first and the second world wars, and their works received not much recognition. The several waves of feminism that took place throughout the timeline reflected the contribution of women, and therefore we must realise their importance. We should build a society of equality and harmony where women are not in the suffering end.

Short Essay on Women’s Rights 150 Words in English

Short Essay on Women’s Rights is usually given to classes 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6.

The issue of women rights is not something new and have been a source of constant struggle since time immemorial. The concepts of feminism, gender equality and women’s rights are intertwined, and one cannot address either topic disregarding another.

The first wave of feminism took place as early as the 1800s and raised numerous challenges that later contributed to the women rights movement. The first and second waves raised questions on racial discrimination and inequality in society. Other than the feminist movements, there have been numerous conventions and organisations that have taken up this issue on their hands. There are multiple well-known feminists, like Alice Walker, who have stated that social activism is a step forward in promoting women equality and feminist ideals.

Numerous pieces of evidence can prove in favour of the argument that women are the essential contributors in historical development. It is time to acknowledge such a contribution and change our goals to make a better society.

10 Lines on Women’s Rights Essay in English

1. The women rights’ struggle is going on for a long time. 2. The progression of Egyptian women have been the greatest. 3. People must address women rights’ issue 4. proto-feminist movements started in Europe. 5. There are many historical events in favour of women rights. 6. Women took essential roles during the first world war. 7. The first feminist wave came in the late 1800s. 8. The 1960s saw the second feminist wave. 9. Women right movements led to social reconstruction. 10. Women rights issue can create chaos worldwide.

FAQ’s on Women’s Rights Essay

Question 1. How can women achieve their rights?

Answer:  There are numerous ways to achieve this, the first and the essential being raising one’s voice against injustice. By sharing the workload, and by supporting each other, we can reach women rights too.

Question 2.  When did movements start for women rights?

Answer:  These movements started in the 1800s, specifically between 1848 and 1920.

Question 3. What is the need for gender equality?

Answer:  We can achieve a peaceful and better society with gender equality, as well as full human potential and overall development.

Question 4.  Who are some eminent leaders of women rights?

Answer:  There is Thelma Bate, Eva Cox in Australia, Cai Chang in China, B. R. Ambedkar, Manasi Pradhan in India, Jane Addams, Antoinette Brown Blackwell, Lucy Stone in the USA. These are only a few names from the long list of eminent leaders.

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5 Essays About Feminism

On the surface, the definition of feminism is simple. It’s the belief that women should be politically, socially, and economically equal to men. Over the years, the movement expanded from a focus on voting rights to worker rights, reproductive rights, gender roles, and beyond. Modern feminism is moving to a more inclusive and intersectional place. Here are five essays about feminism that tackle topics like trans activism, progress, and privilege:

“Trickle-Down Feminism” – Sarah Jaffe

Feminists celebrate successful women who have seemingly smashed through the glass ceiling, but the reality is that most women are still under it. Even in fast-growing fields where women dominate (retail sales, food service, etc), women make less money than men. In this essay from Dissent Magazine, author Sarah Jaffe argues that when the fastest-growing fields are low-wage, it isn’t a victory for women. At the same time, it does present an opportunity to change the way we value service work. It isn’t enough to focus only on “equal pay for equal work” as that argument mostly focuses on jobs where someone can negotiate their salary. This essay explores how feminism can’t succeed if only the concerns of the wealthiest, most privileged women are prioritized.

Sarah Jaffe writes about organizing, social movements, and the economy with publications like Dissent, the Nation, Jacobin, and others. She is the former labor editor at Alternet.

“What No One Else Will Tell You About Feminism” – Lindy West

Written in Lindy West’s distinct voice, this essay provides a clear, condensed history of feminism’s different “waves.” The first wave focused on the right to vote, which established women as equal citizens. In the second wave, after WWII, women began taking on issues that couldn’t be legally-challenged, like gender roles. As the third wave began, the scope of feminism began to encompass others besides middle-class white women. Women should be allowed to define their womanhood for themselves. West also points out that “waves” may not even exist since history is a continuum. She concludes the essay by declaring if you believe all people are equal, you are a feminist.

Jezebel reprinted this essay with permission from How To Be A Person, The Stranger’s Guide to College by Lindy West, Dan Savage, Christopher Frizelle, and Bethany Jean Clement. Lindy West is an activist, comedian, and writer who focuses on topics like feminism, pop culture, and fat acceptance.

“Toward a Trans* Feminism” – Jack Halberstam

The history of transactivsm and feminism is messy. This essay begins with the author’s personal experience with gender and terms like trans*, which Halberstam prefers. The asterisk serves to “open the meaning,” allowing people to choose their categorization as they see fit. The main body of the essay focuses on the less-known history of feminists and trans* folks. He references essays from the 1970s and other literature that help paint a more complete picture. In current times, the tension between radical feminism and trans* feminism remains, but changes that are good for trans* women are good for everyone.

This essay was adapted from Trans*: A Quick and Quirky Account of Gender Variability by Jack Halberstam. Halberstam is the Professor of American Studies and Ethnicity, Gender Studies and Comparative Literature at the University of Southern California. He is also the author of several books.

“Rebecca Solnit: How Change Happens” – Rebecca Solnit

The world is changing. Rebecca Solnit describes this transformation as an assembly of ideas, visions, values, essays, books, protests, and more. It has many layers involving race, class, gender, power, climate, justice, etc, as well as many voices. This has led to more clarity about injustice. Solnit describes watching the transformation and how progress and “ wokeness ” are part of a historical process. Progress is hard work. Not exclusively about feminism, this essay takes a more intersectional look at how progress as a whole occurs.

“How Change Happens” was adapted from the introduction to Whose Story Is it? Rebecca Solnit is a writer, activist, and historian. She’s the author of over 20 books on art, politics, feminism, and more.

“Bad Feminist” extract – Roxane Gay

People are complicated and imperfect. In this excerpt from her book Bad Feminist: Essays , Roxane Gay explores her contradictions. The opening sentence is, “I am failing as a woman.” She goes on to describe how she wants to be independent, but also to be taken care of. She wants to be strong and in charge, but she also wants to surrender sometimes. For a long time, she denied that she was human and flawed. However, the work it took to deny her humanness is harder than accepting who she is. While Gay might be a “bad feminist,” she is also deeply committed to issues that are important to feminism. This is a must-read essay for any feminists who worry that they aren’t perfect.

Roxane Gay is a professor, speaker, editor, writer, and social commentator. She is the author of Bad Feminist , a New York Times bestseller, Hunger (a memoir), and works of fiction.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

Intro Essay: The Civil Rights Movement

To what extent did founding principles of liberty, equality, and justice become a reality for african americans during the civil rights movement.

• I can explain the importance of local and federal actions in the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s.
• I can compare the goals and methods of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLS), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Malcolm X and Black Nationalism, and Black Power.
• I can explain challenges African Americans continued to face despite victories for equality and justice during the civil rights movement.

Essential Vocabulary

Continuing the Heroic Struggle for Equality: The Civil Rights Movement

The struggle to make the promises of the Declaration of Independence a reality for Black Americans reached a climax after World War II. The activists of the civil rights movement directly confronted segregation and demanded equal civil rights at the local level with physical and moral courage and perseverance. They simultaneously pursued a national strategy of systematically filing lawsuits in federal courts, lobbying Congress, and pressuring presidents to change the laws. The civil rights movement encountered significant resistance, however, and suffered violence in the quest for equality.

During the middle of the twentieth century, several Black writers grappled with the central contradictions between the nation’s ideals and its realities, and the place of Black Americans in their country. Richard Wright explored a raw confrontation with racism in Native Son (1940), while Ralph Ellison led readers through a search for identity beyond a racialized category in his novel Invisible Man (1952), as part of the Black quest for identity. The novel also offered hope in the power of the sacred principles of the Founding documents. Playwright Lorraine Hansberry wrote A Raisin in the Sun , first performed in 1959, about the dreams deferred for Black Americans and questions about assimilation. Novelist and essayist James Baldwin described Blacks’ estrangement from U.S. society and themselves while caught in a racial nightmare of injustice in The Fire Next Time (1963) and other works.

World War II wrought great changes in U.S. society. Black soldiers fought for a “double V for victory,” hoping to triumph over fascism abroad and racism at home. Many received a hostile reception, such as Medgar Evers who was blocked from voting at gunpoint by five armed whites. Blacks continued the Great Migration to southern and northern cities for wartime industrial work. After the war, in 1947, Jackie Robinson endured racial taunts on the field and segregation off it as he broke the color barrier in professional baseball and began a Hall of Fame career. The following year, President Harry Truman issued executive orders desegregating the military and banning discrimination in the civil service. Meanwhile, Thurgood Marshall and his legal team at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) meticulously prepared legal challenges to discrimination, continuing a decades-long effort.

The NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund brought lawsuits against segregated schools in different states that were consolidated into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka , 1954. The Supreme Court unanimously decided that “separate but equal” was “inherently unequal.” Brown II followed a year after, as the court ordered that the integration of schools should be pursued “with all deliberate speed.” Throughout the South, angry whites responded with a campaign of “massive resistance” and refused to comply with the order, while many parents sent their children to all-white private schools. Middle-class whites who opposed integration joined local chapters of citizens’ councils and used propaganda, economic pressure, and even violence to achieve their ends.

A wave of violence and intimidation followed. In 1955, teenager Emmett Till was visiting relatives in Mississippi when he was lynched after being falsely accused of whistling at a white woman. Though an all-white jury quickly acquitted the two men accused of killing him, Till’s murder was reported nationally and raised awareness of the injustices taking place in Mississippi.

In Montgomery, Alabama, Rosa Parks (who was a secretary of the Montgomery NAACP) was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger on a segregated bus. Her willingness to confront segregation led to a direct-action movement for equality. The local Women’s Political Council organized the city’s Black residents into a boycott of the bus system, which was then led by the Montgomery Improvement Association. Black churches and ministers, including Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Rev. Ralph Abernathy, provided a source of strength. Despite arrests, armed mobs, and church bombings, the boycott lasted until a federal court desegregated the city buses. In the wake of the boycott, the leading ministers formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) , which became a key civil rights organization.

Rosa Parks is shown here in 1955 with Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. in the background. The Montgomery bus boycott was an important victory in the civil rights movement.

In 1957, nine Black families decided to send their children to Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. Governor Orval Faubus used the National Guard to prevent their entry, and one student, Elizabeth Eckford, faced an angry crowd of whites alone and barely escaped. President Eisenhower was compelled to respond and sent in 1,200 paratroops from the 101st Airborne to protect the Black students. They continued to be harassed, but most finished the school year and integrated the school.

That year, Congress passed a Civil Rights Act that created a civil rights division in the Justice Department and provided minimal protections for the right to vote. The bill had been watered down because of an expected filibuster by southern senators, who had recently signed the Southern Manifesto, a document pledging their resistance to Supreme Court decisions such as Brown .

In 1960, four Black college students were refused lunch service at a local Woolworth’s in Greensboro, North Carolina, and they spontaneously staged a “sit-in” the following day. Their resistance to the indignities of segregation was copied by thousands of others of young Blacks across the South, launching another wave of direct, nonviolent confrontation with segregation. Ella Baker invited several participants to a Raleigh conference where they formed the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and issued a Statement of Purpose. The group represented a more youthful and daring effort that later broke with King and his strategy of nonviolence.

In contrast, Malcolm X became a leading spokesperson for the Nation of Islam (NOI) who represented Black separatism as an alternative to integration, which he deemed an unworthy goal. He advocated revolutionary violence as a means of Black self-defense and rejected nonviolence. He later changed his views, breaking with the NOI and embracing a Black nationalism that had more common ground with King’s nonviolent views. Malcolm X had reached out to establish ties with other Black activists before being gunned down by assassins who were members of the NOI later in 1965.

In 1961, members of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) rode segregated buses in order to integrate interstate travel. These Black and white Freedom Riders traveled into the Deep South, where mobs beat them with bats and pipes in bus stations and firebombed their buses. A cautious Kennedy administration reluctantly intervened to protect the Freedom Riders with federal marshals, who were also victimized by violent white mobs.

Malcolm X was a charismatic speaker and gifted organizer. He argued that Black pride, identity, and independence were more important than integration with whites.

King was moved to act. He confronted segregation with the hope of exposing injustice and brutality against nonviolent protestors and arousing the conscience of the nation to achieve a just rule of law. The first planned civil rights campaign was initiated by SNCC and taken over mid-campaign by King and SCLC. It failed because Albany, Georgia’s Police Chief Laurie Pritchett studied King’s tactics and responded to the demonstrations with restraint. In 1963, King shifted the movement to Birmingham, Alabama, where Public Safety Commissioner Bull Connor unleashed his officers to attack civil rights protestors with fire hoses and police dogs. Authorities arrested thousands, including many young people who joined the marches. King wrote “Letter from Birmingham Jail” after his own arrest and provided the moral justification for the movement to break unjust laws. National and international audiences were shocked by the violent images shown in newspapers and on the television news. President Kennedy addressed the nation and asked, “whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities . . . [If a Black person]cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place?” The president then submitted a civil rights bill to Congress.

In late August 1963, more than 250,000 people joined the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in solidarity for equal rights. From the Lincoln Memorial steps, King delivered his “I Have a Dream” speech. He stated, “I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’”

After Kennedy was assassinated in 1963, President Lyndon Johnson pushed his agenda through Congress. In the early summer of 1964, a 3-month filibuster by southern senators was finally defeated, and both houses passed the historical civil rights bill. President Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law, banning segregation in public accommodations.

Activists in the civil rights movement then focused on campaigns for the right to vote. During the summer of 1964, several civil rights organizations combined their efforts during the “ Freedom Summer ” to register Blacks to vote with the help of young white college students. They endured terror and intimidation as dozens of churches and homes were burned and workers were killed, including an incident in which Black advocate James Chaney and two white students, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were murdered in Mississippi.

In August 1963, peaceful protesters gathered in front of the Lincoln Memorial to draw attention to the inequalities and indignities African Americans suffered 100 years after emancipation. Leaders of the march are shown in the image on the bottom, with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in the center.

That summer, Fannie Lou Hamer helped organize the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) as civil rights delegates to replace the rival white delegation opposed to civil rights at the Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City. Hamer was a veteran of attempts to register other Blacks to vote and endured severe beatings for her efforts. A proposed compromise of giving two seats to the MFDP satisfied neither those delegates nor the white delegation, which walked out. Cracks were opening up in the Democratic electoral coalition over civil rights, especially in the South.

Fannie Lou Hamer testified about the violence she and others endured when trying to register to vote at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. Her televised testimony exposed the realities of continued violence against Blacks trying to exercise their constitutional rights.

In early 1965, the SCLC and SNCC joined forces to register voters in Selma and draw attention to the fight for Black suffrage. On March 7, marchers planned to walk peacefully from Selma to the state capital of Montgomery. However, mounted state troopers and police blocked the Edmund Pettus Bridge and then rampaged through the marchers, indiscriminately beating them. SNCC leader John Lewis suffered a fractured skull, and 5 women were clubbed unconscious. Seventy people were hospitalized for injuries during “Bloody Sunday.” The scenes again shocked television viewers and newspaper readers.

The images of state troopers, local police, and local people brutally attacking peaceful protestors on “Bloody Sunday” shocked people across the country and world. Two weeks later, protestors of all ages and races continued the protest. By the time they reached the state capitol in Montgomery, Alabama, their ranks had swelled to about 25,000 people.

Two days later, King led a symbolic march to the bridge but then turned around. Many younger and more militant activists were alienated and felt that King had sold out to white authorities. The tension revealed the widening division between older civil rights advocates and those younger, more radical supporters who were frustrated at the slow pace of change and the routine violence inflicted upon peaceful protesters. Nevertheless, starting on March 21, with the help of a federal judge who refused Governor George Wallace’s request to ban the march, Blacks triumphantly walked to Montgomery. On August 6, President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act protecting the rights to register and vote after a Senate filibuster ended and the bill passed Congress.

The Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act did not alter the fact that most Black Americans still suffered racism, were denied equal economic opportunities, and lived in segregated neighborhoods. While King and other leaders did seek to raise their issues among northerners, frustrations often boiled over into urban riots during the mid-1960s. Police brutality and other racial incidents often triggered days of violence in which hundreds were injured or killed. There were mass arrests and widespread property damage from arson and looting in Los Angeles, Detroit, Newark, Cleveland, Chicago, and dozens of other cities. A presidential National Advisory Commission of Civil Disorders issued the Kerner Report, which analyzed the causes of urban unrest, noting the impact of racism on the inequalities and injustices suffered by Black Americans.

Frustration among young Black Americans led to the rise of a more militant strain of advocacy. In 1966, activist James Meredith was on a solo march in Mississippi to raise awareness about Black voter registration when he was shot and wounded. Though Meredith recovered, this event typified the violence that led some young Black Americans to espouse a more military strain of advocacy. On June 16, SNCC leader Stokely Carmichael and members of the Black Panther Party continued Meredith’s march while he recovered from his wounds, chanting, “We want Black Power .” Black Power leaders and members of the Black Panther Party offered a different vision for equality and justice. They advocated self-reliance and self-empowerment, a celebration of Black culture, and armed self-defense. They used aggressive rhetoric to project a more radical strategy for racial progress, including sympathy for revolutionary socialism and rejection of capitalism. While its legacy is debated, the Black Power movement raised many important questions about the place of Black Americans in the United States, beyond the civil rights movement.

After World War II, Black Americans confronted the iniquities and indignities of segregation to end almost a century of Jim Crow. Undeterred, they turned the public’s eyes to the injustice they faced and called on the country to live up to the promises of the Declaration of Independence and Constitution, and to continue the fight against inequality and discrimination.

Reading Comprehension Questions

• What factors helped to create the modern civil rights movement?
• How was the quest for civil rights a combination of federal and local actions?
• What were the goals and methods of different activists and groups of the civil rights movement? Complete the table below to reference throughout your analysis of the primary source documents.

Women’s rights essay

The issue regarding women’s rights is not a new one. In the past, there were distinctive differences between men and women, between their roles in society and their models of behavior. However, considerable changes have been found since those times. Today gender roles have been shifted, making strong impact on society. Women in the Western culture are now no more satisfied with the role of a homemaker; they prefer to make their own careers and share the same rights with men (Howie, 2010).  This fact means women’s rights are based on freedom that can be viewed as a virtue, but not as a burden. Women continue to fight for their rights. The emergence of feminist movements and ideologies united under the title of feminism (Gillis & Hollows, 2008). Today, there is a continuous discourse on the behalf of both opponents and proponents of feminism, but the main thing is to understand the very roots and reasons of the phenomenon (Gillis et al., 2007). Therefore, the major goal of this study is to find out the objective state of the problem and conclude whether women do win by acquiring the equal status with men in human society. For that end, the existing literature covering different perspectives will be analyzed. In particular, the study will be focused on proto-feminist movements in Europe of the 19-the century; passing the Representation of the People Act in 1918; demonstrations on women’s suffrage; women’s efforts during the First World War and the Second World War; the first wave, the second wave and the third wave feminism on the whole. The research is expected to prove that although social reconstruction of sex and gender is not always beneficial neither for women nor for men, the struggle for equal opportunities has become a historically determined stage of social development. These events reflect the changes in feminist movements and help to better understand the successes and failures of women in fighting for their rights. The impact of each event or development that will be discussed in this paper is connected with the changing role of women and with their changing opportunities in achievement of the established goals. Thesis statement: Women’s role in the struggle for equal opportunities highlights the positive effects of feminism on the social reconstruction of sex and gender that was caused by a number of important historical events and developments, such as the development of proto-feminist movements in Europe of the 19-the century; passing the Representation of the People Act in 1918; demonstrations on women’s suffrage; women’s efforts during the First World War and the Second World War; the development of the first wave, the second wave and the third wave feminism.

The major goal of this paper is to review the historical events and developments which involve women from 1865 to the present. This paper will explore six specific events or developments that span the years covered by this course, based on their impact on the topic “women’s role in history”.  The research is focused on the analysis of both European Women’s rights and the women’s rights movements launched in the U.S, defined as the first wave, the second wave and the third wave feminism.

Proto-feminist movements in Europe of the 19-the century

The development of proto-feminist movements in Europe of the 19-the century played an important role in the promotion of the philosophy of feminism. Women were inspired by proto-feminist concerns that women should be equal to men. Proto-feminist movements contributed to women’s achievements in different spheres of human activity. Actually, in the 19-th century, women’s condition under the law differed from that of men. In economics and politics, women had no power. However, women’s consciousness was more progressive compared with that of women who lived earlier than the 19-tyh century (Worell, 2000). In other words, the development of proto-feminist movements is connected with the development of feminist consciousness focused on the expansion of women’s rights and development of women’s rights movements. The Female Moral Reform Society is an example of effective proto-feminist movement aimed at representation women in a powerful position, placing emphasis on the public advocacy of personal ethics (Gillis & Hollows, 2008; Worell, 2000).

Passing the Representation of the People Act in 1918

The Representation of the People Act (1918) criticized the limited rights of women and continued to call for equal rights. This act provided an opportunity to establish fair relationships between men and women, promoting the idea of equal pay for equal work. New reforms of the 1900s contributed to the growth of feminism. According to the Representation of the People Act of 1918, all women included in the local governmental register, aged 30 and over, were enfranchised (Gillis & Hollows, 2008; Worell, 2000). The right to vote was granted to women who were householders, the householders’ wives, and who occupied the property with an annual rent of L5 and more, and who were the graduates of British universities (Gillis & Hollows, 2008).

Moreover, the debate regarding the passage of the Representation of the People Act raised the issues about the effects of the law, but it failed to change the established culture of parliamentary politics. Many women politicians did not criticize male-dominated political parties, remaining loyal to men’s power (Early video on the emancipation of women, 1930). In the 1900s, men remained in the positions of power, although the political movement regarding women’s suffrage in the U.K. began before the WWI (Worell, 2000).

 Demonstrations on women’s suffrage

            Many demonstrations were organized to address women’s suffrage rights. The first demonstration was the parade organized by Blatch in New York in 1910. Harriot Stanton Blatch was one of activists who promoted the idea of bringing a new suffrage bill, which could become the first step to women’s voting rights. In 1907, she established the Equality League of Self-Supporting Women. In 1913, the suffrage match was held in Washington D.C. More than 5000 women activist took part in this match, hoping to win public support for suffrage. In 1916, the Women’s Political Union organized many demonstrations on women’s suffrage. In the U.S., President Wilson agreed to support the idea of women’s suffrage in 1918 after numerous protests organized by feminists. As a result, women’s rights activists were aimed at equality in all spheres of human activity based on women’s suffrage. In 1919, the Nineteenth Amendment was passed by the U.S. Congress (Howie, 2010; Worell, 2000).

 Women’s efforts during the First World War

            Women’s role during the First World War reflected their social and economic position. Feminists were not satisfied with the idea that women’s work was classified as less important than men’s work. Besides, the working class women who were the representatives of the first wave feminism promoted the ideas of feminism at work and in homes, in stores, halls and local newspapers. They believed in their rights and were focused on the promotion of collective actions aimed at realization of their agenda. However, men opposed women’s involvement into male jobs during the First World War. Male trade unions defended the division of labor based on gender (Gillis & Hollows, 2008).

            Finally, women’s activism in the era of the First World War, the considerable increases in the cost of living in that period, as well as the recognition of the established trade unions and the passage of the constitutional amendment to support women’s suffrage contributed to women’s mobilization during the war. According to Howie (2010), patriotic women highlighted the importance of the ideas of feminism. Due to the diversity of experiences during that period, women could become more independent in their choices. Although many women realized that their rights were limited, they supported feminism and motivated others to join wartime mobilization (Howie, 2010).

Women’s efforts during the Second World War

            Women’s efforts during the Second World War were focused on more radical changes. Unlike in the First World War, during the Second World War women’s position was more stable. The governments allowed women to join the armed forces and be involved in the war-related production.  All women aged under 40 years old were divided into two categories: mobile and immobile. Mobile women were allowed to join army and carry out war work duties. Immobile women were responsible for caring children and elderly people. Many of them were involved in voluntary work, either in industry or in voluntary organizations (Howie, 2010).  Women were allowed to work 16 hours a day and perform men’s duties. However, women were paid less than men. Besides, they were discriminated in the workplace. Thus, women played an important role in the war effort, although their position in society was still less valuable, comparing with men’s position (Howie, 2010; Gillis & Hollows, 2008).

 The first wave, the second wave and the third wave feminism

            As the American women’s movement is characterizes as “waves”, there is a necessity to refer to three waves of feminism and identify certain differences between them. Actually, the development of the first wave, the second wave and the third wave feminism highlight the importance of women’s involvement in social reconstruction of sex and gender (Howie, 2010). Although these waves are closely connected with one another, there are some differences in their philosophies. It has been found that each wave of feminism is based on the successes and failures of previous generations of women. For example, the first wave feminism is reflected by the following successes: suffrage and voting rights. These developments occurred in the late 1800s- the early 1900s, influencing further changes in women’s representation (MacKinnon, 1995).

            In addition, the second wave feminism, which was launched in the 1960s, placed emphasis on the role of personal politics in human society. The banner of the second wave feminism was “the personal is political”. Actually, it was based on women’s rights, such as abortion rights, child care rights, as well as other issues, including women’s recognition of unpaid labor, access to health care services and equal pay for equal work. Catharine MacKinnon, the Professor of Law at the University of Michigan and the author of the book Toward a Feminist Theory of the State, argues that women’s rights are still limited and there is a necessity for broader horizons for women. A variety of issues of concern remain unsolved. Women continue to fight for their rights (MacKinnon, 1995). According to Hollows, and Moseley (2006), there is a close relationship between the second wave feminism and popular culture, but feminism cannot be viewed as a “monolithic and homogeneous movement” (p. 3).

            Moreover, the first wave and the second wave feminism created certain challenges, such as the concerns about racism and discrimination, tensions between generations, etc. These concerns can be found in the next wave of feminism – the third wave feminism, which was launched in the 1990s (MacKinnon, 1995). The third wave feminism is based on criticism of collective past of women’s movement and building more diverse and dynamic movement. In other word it is characterized by the increased role of multiculturalism (MacKinnon, 1995). Alice Walker (1983) helps to assess the role of virtues, beliefs and values in the creation of a womanist virtue ethic, which forms the basis of third wave feminism. She states that social activism helps in promotion of feminist ideas and addresses the challenges caused by diverse society.

            Thus, it is necessary to conclude that women have always played an important role in the development of history.  This paper is based on providing evidence regarding the effects of social reconstruction of sex and gender on women and their participation in the struggle for equal opportunities, which has become a historically determined stage of social development. The history that involves women has been developed over centuries, constantly changing its goals and forms, increasing the popularity of women’s movement, mainly in the 20-th century, when suffrage and voting rights were popularized. The role of women in the 19-th century differed from their roles in the 20-th century. The events that occurred in the 1900s contributed to the developments in the later decades. For example, proto-feminist movements in Europe of the 19-the century contributed to the development of more independent views on women’s rights and duties. The third wave feminism completely changes women’s views on their role in social development through the relationship between feminist movement and popular culture. Generally speaking, women’s role in the struggle for equal opportunities throughput the history emphasizes the positive effects of feminist ideas on the social reconstruction of sex and gender that was caused by a number of important historical developments, including the development of proto-feminist movements in Europe of the 19-the century; passing the Representation of the People Act in 1918; demonstrations on women’s suffrage; women’s efforts during the First World War and the Second World War; the development of the first wave, the second wave and the third wave feminism.

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Reviewing the Changing Situation of Women in Russian Society

One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman. – Simone de Beauvoir

Throughout history, the role of women in society has repeatedly varied according to political conditions and discourse, for the purpose of serving the interests of those in power. Contemporary Russia is hardly an exception to this general tendency. Putin’s paternalistic leadership celebrates concepts such as virility, strength and power. The Russian President has enjoyed great popularity through the successful marketing of his sex appeal, as well as the more recent image as a caring father of the Russian nation. At the same time, recent Russian political narratives have increasingly depicted the role of women as belonging to the domestic sphere, especially in the context of the very low birth rates of the last two decades. Women’s rights in Russia have been further repressed by Putin’s authoritarian regime through restrictions to the abortion law, increased governmental control and cuts in funding of women’s crisis centres following new NGO laws, and a general distrust of the term “feminism,” which has had a negative connotation in Russia ever since the Brezhnev era or even earlier. As the protection of women’s rights weakens and the authoritarian grasp tightens in Russia, resistance to heteronormativity and neo-conservative gender rules has become more difficult, but arguably also more necessary than ever before.

In drawing upon academic literature, this paper attempts to explore critically the situation of women in Russia. It argues that womanhood and feminism are social constructs, which have been primarily determined by Russia’s elites and patriarchs throughout the country’s history. Therefore, these terms must be explained within the context of the Russian experience of emancipation. To this end, the paper begins with an historical survey of the notions of Russian womanhood and feminism from the 18 th century to the late Soviet era. The following section focuses on the tumultuous transition period and brief moment of sexual revolution and liberation in the 1990s, when discourse about sex, sexuality and gender was opened. Thirdly, gender roles in Putin’s Russia are discussed, examining contemporary narratives of masculinity and virility, as well as various policies directed at Russia’s “women question.” Finally, the paper considers forms of resistance to Putin’s gendered regime, and provides an analysis of Pussy Riot’s performance and influence regarding the promotion of women’s rights and feminism in Russia.

A Brief History of the Role of Women in Russia until the end of the USSR

As one observer states, “[f]eminism and women’s movements in Russia have been conditioned by the historically specific circumstances which influenced Russian society in every sphere.” [1] Indeed, the concept of womanhood in Russia has evolved considerably over time. Russian feminism was born in the 18 th century due to a loosening of restrictions regarding the education and personal freedom of women enforced by Peter the Great, who was influenced by Western Enlightenment and the significant role of women in the French Revolution as symbols of liberty and democracy. [2] Some aristocratic women even rose to very powerful positions, most notably of all, Catherine the Great. Others entered the sphere of literature and became authors and poets. [3] Nonetheless, in feudal Russia, only a very small percentage of women – only aristocratic women – were privileged enough to benefit from these early feminisms; and even in aristocratic circles, the role of women in pre-revolutionary Russia remained extremely restricted. Feminist themes were addressed by the works of some of the post prominent intellectual figures in the country at the turn of the nineteenth century including Leo Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina , portraying the institution of marriage as a form of enforced prostitution and slavery of women. [4] In the early 20 th century, Russian feminism began to reach the working classes and the peasants, leading to the creation of socialist all-women unions for female factory workers, who felt their cause had been neglected by male socialists. [5] From 1907-1917, the League for Women’s Equal Rights was Russia’s most influential feminist organisation, calling for women’s education and social welfare, as well as equal rights, such as suffrage, inheritance, and passport restrictions. [6] The October Revolution in 1917 vastly increased the membership of this movement and women were granted the right to vote in the same year. In fact, Russia was the first major world power to do this, although the effects thereof were limited, given that it had become a one-party state.

The role of women changed dramatically under the Soviet Union. The articulated aims of the Soviet government after the revolution were the creation of a communist state, socialist society and Soviet citizens to be implemented by a proletarian dictatorship (see Section 1 of the USSR Constitution of 1924). [7] According to Marxist-Leninist ideology, all forms of inequality would be erased through the abolition of class structures and the shaping of an egalitarian society based on the fair distribution of resources among its people. [8] Lenin held that in order to achieve effectively the emancipation of women, “it is necessary to be socialized and for women to participate in common productive labor. Then woman will be the equal of man.” [9] The communist’s monopoly of power meant that many independent women’s associations could no longer survive. [10] In 1920, a lack of access to contraceptive methods and the need for women in the labour force, led to the legalization of abortion. However, under Stalin, abortion was prohibited again from 1936 to increase the birth rate until its reintroduction under Khrushchev in 1955 to prevent the many female deaths caused by illegal and unsafe abortions. [11] Other Soviet policies included generous maternity leave and a nation-wide network of child-care centres.

Yet, although the equal rights of women were recognised by the Soviet “Stalin Constitution” of 1936 (Articles 122 and 137), the real picture was rather different. Women were necessary in order to achieve the Soviet goal of a single class of workers and peasants. To achieve this end, the state required women as workers and thus enabled them access to education, a career, and legal guarantees of equality. Women were, in fact, encouraged to complete their studies and professional training, and to become scientists, doctors, engineers, journalists or even truck drivers and construction workers. [12] Compared to many Western societies, this was a significant achievement. Nevertheless, women were discouraged from attaining high-ranking economic and political leadership positions; they were paid less and there were no reliable means of protection for those women who suffered sexual harassment on the workplace. [13] Moreover, women were expected to serve a dual role in both the professional and the domestic spheres. A popular ruse among Soviet women was,

Under capitalism, women are not liberated because they have no opportunity to work. They have to stay at home, go shopping, do the cooking, keep house and take care of the children. But under socialism, women are liberated. They have the opportunity to work all day and then go home, go shopping, do the cooking, keep house and take care of the children. [14]

As Smith points out, for many Soviet women, therefore, the dream was not to be forced to take on this double hat of responsibility and simply to stay at home. [15] In essence, “Soviet women’s emancipation declared the achievement of women’s equality and never realised it.” [16] The state chose largely to ignore the major obstacles that women faced in their day-to-day lives. In fact, sometimes the roles it chose to enforce on women were rather contradictory: whilst the state had created the image of women labourers, women were also constructed as innately compassionate and caring, and stapled “abnormal,” if they behaved assertively or strove for higher positions in politics or business. During the 1970’s “masculinized” women were blamed for rising male hooliganism and alcoholism. [17]

Despite these inequalities, there was no phenomenon similar to American feminist movements in the USSR. The state controlled the “women’s question” through certain “women’s sectors” in local party structures, tasked with organising activities following instructions from the capital. [18] In the 1970s, a form of underground Soviet feminism developed, which was quite different from that in the West, primarily because it was based on the experience of Soviet women. The focus of gender equality was less on treating men and women as the same, but stressed perceived inherent gender differences. This strand of feminism believed that the “feminine” must be highly valued and emphasised that the liberation of women in the USSR depended on the recognition that official declarations where far off the mark in the way they depicted women’s’ lives. [19] Religious arguments that claimed women had a feminine soul “capable of love and spiritual experience” were also widespread. [20] This position was possibly derived from Russia’s early feminists in the 19 th century, who argued that love and religion could free the oppression of patriarchy. Assuming “obedience and humility,” this view was a safer option for women in a totalitarian state. [21] The general consensus is that the movement arose due to the rising economic inequality experienced at the time. Many women were imprisoned or exiled from the USSR. Suppressed by the KGB, radical dissident feminism only reappeared in the mid-1980s, when Russian feminists gradually made more “Westernised” and political demands, adhering to new principles such as democracy and individuality.

Women during Russia’s Transition Period

During the period of Glasnost and Perestroika, the underground movement was mobilised. This meant that many women’s organisations were able to act openly and many such independent institutions were funded from abroad. The notions of sex, sexuality and individualism that had been repressed in Soviet society could be discussed publicly and the exchange with foreign researchers and activists was enabled. Awareness about gender inequalities in the USSR including job discrimination, the exclusion of women from decision-making levels, the double hat of paid and domestic work, as well as patriarchal societal and family structures, was increased. [22] The hope of a shift towards “liberal” democracy in Russia further encouraged the formation of new political and civil society groups, such as the political party Women of Russia, gender research groups, and non-governmental organisations. [23]

Liberal hopes of democracy and Westernised feminism were soon to wane. The Russian state’s transformation led to immense national and class inequality, developments that went hand in hand with changes in views on gender towards a traditional patriarchal society. [24] Political activity declined during a period of political demobilisation until 1995 and many women’s organisations were either marginalised or institutionalised by the government by integrating them into other pre-existing organisations. At the same time, there was a trend towards patriarchy, which disregarded gender research in politics. Another problem was that women’s movements in Russia had no common position but were rather heterogeneous in their views, weakening their presence. [25] Whilst the Russian Constitution of 1993 still guarantees formal equality between men and women (Article 19.3), neo-traditional gendered political discourses have flourished, once again considerably disadvantaging women’s rights. [26] Indeed, Mikhail Gorbachev was a strong advocate of “ridding women of their double burden” by letting them return to domestic work, their “natural domain.” [27]

Russia’s transition period from communism to a new regime was fundamentally linked to gender. In the tumultuous Gorbachev and Yeltsin eras, women faced a myriad of challenges, some of them, once again, rather paradoxical. On the one hand, the policies of glasnost and perestroika led to a belated sexual revolution in Russia. [28] This had discursive, as well as legal and social effects, raising hopes of feminist groups. Moreover, male homosexuality was decriminalized in 1993 and a new criminal code in 1997 redefined rape and the age of consent. [29] Yet, the developments in the early 1990s soon also revealed that the narrative on sex and gender roles would remain in the state’s control. With the upsurge in rampant consumerism, the post-Soviet market has objectified women “as trophies and servants to men.” [30] Political discourses reconstructed the role of women as belonging to the domestic sphere, feminism continued to be linked with negative connotations such as ugliness, hatred of men, and lesbianism (as it had been since the Brezhnev period), and women’s organizations received little grassroots support. [31] Unemployment and poverty figures were much higher among women than among men. [32] In effect, the liberalization of Russia fostered a patriarchal, neotraditional conception of gender relations, re-empowering men in the public sphere and pushing the role of women into the background. [33]

The Situation of Women in Putin’s Russia

These post-Soviet trends regarding the objectification and regression of the role and status of women have been continued and deepened since Vladimir Putin’s rise to power. Putin has very successfully strengthened the pre-existing paternalist structures of Russian society, and has taken them to another level. In fact, Putin has gone beyond mere politics and become somewhat of a “cult figure” in Russia. Francisco Martinez very interestingly analyses Putin’s regime according to Michel Foucault’s concept of biopower. [34] The latter distinguishes between sovereign and governmental power and theorizes two different “games” of power relations, the “shepherd/flock game” based on the notion of Christian agape love (relating to governmental power), which by definition is limitless, and the “city/citizen game” of the Greek polis (in connection with sovereign power that is based on limits of a social contract, i.e. power of the sovereign, freedom of the subjects, etc.). Putin has shown tactical genius at merging these two “games”; the notions of the sovereign ruler and the caring father over may years. To this end, as Beth Holmgren argues, he has managed to combine “misogynistic posturing (the coarse talk and body display of the he-man) with sentimental paternalism (the protective, pious modern father and husband).” [35]

Putin’s rhetoric has legitimised a crude, vulgar form of public discourse based on “private, male-only locker room talk”, the language of police comrades, military and intelligence agencies – the siloviki . [36] After the sinking of the Kursk submarine in 2000, he labelled some wives, who were agitated about a state rescue operation “whores;” a few years later, he praised Moshe Katsav, the former Israeli President, now convicted of rape, for his “sexual prowess.” [37] In 2009, Putin’s party created the following metaphor for Russia’s modernization process: “I saved a girl from being raped. I just persuaded her.” [38] At the same time, Putin has cultivated an image of heterosexual macho sex appeal through photo ops featuring his judo-toned muscles whilst swimming and horse riding (half-naked), arm-wrestling, hunting, motorbiking, or positioning a collar on a sedated polar bear – Putin was even nominated as the country’s sex symbol. [39] To put it in feminist terms, “Putin is using his own brand of masculinity to embolden the national psychology and to legitimate more muscular intervention in all aspects of peoples’ lives.” [40]

Putinism has strengthened the situation of men in elite and professional positions. Women, on the other hand, continue to face institutionalised gender bias. Putin’s archetype of the “new Russian man” assumes heteronormativity, as well as notions of intrinsic gender difference, depicting “men as protectors” and “women as needing protection.” [41] Putin announced 2008 as the “Year of the Family,” and declared June 8, as the “Day of Family, Love, and Fidelity,” a new national holiday, reinforcing views of men as the responsible heads of family. [42] A public health campaign in Moscow also encouraged men to be “better fathers,” involved in their family and living healthily. [43] Such policies have also promoted Putin’s image as a “caring father.” Putin has pushed back the brief sexual liberalization period of the early 1990s – especially in the light of Russia’s low birth rate – in order to promote traditional conservative family values. An emphasis has been placed on women as holding a duty to the Russian nation as child-bearers. This focus has been bolstered by pronatalist policies such as increasing benefits like maternity leave and making available “maternity capital” (of around $12,000 in 2012) for women who have a second or third child to help finance mortgages, children’s education, and subsidizing pensions. [44] These initiatives have been strongly supported by Orthodox Christian nationalism, and have been framed through neoliberal individualism and the language of self-help. [45] A survey shows that whilst 51 percent of men believe that the husband should be “the head of the family,” only 19 percent of women agree with this statement. [46]

Since the 1990s, Russian nationalists have labelled abortion and contraceptive methods as “insidious practices contributing to the nation’s low fertility and rapidly decreasing population” – a phenomenon they termed “Russia’s demographic catastrophe.” [47] In fact, abortion has been framed as a Western ruse to stimulate further population decline in Russia and has accordingly been construed as a national security issue. [48] These views have received vigorous support from the Orthodox Church, which perceives abortion as murder, penalized by a ten-year period of excommunication. [49] As a result, Russia’s abortion rate has declined significantly from 100 per 1,000 women of reproductive age in 1991 to 44.1 in 2005. [50] In 2011, draft legislation was introduced to the Russian Parliament to require women to receive written permission from their husbands, or in the case of minors from their parents or guardians, in order to have an abortion. [51] The bill also proposed a mandatory ultrasound, so that women getting an abortion would hear their fetus’s heartbeat (which might change their minds about the abortion, or at least make them feel more guilty), as well as the prohibition of second-trimester abortion, except if the pregnancy was conceived due to rape. [52] Current estimates show that the abortion rate at 60 percent of the total number of pregnancies in Russia and the death rate in connection with abortions, are alarmingly high compared to developed countries. [53] Therefore, changes to Russia’s abortion laws are in order. However, these recent developments have not really addressed the underlying issues pertaining to the dangers for women who have an abortion in Russia. Rather, they simply further curtail women’s rights without dealing with the actual causes of the high abortion rate or the possible side effects, such as an increase in even more dangerous illegal abortions.

The public discourse drawing upon traditionally gendered power networks and the role of women in the family and the domestic sphere has, of course, impeded women from attaining leadership positions, whether in business, politics, or in the Orthodox Church. More than in the West, leadership positions in Russia have been “tainted as morally compromised and inevitably corrupting” ever since the Soviet era. [54] In the Soviet frame of mind, leadership neither signals virtue nor notable accomplishment. As Michele Rivkin-Fish writes, “[e]ven articulating notions of autonomy and a concept of women’s interests unrelated to their role as mothers requires immense courage.” [55] Therefore, many women in Russia may choose to occupy positions behind the scenes, to make “more pragmatic contributions, to retain a sense of the goodness of their labour, and to avoid the public stigmatization of female “abnormality”.” [56] However, a recent survey tellingly shows that most women yearn for paid employment, but about half of the male respondents said that they would not like their wives to work and that women should not be entitled to paid employment. [57] Nadieszda Kizenko outlines how women are attracted to the Orthodox Church, as it offers alternative (non-Western) beliefs and notions of how to live, including spiritual exploration and the conservation of Russian religious tradition. [58] Another interesting study is provided by Andrea Mazzarino, who focuses on the alternative identities of successful Russian businesswomen and how many Russian female entrepreneurs struggle to compete against widespread beliefs of “socially appropriate” behaviour of women in a domain generally construed as male. [59] Her research reflects the insufficient opportunities for women to have a stark and direct impact on Russian welfare policies, the media, or enforcement of discrimination policies within companies.

Similarly, Russia lacks a generally accepted movement lobbying for women’s rights, for many of the same reasons as why women are not perceived as fit for leadership positions. Since the early 1990s, there has been a small, dedicated group of scholars in the field of gender studies at Russian universities. [60] However, whilst their work is surely very important, their reach is rather limited. The political party Women of Russia has seen little success since the early 1990s, also because it was not well-endowed and most members were more interested in using their mandates to ensure their own job stability rather than actively promoting women’s rights. [61] The most powerful women’s organisation in Russia is currently the Union of the Commitees of Soldiers’ Mothers of Russia, which, like many well-renowned female Russian public figures derives much of its popularity from traditional, conservative notions of women as “society’s caretakers” and “inherently altruistic.” [62] The most influential women, who remain independent of the state, include female media pundits, journalists, and literary intellectuals, such as Liudmila Ulitskaya. [63] The Association of Women Journalists created by the feminist journalist Nadezda Azhgikhina, is especially noteworthy, regarding the high percentage of female journalists in Russia. Increasingly, women journalists have been targeted for their indefatiguable efforts to report on such issues as human rights and Chechnya, including the assassinations of journalist Anna Politkovskaja (2006) and human rights advocate Natalia Estemirova (2009) (after they proved embarrassing to the Kremlin). [64] Other prominent women in Russia include Yevgeniya Chirikova, a Russian environmental activist and a leading figure during the pre-election protests of 2011/2012, as well as Kseniya Sobchak, a journalist and “It girl” (sometimes dubbed “Russia’s Paris Hilton”), who has also protested the alleged electoral fraud by Putin’s party, both of whom have been subject to intimidation due to their political activism and opposition to Putin.

As Amrita Basu notes, “women’s movements are less likely to emerge when states are weak and repressive and there is a chasm between official pronouncements and actual politics and practices.” [65] In 2006, a new NGO law strengthened the Justice Ministry’s powers to monitor organizations perceived as opposing Putin, controlling a sphere largely influenced by professional women. [66] The term “feminist” had already long been resented by Russian authorities, however, the new restrictions created additional hurdles for women’s rights movements, such as a requirement for NGOs to report foreign funding. At the same time, the right to public protest and independence of the media were also curtailed. Furthermore, a presidential decree in 2008 removed tax-exempt status of ninety percent of foreign NGOs and foundations working in Russia, particularly those with a focus on human rights. [67] In 2012, further restrictive legislation was passed, obliging NGOs funded by foreign organisations to register as “foreign agents.” [68] Putin’s new social contract is based on a system of “rewards for behaviour prioritized by the state,” essentially increasing wealth and improving funding social services in exchange for political support. [69] There is evidence of a retrenchment of women’s crisis centres, which have existed in Russia since the 1990s, providing services such as hotline- or in-person consultation to survivors of gender violence and/or raising awareness of violence against women. Johnson and Saarinsen’s research in this field has shown a decrease in the numbers of women’s crisis centres, most probably due to a plunge in budgets, and a shift towards advocacy services, awareness campaigns (often with a focus on violence in the family rather than explicitly against women) and politicization – they have been “etaticized and domesticated … and much of feminism has been lost”. [70] Nevertheless, according to surveys, it appears that most of those who work in crisis centres remain committed to the promotion of women’s rights. [71] As a result of the considerable restrictions on Russia’s civil society, many women’s organizations use doublespeak, referring to feminist terms only when addressing Western audiences, and more general human or women’s rights language when engaging with Russian audiences. [72]

In essence, Russia’s shift towards authoritarianism has been a “gender regime change,” establishing a new gender order throughout the constitutive structures of society, including demographics, income, education, as well as political, economic, and social relations. [73] Whilst the role of women in society, has continuously changed throughout Russia’s history, according to the political diction of the times, the perception of male gender roles has not been transformed, but rather elevated to an even higher status than before. [74] It is nevertheless important to put these developments into context. Russia has remained an innately patriarchal society and the transition period brought with it the objectification of women; however, it also replaced an economy that fundamentally disregarded many of women’s aspirations and needs. Thus, for example, liberalisation made available many household and body care items that would save women a lot of domestic labour and give them a little self-indulgence. Many women also openly embraced their new market power and turned to matchmaking and surrogate agencies in search of a better life. [75] Nevertheless, the current state of women’s rights and opportunities in Russia remains unacceptable.

Forms of Resistance and New Directions for Feminism in Russia

Radical feminism, once briefly experienced in Russia during its transition period after the demise of the Soviet Union, as well as other, “softer” forms of feminism, such as women’s rights movements, have been rather successfully repressed through neo-paternalistic discourse implemented by Gorbachev, Yeltsin, and nowadays, Putin. Indeed, under Putin, Russia’s distaste for feminism has steadily grown, pushing women into more traditional roles such as motherhood and the family caretaker. In a survey of the year 2000, only 49.5% of women stated that men and women should have an equal role in society. [76] Some women, who were familiar with the dual responsibilities of women during the Soviet era to balance professional and domestic life, actually welcomed these changes. Others, conditioned by the Soviet legacy to pay little attention to official rhetoric, as the government never adequately represented their needs, have simply adapted to these new times. During the Soviet Union people,

did not counter official culture, but played another game: they produced parallel culture within official order. And they simulated support for official ideology by ‘pretense misrecognition’ of the gap between genuine parallel and false official meanings, therefore, the Power was domesticated not by ridicule but by transforming it into an ignorable backdrop for the parallel event. [77]

In an ongoing negotiation between Soviet and post-Soviet norms, many women have prioritised their concerns, often choosing social and economic welfare over struggles for civil and political rights. [78] As Mary Buckley notes, “[o]ne senses that in Russia today there is a fashion in social science to classify as a ‘feminist approach’ what in fact may not be quite so, and then to go on and argue against it in order to knock it down as groundless.” [79] However, by far not all women (or men) are willing to agree tacitly to Putin’s degrading policies. In fact, in a survey conducted in the year 2000, over half of both women and men expressed their opinion that women who would like to should participate in and shape the running of the country. [80] Resistance to Russia’s patriarchy has also been demonstrated in recent mass protests on the occasion of the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2011/2012. [81] Moreover, much furore was caused by the feminist rock collective Pussy Riot’s anti-Putin performance of a “punk prayer” in the Christ the Saviour Cathedral in Moscow, February 2012.

The significance of Pussy Riot deserves some further elaboration. The five women wearing brightly coloured outfits and balaclavas covering their faces, challenged the Virgin Mary to “become a feminist, become a feminist, become a feminist” and dismount Putin from power. [82] On August 17 of the same year, three of the five members of Pussy Riot were convicted of “hooliganism motivated by religious hatred,” receiving a two-year sentence in a Russian penal colony. [83] In fact, their acts were denounced as a “mortal sin” and a “war on Orthodox people” by the Church. [84] As one observer notes, their performance was probably not “the most tactful way to attract a broad spectrum of supporters to the opposition’s views.” [85] Nonetheless, it must have taken a lot of courage for the young women to do what they did. The members of Pussy Riot, who also participated in the December 2011 pre-election protests, are, in fact, well-read in feminist literature and have been influenced by prominent feminist theorists such as Judith Butler. They have publicly framed Putin’s regime as patriarchal oppression and have stated in interviews that “there’s a deep tradition in Russia of gender and revolution – we have had amazing women revolutionaries.” [86] Whether or not their performance was tasteful, Pussy Riot succeeded in the second wave feminist maxim of making the personal political and bringing the plight of Russian women to global attention. [87] Russia’s opposition movement’s de facto leader, Alexei Navalny, expressed his distaste for the presentation, but still called for the women to be released, describing the arrests as “senseless and horrible cruelty, which is much worse than their very stupid but small offense.” [88] Nonetheless, the Pussy Riot trial opened discussions on women’s rights, and state and Church corruption in Russia. The Russian state and media constructed Pussy Riot as deviant, based on a view of female protestors as “unruly and disruptive femininity, which made a spectacle of itself in public space and therefore violated norms of womanhood as passive and private.” [89] Russian public opinion of Pussy Riot was reportedly negative, as many felt offended or even outraged, thus creating a narrative of female deviance. However, the form of deviance constructed by the West was rather one of Russia as the authoritarian and repressive “Other,” very much recalling a Cold War narrative, in which the West stands for freedom and democracy. [90]

As Martinez points out in his analysis of Putin’s biopower, the combination of love and fear is not ever-lasting; the agape love of the citizens towards Putin has steadily declined, demonstrating a more critical stance towards politics in Russian society. [91] This has led to increased conservatism in Putin’s recent policies, a mélange of chauvinism and “religious-mystical rhetoric, traditionalism, isolationism and a conviction that the interests of the state should take priority over the interests of the individual.” [92] In this respect, love for Putin in Russia has evolved into something more close to pornography: “an expropriation of the potentiality for change, a surplus reality without content, and an ubiquitous visibility that communicates but does not care.” [93] This calls for new modes of resistance in Russia. Pussy Riot has certainly made a significant contribution in this regard. Since Maria Alyokhina’s and Nadezhda Tolokonnikova’s release due to Putin’s “amnesty” in December 2013, the young women have vowed to continue fighting for women’s rights. [94] Alyokhina has stated, “[w]e will be creating very special, colourful and powerful programmes to defend other innocent women in Russian prisons, who are being turned into slaves right now,” whilst Tolokonnikova has said that “Russia is built along the same lines as a prison camp at the moment, so it’s important to change the prison camps so that we can start to change Russia. Everything is just starting, so fasten your seat belts.” [95] Martinez explains that a Foucauldian strategy of resistance to biopower requires an attitude of indifference with regard to power, the refusal of care in the sense of not submitting to the temptations of possessing power or being cared for by it. Such a form of “carelessness” and “the profane potential of bare life” has been demonstrated by groups such as Pussy Riot and Voina (a provocative and politically-charged Russian street-art group), a phallus drawn on a bridge in St. Petersburg and an organized orgy at the Museum of Natural Science in Moscow. As Foucault argued, human life can never be fully integrated into the structures that govern it and it constantly resists forms of domination. [96] Thus, whilst, “women’s organizing in Russia – particularly on a feminist basis – faces serious obstacles in the foreseeable future”, [97] there remain some ways in which women can stand up for their rights. Not all calls for women’s rights and feminism need to be as radical as those of groups like Pussy Riot. Female academics, businesswomen, crisis centre workers, and other women in positions of influence all have a special responsibility to share their knowledge and promote the empowerment of women in their own ways, which can have a considerable impact on women’s lives, for ultimately resistance begins with the shaping of one’s self, which women can only do effectively when they are aware of their own rights. As the Russian feminist Olga Voronina argues, “[g]ender discrimination is a systemic sociological phenomenon, and it can only be overcome by society as a whole.” [98] In the first instance, however, this process requires a bottom-up approach, in which individuals become aware of the issue and learn to raise their voices and claim their rights.

In essence, innate gender differences between men and women have always been an underlying assumption of Russian society. Despite early notions of feminism in 18 th -early 20 th century Russia, and the proclaimed equality of woman and man since the Soviet Union, women have never effectively enjoyed the same rights as their male counterparts. Indeed, based on conceptions of natural gender differences, and the legal equality between men and women, as well as the perception that women should be part of the workforce, but nonetheless responsible for household chores, the role of women in the USSR was fundamentally paradoxical, and perhaps unachievable in reality. Nevertheless, Soviet women were offered access to education and jobs, albeit rarely in leadership circles. The fall of the USSR, is often associated with the objectification of Russian women, although it also opened opportunities for women’s movements and feminist groups, which had been prohibited under communism. Sadly, few of the women’s groups formed in the early 1990s have been very successful. Instead of moving towards liberal democracy, Russia has once again turned to authoritarianism, yet, this time combined with rampant consumerism. The new Russia was more or less divided amongst a group of old cronies, who subsequently became multi-millionaires, forming a new oligarch class. Putinism has reinforced the patriarchal structures of the country, through gender normative policies celebrating manhood and denigrating women as mere childbearers, mothers and housewives. Thus, Putin’s regime has been built upon and fostered by a gendered understanding of society that fundamentally represses women’s rights and disdains feminism. This is not to say that women do not have any opportunity to become involved in sectors such as politics and business, indeed there are some very prominent women in these spheres (a few have been mentioned above), but rather that the public discourse on family roles discourages women from doing so, creating a social environment that is not conducive to gender equality.

In Putin’s Russia, women are fundamentally portrayed as “lesser human” than men and many women do not even realise that this could and should be different, for Russian society has always been rather conservative in this respect, even if communist propaganda created an illusion of fairness. Of course, worldwide Russia is no exception in this regard, but the increasing repression of women in recent years is real reason for concern. Resistance to Putin’s regime is very difficult and inherently dangerous, as the example of Pussy Riot has shown. Yet, it is crucial to continue raising awareness about women’s rights in Russia. Here, it has been bireifly suggested that resistance begins with the construction of one’s self, which requires awareness of human and specifically women’s rights. Future studies should focus on exploring in-depth ways in which women can resist Putin’s masculinized authoritarianism, such as self-realisation. Further studies could also concentrate on how foreign support for women’s rights and feminism in Russia could be increased and made more effective.

[1] Alexander Kondakov, “An essay on feminist thinking in Russia: to be born a feminist,” Oñati Socio-legal Series 2(7) (2012): 35.

[2] Edith Saurer, Margareth Lanzinger, and Elisabeth Frysak, Women’s Movements: Networks and Debates in Post-communist Countries in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Köln, Weimar: Böhlau Verlag, 2006), 365.

[4] Amy Mandelker, Framing Anna Karenina: Tolstoy, the Woman Question, and the Victorian Novel (Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1993), 6.

[5] Rose L. Glickman, Russian Factory Women: Workplace and Society, 1880–1914 , (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), 243.

[6] Norma C. Noonan and Carol Nechemias, Encyclopedia of Russian Women’s Movements (Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001), 38-40.

[7] Kondakov, 35.

[9] Hedrick Smith, The Russians (New York: Ballantine Books, 1977), 166.

[10] Rochelle Goldberg Ruthchild, Equality & Revolution: Women’s Rights in the Russian Empire, 1905–1917 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2010), 235.

[11] Michele Rivkin-Fish, “Conceptualizing Feminist Strategies for Russian Reproductive Politices: Abortion, Motherhood, and Family Support after Socialism,” Signs 38(3) (2013): 572.

[13] Beth Holmgren, “Toward an Understanding of Gendered Agency in Contemporary Russia,” Signs 38(3) (2013): 536.

[14] Hedrick Smith, The New Russians (Random House, 1991), 183.

[15] Holmgren, 536.

[17] Ibid: 537.

[18] Kondakov, 36.

[20] Yaroskenko 2011 cited in Kondakov, 36.

[22] Ibid: 37.

[23] Janet Elise Johnson and Aino Saarinen, “Twenty-First Century Feminisms under Repression: Gender Regime Change and the Women’s Crisis Center Movement in Russia,” Signs 38(3) (2013): 545.

[24] Gapova 2005 in Kondakov, 37.

[25] See Johnson and Saarinen.

[26] Kondakov, 38.

[27] Holmgren, 537.

[28] Francisco Martinez, “The Erotic Biopower of Putinism: From Glamour to Pornography,” Laboratorium. Russian Review of Social Research 3 (2012): 113-114.

[30] Holmgren, 538.

[31] Vicki L. Hesli et al., “The Gender Divide in Russian Politics,” Women & Politics 22(2) (2001): 42.

[32] Ibid: 42.

[33] Peggy Watson, “Eastern Europe’s Silent Revolution: Gender,” Sociology 27(3) (1993): 471-87.

[34] Martinez: 110.

[35] Ibid: 537. See also Helena Goscilo, ed., Putin as a Celebrity and Cultural Icon , (London: Routledge, 2012).

[36] This new crudeness is also a consequence of Putin’s promotion of so many silovki under his rule. Johnson and Saarinen: 547-548.

[38] Quoted in Ibid.

[39] Martinez, 118.

[40] Johnson and Saarinen, 2013 548.

[41] Ibid: 549.

[42] Sara Rhodin, “A Holiday From Russia With Love,” The New York Times , July 9, 2008, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/09/world/europe/09russia.html?_r=0 .

[44] Johnson and Saarinen, 547.

[45] Michele Rivkin-Fish, “Pronatalism, Gender Politics, and the Renewal of Family Support in Russia: Toward a Feminist Anthropology of ‘Maternity Capital’,” Slavic Review 69(3) (2010): 702.

[46] Anne White, “Gender Roles in Contemporary Russia: Attitudes and Expectations among Women Students,” Europe-Asia Studies 57(3) (2005): 432.

[47] Rivkin-Fish: 573.

[49] Nadieszda Kizenko, “Feminized Patriarchy? Orthodoxy and Gender in Post Soviet Russia,” Signs 38(3): 598.

[50] Sakevich, 2007 cited in Rivkin-Fish, 2013, 573.

[51] Rivkin-Fish, 2013, 573.

[53] Kizenko, 598.

[54] Holmgren, 539.

[55] Michele Rivkin-Fish, “Representing What Women Want,” (paper presented at the Russian Futures: Contexts, Challenges, Trends conference, Duke University, Durham, NC, February 21, 2010).

[57] White: 432.

[58] Kizenko.

[59] Andrea Mazzarino, “Entrenpreneurial Women and the Business of Self-Development in Global Russia,” Signs 38(3) (2013): 623.

[60] Holmgren, 539.

[61] Hesli et al., 69-70.

[62] Holmgren, 540.

[64] Of course, many male journalists have also been persecuted in Russia in recent years.

[65] Amrita Basu, ed., Women’s Movements in the Global Era: The Power of Local Feminisms (Boulder: Westview, 2010), 13.

[66] Johnson and Saarinen, 2013, 544.

[67] Robert W. Orttung, “Russia”, Freedom House, Nations in Transit, 2009, accessed January 7, 2014, http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/nit/2009/Russia-final.pdf.

[68] Johnson and Saarinen, 2013, 562.

[69] Cook, 2011 cited in Janet Elise Johnson and Aino Saarinen, “Assessing civil society in Putin’s Russia: The plight of women’s crisis centers,” Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44 (2011): 42.

[70] Johnson and Saarinen, 2013, 561; 2011, 49.

[71] Ibid, 2013.

[72] Lisa McIntosh Sundstrom, “Women’s NGOs in Russia: Struggling from the Margins,” Demokratizatsiya 10(2) (2002): 237-38.

[73] Johnson and Saarinen, 2013, 550.

[74] See Barbara Evans Clements et al., Russian Masculinities in History and Culture (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002).

[75] Holmgren, 538.

[76] Hesli et al., 49.

[77] Alexei Yurchak and Dominic Boyer, “American Stiob: Or, What Late-Socialism Aesthetics of Parody Reveal about Contemporary Political Culture in the West,” Cultural Anthropology 25(2) (2010): 211.

[78] Vikki Turbine, “Locating Women’s Human Rights in Post-Soviet Provincial Russia,” Europe-Asia Studies 64(10) (2012): 1847-1869.

[79] Mary Buckley, “The Politics Surrounding Gender Issues and Domestic Violence in Russia: What is to Be Done, By Whom and How?,” Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 26(3): 443.

[80] Hesli et al., 49.

[81] Holmgren: 537.

[82] Free Pussy Riot! Lyrics of songs of pussy riot, accessed January 7, 2014, http: //www.freepussyriot.org/content/lyrics-songs-pussy-riot.

[83] Lizzie Seal, “Pussy Riot and feminist cultural criminology: a new ‘ Femininity in Dissent ’ ?,” Contemporary Justice Review 16(2) (2013): 293.

[84] Katrina vanden Heuvel, “Free Pussy Riot,” The Nation , May 2, 2012, http://www.thenation.com/blog/167647/free-pussy-riot# and Valeria Costa-Kostritsky, “Is feminism in Russia a mortal sin?,” New Statesman , August 16, 2012, http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/politics/2012/08/feminism-russia-mortal-sin .

[85] vanden Heuvel.

[86] Seal, 294.

[87] Free Pussy Riot! “The 6th letter from detention by Nadia written on the eve of the verdict,” accessed January 7, 2014 http://www.freepussyriot.org/content/6th-letter-detention-nadia-written-eve-verdict.

[88] See Katrina vanden Heuvel; Valeria Costa-Kostritsky.

[89] Seal, 294.

[90] Ibid: 299.

[91] Martinez: 117.

[92] Mikhail Kochkin, “The Birth Pangs of Russian Conservatism,” Russia and Eurasia Review 2(6) (2003), http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_cache=1&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=28401).

[93] Martinez, 118.

[94] The third young Pussy Riot member, who received a prison sentence was released and put on probation in October 2012.

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Written by: Nicola Ann Hardwick, MSc (Oxon), M.A.I.S. Written at: Diplomatic Academy of Vienna Written for: Professor Gerhard Mangott Date written: January 2014

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V. I. Lenin

The tasks of the working women’s movement in the soviet republic, speech delivered at the fourth moscow city conference of non-party working women, september 23, 1919.

Delivered: 23 September, 1919 First Published: Pravda No. 213, September 25, 1919 ; Published according to the text of the pamphlet, V. I. Lenin, Speech at the Working Women’s Congress, Moscow, 1919, verified with the Pravda text Source: Lenin’s Collected Works , 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965, Volume 30, pages 40-46 Translated: George Hanna Transcription/HTML Markup: David Walters & Robert Cymbala Copyleft: V. I. Lenin Internet Archive (www.marx.org) 2002. Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License

Comrades, it gives me pleasure to greet a conference of working women. I will allow myself to pass over those subjects and questions that, of course, at the moment are the cause of the greatest concern to every working woman and to every politically-conscious individual from among the working people; these are the most urgent questions—that of bread and that of the war situation. I know from the newspaper reports of your meetings that these questions have been dealt with exhaustively by Comrade Trotsky as far as war questions are concerned and by Comrades Yakovleva and Svidersky as far as the bread question is concerned; please, therefore, allow me to pass over those questions.

I should like to say a few words about the general tasks facing the working women’s movement in the Soviet Republic, those that are, in general, connected with the transition to socialism, and those that are of particular urgency at the present time. Comrades, the question of the position of women was raised by Soviet power from the very beginning. It seems to me that any workers’ state in the course of transition to socialism is laced with a double task. The first part of that task is relatively simple and easy. It concerns those old laws that kept women in a position of inequality as compared to men.

Participants in all emancipation movements in Western Europe have long since, not for decades but for centuries, put forward the demand that obsolete laws be annulled and women and men be made equal by law, but none of the democratic European states, none of the most advanced republics have succeeded in putting it into effect, because wherever there is capitalism, wherever there is private property in land and factories, wherever the power of capital is preserved, the men retain their privileges. It was possible to put it into effect in Russia only because the power of the workers has been established here since October 25, 1917. From its very inception Soviet power set out to be the power of the working people, hostile to all forms of exploitation. It set itself the task of doing away with the possibility of the exploitation of the working people by the landowners and capitalists, of doing away with the rule of capital. Soviet power has been trying to make it possible for the working people to organise their lives without private property in land, without privately-owned factories, without that private property that everywhere, throughout the world, even where there is complete political liberty, even in the most democratic republics, keeps the working people in a state of what is actually poverty and wage-slavery, and women in a state of double slavery.

Soviet power, the power of the working people, in the first months of its existence effected a very definite revolution in legislation that concerns women. Nothing whatever is left in the Soviet Republic of those laws that put women in a subordinate position. I am speaking specifically of those laws that took advantage of the weaker position of women and put them in a position of inequality and often, even, in a humiliating position, i.e., the laws on divorce and on children born out of wedlock and on the right of a woman to summon the father of a child for maintenance.

It is particularly in this sphere that bourgeois legislation, even, it must be said, in the most advanced countries, takes advantage of the weaker position of women to humiliate them and give them a status of inequality. It is particularly in this sphere that Soviet power has left nothing whatever of the old, unjust laws that were intolerable for working people. We may now say proudly and without any exaggeration that apart from Soviet Russia there is not a country in the world where women enjoy full equality and where women are not placed in the humiliating position felt particularly in day-to-day family life. This was one of our first and most important tasks.

If you have occasion to come into contact with parties that are hostile to the Bolsheviks, if there should come into your hands newspapers published in Russian in the regions occupied by Koichak or Denikin, or if you happen to talk to people who share the views of those newspapers, you may often hear from them the accusation that Soviet power has violated democracy.

We, the representatives of Soviet power, Bolshevik Communists and supporters of Soviet power are often accused of violating democracy and proof of this is given by citing the fact that Soviet power dispersed the Constituent Assembly. We usually answer this accusation as follows; that democracy and that Constituent Assembly which came into being when private property still existed on earth, when there was no equality between people, when the one who possessed his own capital was the boss and the others worked for him and were his wage-slaves-that was a democracy on which we place no value. Such democracy concealed slavery even in the most advanced countries. We socialists are supporters of democracy only insofar as it eases the position of the working and oppressed people. Throughout the world socialism has set itself the task of combating every kind of exploitation of man by man. That democracy has real value for us winch serves the exploited, the underprivileged. If those who do not work are disfranchised that would be real equality between people. Those who do not work should not eat.

In reply to these accusations we say that the question must be presented in this way—how is democracy implemented in various countries? We see that equality is proclaimed in all democratic republics but in the civil laws and in laws on the rights of women—those that concern their position in the family and divorce—we see inequality and the humiliation of women at every step, and we say that this is a violation of democracy specifically in respect of the oppressed. Soviet power has implemented democracy to a greater degree than any of the other, most advanced countries because it has not left in its laws any trace of the inequality of women. Again I say that no other state and no other legislation has ever done for women a half of what Soviet power did in the first months of its existence.

Laws alone, of course, are not enough, and we are by no means content with mere decrees. In the sphere of legislation, however, we have done everything required of us to put women in a position of equality and we have every right to be proud of it. The position of women in Soviet Russia is now ideal as compared with their position in the most advanced states. We tell ourselves, however, that this is, of course, only the beginning.

Owing to her work in the house, the woman is still in a difficult position. To effect her complete emancipation and make her the equal of the man it is necessary for the national economy to be socialised and for women to participate in common productive labour. Then women will occupy the same position as men.

Here we are not, of course, speaking of making women the equal of men as far as productivity of labour, the quantity of labour, the length of the working day, labour conditions, etc., are concerned; we mean that the woman should not, unlike the man, be oppressed because of her position in the family. You all know that even when women have full rights, they still remain factually downtrodden because all housework is left to them. In most cases housework is the most unproductive, the most barbarous and the most arduous work a woman can do. It is exceptionally petty and does not include anything that would in any way promote the development of the woman.

In pursuance of the socialist ideal we want to struggle for the full implementation of socialism, and here an extensive field of labour opens up before women. We are now making serious preparations to clear the ground for the building of socialism, but the building of socialism will begin only when we have achieved the complete equality of women and when we undertake the new work together with women who have been ’emancipated from that petty, stultifying, unproductive work. This is a job that will take us many, many years.

This work cannot show any rapid results and will not produce a scintillating effect.

We are setting up model institutions, dining-rooms and nurseries, that will emancipate women from housework. And the work of organising all these institutions will fall mainly to women. It has to be admitted that in Russia today there are very few institutions that would help woman out of her state of household slavery. There is an insignificant number of them, and the conditions now obtaining in the Soviet Republic—the war and food situation about which comrades have already given you the details—hinder us in this work. Still, it must be said that these institutions that liberate women from their position as household slaves are springing up wherever it is in any way possible.

We say that the emancipation of the workers must be effected by the workers themselves, and in exactly the same way the emancipation of working women is a matter for the working women themselves. The working women must themselves see to it that such institutions are developed, and this activity will bring about a complete change in their position as compared with what it was under the old, capitalist society.

In order to be active in politics under the old, capitalist regime special training was required, so that women played an insignificant part in politics, even in the most advanced and free capitalist countries. Our task is to make politics available to every working woman. Ever since private property in laud and factories has been abolished and the power of the landowners and capitalists overthrown, the tasks of politics have become simple, clear and comprehensible to the working people as a whole, including working women. In capitalist society the woman’s position is marked by such inequality that the extent of her participation in politics is only an insignificant fraction of that of the man. The power of the working people is necessary for a change to be wrought in this situation, for then the main tasks of politics will consist of matters directly affecting the fate of the working people themselves.

Here, too, the participation of working women is essential —not only of party members and politically-conscious women, but also of the non-party women and those who are least politically conscious. Here Soviet power opens up a wide field of activity to working women.

We have had a difficult time in the struggle against the forces hostile to Soviet Russia that have attacked her. It was difficult for us to fight on the battlefield against the forces who went to war against the power of the working people and in the field of food supplies against the profiteers, because of the too small number of people, working people, who came whole-heartedly to our aid with their own labour. Here, too, there is nothing Soviet power can appreciate as much as the help given by masses of non-party working women. They may know that in the old, bourgeois society, perhaps, a comprehensive training was necessary for participation in politics and that this was not available to women. The political activity of the Soviet Republic is mainly the struggle against the landowners and capitalists, the struggle for the elimination of exploitation; political activity, therefore, is made available to the working woman in the Soviet Republic and it will consist in the working woman using her organisational ability to help the working man.

What we need is not only organisational work on a scale involving millions; we need organisational work on the smallest scale and this makes it possible for women to work as well. Women can work under war conditions when it is a question of helping the army or carrying on agitation in the army. Women should take an active part in all this so that the Red Army sees that it is being looked after, that solicitude is being displayed. Women can also work in the sphere of food distribution, on the improvement of public catering and everywhere opening dining-rooms like those that are so numerous in Petrograd.

It is in these fields that the activities of working women acquire the greatest organisational significance. The participation of working women is also essential in the organisation and running of big experimental farms and should not take place only in isolated cases. This i5 something that cannot be carried out without the participation of a large number of working women. Working women will be very useful in this field in supervising the distribution of food and in making food products more easily obtainable. This work can well be done by non-party working women and its accomplishment will do more than anything else to strengthen socialist society.

We have abolished private property in land and almost completely abolished the private ownership of factories; Soviet power is now trying to ensure that all working people, non-party as well as Party members, women as well as men, should take part in this economic development. The work that Soviet power has begun can only make progress when, instead of a few hundreds, millions and millions of women throughout Russia take part in it. We are sure that the cause of socialist development will then become sound. Then the working people will show that they can live and run their country without the aid of the landowners and capitalists. Then socialist construction will be so soundly based in Russia that no external enemies in other countries and none inside Russia will be any danger to the Soviet Republic.

Collected Works Volume 30 Collected Works Table of Contents Lenin Works Archive