abortion essay in afrikaans

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Women’s Reproductive Decision Making and Abortion Experiences in Cape Town, South Africa: A Qualitative Study

Marie e. sullivan.

1 Department of Behavioral and Social Science, Brown University School of Public Health, Providence, RI, USA

Abigail Harrison

Jane harries.

2 Women’s Health Research Unit School of Public Health & Family Medicine, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa

Rochelle K. Rosen

3 Centers for Behavioral and Preventive Medicine, The Miriam Hospital, Providence, RI, USA

Omar Galárraga

Unintended pregnancy is a significant public health issue in South Africa. Despite free services including contraception, women face structural and institutional barriers to accessing care. This qualitative study comprised interviews with 16 women aged 18 to 40 years and receiving post-abortion services at a public clinic in Cape Town. Data analysis revealed three main themes: personal journeys in seeking abortion, contraceptive experiences, and contrasting feelings of empowerment (in reproductive decision making) and disempowerment (in the health care system). Women perceived themselves as solely responsible for their reproductive health, but found it difficult to obtain adequate information or services.

In the Western Cape of South Africa, 62.5% of sexually active women use a modern contraception method. ( South Africa Demographic and Health Survey 2016 ) Despite free access to contraception in public health services, unintended pregnancy remains high, reflecting service delivery problems, inequitable access, and gaps in correct, consistent and continuous use. ( N Lince-Deroche et al., 2016 ) In South Africa 18% of women report an unmet need for family planning. ( South Africa Demographic and Health Survey 2016 ) Through in depth interviews, the authors explored women’s reproductive decision-making, and the pathways of influence to those decisions, in the context of unintended pregnancy and abortion in Cape Town, South Africa. The reasoning behind why women are choosing long acting reversible contraception and discussions regarding ways to improve women’s reproductive health care experiences can provide insight to an international audience beyond the Western Cape of South Africa.

Hormonal injectable contraceptive methods (DMPA (Depo) and Net-EN) are the most widely used forms of birth control in both the Western Cape as well as South Africa as a whole. ( South Africa Demographic and Health Survey 2016 ) This method requires regular follow-ups at either two or three month intervals, which can mean long waiting times, transportation costs and lost work time. Historically, South Africa has relied on intensive use of injectable contraceptives. ( N Lince-Deroche et al., 2016 ) Contraceptive options have expanded through introduction of long-acting reversible contraception (LARC) methods, namely the implant (Implanon NXT) and intrauterine devices (the copper IUD, also known as the loop or the coil). LARCs are convenient as they do not require monthly follow-up, and are also highly effective, but not all methods are popular. ( Patel, 2014 ) In the Western Cape, 2.3% of sexually active women use the IUD and 6.6% use the implant. Overall this is higher than South Africa as a whole, where 1.2% have an IUD and 3.9% have an implant. ( South Africa Demographic and Health Survey 2016 ) These percentages are still very low despite the long-term effectiveness and easy removal of LARC methods.

Since 1996, abortion has been legal without restriction up to 12 weeks’ gestation in South Africa, and is free in public sector facilities (CTOP) ( “Facts on Abortion in Africa,” 2015 ; R. Jewkes, Brown, Dickson-Tetteh, Levin, & Rees, 2002 ) Despite this, a high rate of unsafe abortion continues, reflecting ongoing social, economic and health service barriers. ( Trueman & Magwentshu, 2013 ) Women face stigma when seeking abortion, and health care providers may refuse training or to perform abortions, causing service shortages. ( Harries, Cooper, Strebel, & Colvin, 2014a ; A. Harrison, Montgomery, Lurie, & Wilkinson, 2000 ) Thus, women may travel long distances for abortion services, often incurring high personal costs from childcare, transportation, and missed work. ( Trueman & Magwentshu, 2013 ; Naomi Lince-Deroche et al., 2015 ) Private and non-governmental abortion services are unaffordable for many. ( Trueman & Magwentshu, 2013 ) These factors - stigma, gestational age restrictions, lack of providers and cost - can push women into unsafe abortions. ( Constant, Grossman, Lince, & Harries, 2014 ; Harries, Cooper, Strebel, & Colvin, 2014b ; Harries, Gerdts, Momberg, & Foster, 2015 ; R. Jewkes et al., 2002 ; Trueman & Magwentshu, 2013 ) Women who receive clandestine abortion services face health risks from unqualified providers and also miss other benefits like post-abortion counseling and contraception advice. ( Macha, Muyuni, Nkonde, & Faúndes, 2014 ; Mayi-Tsonga et al., 2014 )

Factors Affecting Women’s Reproductive Health Care Seeking Behaviors

For many women, family planning and antenatal care during pregnancy provide their most frequent health care contact. While South Africa’s public health care system is generally well-resourced, poor quality of care is common. Common barriers reflect inadequate care, including long wait times and lack of guidance from health care providers ( Solarin & Black, 2013 ), like appropriate self-care and follow-up while using contraception. Beyond quality, misuse of power in the health care system is well-documented, ranging from clinical neglect to verbal and physical abuse, clearly affecting women’s care-seeking decisions.( R. Jewkes, Abrahams, & Mvo, 1998 ; Kruger & Schoombee, 2010 )

Gender inequality is an important structural factor underlying women’s status and health outcomes in South Africa. Women may lack decision-making power in sexual relationships and thus experience violence when negotiating condom or contraceptive use, as well as restricted access to services and treatments. ( Andersson, Cockcroft, & Shea, 2008 ; Gupta, 2000 ; Hoffman, 2006 ; Luke, 2003 ; Stirling, Rees, Kasedde, & Hankins, 2008 ) ( Dunkle et al., 2004 ; Gupta, 2000 ; A. Harrison, Cleland, & Frohlich, 2008 ; A. Harrison, Colvin, C., Kuo, C., Swartz, A., Lurie, M., 2015 ; Stirling et al., 2008 ) Research also highlights the centrality of HIV/AIDS to women’s reproductive health in South Africa. Women face an added burden in achieving optimal reproductive and sexual health while also managing HIV-related concerns. ( Cooper et al., 2004 ).

Women’s empowerment and reproductive health are central concerns in global development. The Millennium Development Goals and Sustainable Development Goals focus on gender equality and women’s empowerment as strategies to reduce poverty, hunger, and disease.( Chopra et al., 2009 ; Sachs, 2012 ; UN, 2000 ) In South Africa, a similar emphasis on gender equality is prominent in policy discourses. Research has disclosed the country’s severe epidemic of gender-based violence – among the highest levels in the world – highlighting intersections between violence and women’s health outcomes. ( Abrahams, Mathews, Martin, Lombard, & Jewkes, 2013 ; Dunkle et al., 2004 ; R. Jewkes, Flood, & Lang, 2015 ; R. K. Jewkes, Levin, & Penn-Kekana, 2003 )

The authors’ main areas of inquiry included how self-perceptions of personal empowerment affect women’s reproductive health decisions, women’s experiences accessing reproductive health care including abortion, and negotiation of reproductive decision-making within women’s lives and relationships. Building on an established definition of “empowerment” - the ability to make choices that were previously denied - we sought to understand women’s agency and sense of individual empowerment in making reproductive health decisions. ( Kabeer, 1999 )

Geographical Setting

Cape Town, the largest city in Western Cape Province, South Africa, has a multiethnic population comprised of: mixed race (referred to as Coloured), Black, White, plus recent immigrants. Three main languages are spoken: Afrikaans, isiXhosa, and English. ( South Africa Demographic and Health Survey 2016 ) Interviews were conducted at a public community health center with a dedicated reproductive health service near Cape Town in June–July 2015.

This qualitative study was a sub-study of a small randomized controlled trial (N=100) to evaluate the effectiveness of a lottery-based economic incentive in increasing effective modern contraceptive use with condoms (dual protection) among reproductive age women at risk for unintended pregnancy and HIV/STIs (sexually transmitted infections). Study participants were 18–40 years, and were seeking abortion services (both surgical and medical). Medical abortions were performed with Mifepristone at the clinic followed by Misoprostol at home. Surgical abortions, using manual vacuum aspiration (MVA), were performed at the clinic. Women in the RCT selected a post-abortion modern contraceptive method (injectable hormonal contraception, implant, or IUD), and agreed to return for 3 and 6-month follow-up.

Qualitative Data Collection and Procedures

Women were approached to participate in the qualitative study after completing the RCT baseline questionnaire. Research methods included in-depth interviews (IDIs), participant observations (POs), and one expert interview. This small sample (N=16) was deemed sufficient given the detailed socio-demographic and reproductive health data collected through the RCT, plus the participant observations and expert interview, permitting triangulation of data across methods and participants. Sample size was based on anticipated data saturation in key areas of inquiry, and available resources. To deepen and enrich the understanding of women’s reproductive decision-making, we opted for a smaller, in-depth investigation rather than a larger sample with broad coverage.

Sixteen women were purposively recruited for IDIs and provided informed consent. Interviews were conducted in English unless women preferred to speak isiXhosa. Two local interviewers assisted at all interviews, including those in English, to clarify questions and translate when necessary. One interview was completed in isiXhosa and then translated to English. A transcript was prepared for each interview from digital recordings and reviewed for translation quality, accuracy, and anonymized.

In-Depth Interviews

The in-depth interviews followed a semi-structured question guide addressing: participants’ abortion experience, access to reproductive health services, reproductive decision-making, feelings of empowerment, and resources for reproductive health decisions. Questions were open-ended to elicit women’s perspectives more fully. Interviews lasted approximately one half hour conducted in a private space with snacks; there was no other incentive although a transportation fee was provided to RCT participants.

Challenges arose during data collection, as many women did not understand the questions about empowerment. The original questions, drawn from standard health survey items, were intended to assess women’s perceived control over decisions and actions. The question guide was adjusted following the initial interviews using an iterative process with local interviewers. Words like “power,” “independent,” and “strong” were substituted for “empowerment” in two of the questions, reflecting the difficulties of translating “empowerment” into isiXhosa. These changes were effective, leading to more robust dialogue with the participants, and an iterative research process that emphasized triangulation of multiple data sources.

In addition to the 16 IDIs, one key informant interview with the clinic’s chief reproductive health provider was conducted, addressing professional responsibilities, women’s contraceptive use, and access to abortion and reproductive health services.

Additional Data Collection Methods

Participant observations (PO) were conducted in the study clinic two days a week for seven weeks, and included talking with women in the waiting room and observing daily clinic procedures. Field notes from these observations informed a deeper understanding of research findings. Finally, baseline quantitative survey data from the parent RCT was extracted to compile a detailed socio-demographic profile, contraceptive and reproductive histories, and general health status for each participant.

Data analysis

Transcripts were first read to identify major themes and inform development of a structured coding scheme. Four research team members discussed the interpretation of women’s responses, with cross-cultural input from the two interviewers. This process revealed several broad thematic areas: abortion experience, empowerment/disempowerment, reproductive decision-making, and autonomy in reproductive health decisions. Analytical codes were developed within each thematic area by two study team members using a structured, consensus-driven process. The final coding scheme included both a priori and emergent themes. ( Ulin, Robinson, & Tolley, 2005 )

Data were organized and analyzed using NVivo qualitative data analysis software (QSR International Pty Ltd. Version 10, 2012.), with data reduction rules constructed to elicit the most pertinent data, and with triangulation of data from the key informant interview, quantitative baseline survey, and the IDIs.

Ethics Approval

Research approvals were obtained from two IRBs (international and local) and also from the provincial Department of Health in South Africa.

The 16 study participants ranged from 19 to 38 years old (mean age = 28.5), with diverse backgrounds: black South African, Coloured, and non-South African (from Malawi) ( Table 1 ). Eight women planned to use injectable hormonal contraception after their abortion while 4 selected the implant and 4 the IUD. ( Table 1 shows income, employment, relationship status and other details).

Sociodemographic characteristics

Three major, interconnected themes emerged: personal journeys in seeking abortion, and the reasons; contraceptive experiences and reproductive decision making; and sense of empowerment related to reproductive health. First, women described their journeys personally and through the health care system in seeking abortion, including navigating an unclear pathway often filled with shame, judgment, and confusion. Second, women described their non-use or inconsistent use of contraception, and the circumstances surrounding their unintended pregnancy. Third, women discussed their perceived control of decisions about contraception, abortion and reproductive health care, reflected in a sense of personal responsibility and not depending on men. However, a contrasting sense of disempowerment emerged, related to the structural context of treatment by health service providers, and women’s lack of access to adequate health information.

Abortion Experiences

Personal journeys seeking abortion services.

Many women experienced passive discouragement in seeking abortion, resulting from disorganization, poor quality service, and too few providers. Some women were actively discouraged from abortion by a health care provider, peers or family members, yet the overarching barriers were structural and system-related.

Many women did not know what to expect regarding their abortion. Up to 9 weeks’ gestation, women may be referred for either a medical or surgical abortion, but only surgical abortions are performed thereafter. Women received little support as they sought to understand these details, including misinformation, poor directions and uncertainty over clinic locations. Many women received incomplete information from referring clinics, not infrequently bouncing between clinics and hospitals with long lines and few personnel to answer questions. Generally, women confirm pregnancy at a primary care clinic, then receive an ultrasound in another facility, before proceeding to the abortion clinic, often walking these distances. As one woman described: It’s completely disorganized. Especially when we are in the state that we are in … . The TOP [termination of pregnancy] provider was not here … The waiting rooms … the hard chairs. It’s cold and inhospitable for everyone who is sitting there getting cold and you’re in pain … I just feel things could be a little … more comfortable for us. (35-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate)

Similarly, another woman said:

“[After] 3 hours … someone finally tells me, you shouldn’t be here. You should be downstairs and now you re late so I don’t know if they [will help you]. ” (31-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate)

Such experiences reflect the reality of personnel shortages and intermittent quality of care in public health facilities.

Often, health care providers did not provide complete information about how to access a safe abortion. This may have reflected their own mixed feelings about abortion, and also a lack of transparency and timely information for health care procedures more generally. Regardless, some women felt they had to advocate for their right to abortion:

I was counseled 4–5 times… The first thing I was told was “I don’t judge” … Also, “have you changed your mind” …? How am I going to know if I’m going to change my mind if I don’t even know what’s going to happen next? … I think there is a big part of the procedure that’s missing and that’s telling me “this is what is going to happen to you.” (35-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate)

Many women told us “It’s scary when you don’t know what to expect” (31-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate). Other women were misinformed that having multiple abortions means “a very high risk that you won’t be able to have children one day” (19-year-old without children; university student). Others used the internet to seek information not provided at other clinics. Although abortion is provided free in the public sector, many women were concerned about insufficient resources. As one woman stated, “not everybody can afford to travel this much … people have to work” (35-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate). From long lines to unpleasant experiences like nurses shouting about having sex and then coming back here having STDs … , women recounted frequent harsh treatment and frustration with the convoluted health care system (38-year-old mother of two; technical college graduate).

Reasons for Abortion

Women offered multiple reasons for abortion, including financial concerns, already having multiple children, and the need to finish school. One was reluctant to have another child without being married, but didn’t tell her partner about the abortion, fearing he would not be supportive. Others cited relationship concerns, including lack of trust, like a cheating partner who did not want anything to do with her pregnancy or an alcoholic partner who would not be a trusted father, as well as recent divorce or not being ready to raise a child with a new partner. Two HIV positive women discussed the need to focus first on their own health and starting antiretroviral therapy so as to prevent HIV transmission to their child.

Contraception and Reproductive decision-making

Each woman received pre-abortion contraception counseling and education, focused mainly on choosing a contraceptive method for after the abortion. For some women, this provided their first knowledge of long acting contraceptive methods, as one said:

She explain everything to us, [the nurse]. She explain a lot. I’m very happy. Because I know something that I didn’t know … about the loop [IUD] and implant … I only knew about injection and pills. (28-year-old mother of two; completed grade 11)

Women experienced a lack of consistency between health providers at different facilities. One woman described a nurse who insisted that she had given her a pamphlet about contraceptive choices, stating “ they give everyone one” although in fact she was informed only about the contraceptive implant (31-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate). Many women found it difficult to start a dialogue about family planning. One woman described how it felt “… like the doors are not open” and when she sought information about the best family planning for her the health care provider responded: “you can choose yourself because I already gave you the papers” (24-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate. Another woman said:

We don’t get someone to talk about these things openly. We don’t always get people that encourage us women. There are a lot of people in abusive relationships. Women that you don’t even know and she walks up and down with a smile … So for women to get power to have control over her own body (31 year-old mother of two; secondary school graduate).

Compounding this, many women did not know what questions to ask health care providers, despite understanding that better knowledge would give them greater agency regarding their reproductive health.

Women also talked about the importance of financial stability in planning reproductive decisions: “ if you have money, you can plan all your things … you have power” (38-year-old mother of two; technical college graduate). Many women agreed on the importance of not having more children without being able to provide financially. They perceived family planning as a financial decision, and a key component of controlling their own autonomy. After an unintended pregnancy, one woman explained this as an important future goal:

[Without] family planning you just have children every year, you can’t … survive and you can tbe able to take care of children (27-year-old mother of two; secondary school graduate).

For many women, the choice of abortion signified control over one aspect of their lives. Some women did not tell their partners for fear of a negative reaction. One woman discussed women’s sense of responsibility for reproductive health as being more important than men’s “because it’s her body and if pregnancy or STDs she’s going to have to deal with it” (19-year-old without children; university student). This influenced some women’s favorable attitudes toward the LARC methods, which allowed them greater control over family planning. As one said:

With the loop [IUD] it’s not something that he’s going to pick up on because he’s not going to know it’s there … this is a lot of men’s thinking, if you re using contraceptives that means you re sleeping around … something like an IUD or the implant the woman would be able to do it without the male’s input … the same with the injection, but the male does have a lot of persuasion with regards to the condom only … [and] the pills are something he can take away.” (31-year-old mother of one; secondary school graduate).

Women’s Empowerment and Reproductive Health

Despite the prevailing gender and power dynamics of relationships, many women described a sense of equal control regarding reproductive health. Many explained they were responsible for their abortion decision, and most had traveled to the clinic without their partners. Similarly, these women controlled decisions about contraception. Most women said their partner supported contraceptive use, although some women’s current partners wanted to have children. Thus, while most women viewed family planning negotiation as an important way for women to advocate for their reproductive health, most also said that if their partner did not support contraception they would not discuss it. When asked how they would advise a woman who didn’t have much negotiating power, many women suggested “go behind his back [to] do the family planning” (27-year-old mother of two; secondary school graduate).

Women discussed their negotiating strategies, and how to confidently assert power in reproductive decisions:

Your husband is going to say, “why do we have to use condoms?” and just give a reason … if you talk to him and explain why maybe he’ll understand. Because a man is stubborn. They are stubborn, until we convince them (28-year-old mother of three; completed grade 11).

Women were especially concerned about controlling decisions about family size, often for practical reasons like focusing on educating and feeding the children they already have.

These findings highlight how women’s complex and sometimes contradictory reproductive decisions influence health outcomes. In this study, many women discussed how they assert power in reproductive decision-making to control contraceptive use and their abortion decision. They perceived themselves as empowered and strong, a feeling grounded in a sense of personal responsibility for both reproductive and broader life decisions. This sense of agency, however, contrasted with certain realities of women’s lives. Some were clearly not in equal or supportive relationships, achieving desired outcomes by hiding contraceptive use and even their abortion from male partners. Further, all women in the study had experienced an unintended or unwanted pregnancy, signifying failure in their pregnancy prevention strategy. Equally, however, accessing abortion reflected a desired outcome, grounded in women’s agency and right to choose. Most notably, these findings captured the stark contrasts between women’s sense of personal agency, and the relative disempowerment they experienced within the health system. Most women described stigma, confusion and lack of support en route to their abortion. Beyond abortion itself, many women lacked essential knowledge about contraception and reproductive health. They sought engagement with health providers to enable better and more appropriate choices, particularly regarding contraceptive methods. Yet many women were disappointed by their limited access to such services. Most women viewed control over reproductive decision making as essential in planning for future pregnancies, and they viewed high quality reproductive health care as a means to achieve this.

These findings offer some contrasts to the structural context of gender inequality and violence that pervades many South African women’s lives and relationships. Indeed, these women represent a select group that has achieved – despite many challenges – an important reproductive health outcome, and may differ in important ways from other South African women. Also, this study was conducted in Cape Town, a relatively well-resourced part of the country, and most women had some secondary education. However, women described unequal relationships with men, leading some women to clandestine contraceptive use and other secretive behaviors. From the limited number of interviews, it is hard to say definitively that women prefer injectable contraception. There could be several reasons more women chose this method from it being more familiar to women in South Africa and LARCS being perceived more widely as newer methods. Overall, there does seem to be a desire for methods that can be used covertly without a male partner’s knowledge. These means of controlling their reproductive lives offers an important reminder that women can and do have agency even within a context of inequality.

Women described difficulties in navigating the health care system, which affected their abortion care-seeking and attempts to learn and gain health information. Challenges in accessing abortion services are well known: in South Africa, the lack of abortion providers and ongoing stigma regarding abortion mean that women often face substantial costs and experience guilt and shame. ( Harries et al., 2014a ; A. Harrison et al., 2000 ; Naomi Lince-Deroche et al., 2015 ; Trueman & Magwentshu, 2013 ), feelings that are compounded by well-known quality of care issues ( R. Jewkes et al., 1998 ; Kruger & Schoombee, 2010 ; Solarin & Black, 2013 ) These qualitative findings extend this understanding, however, to focus on women’s perceived loss of control and sense of disempowerment within the health care system, and their lack of reproductive health literacy.

Limitations

These findings derive from a small qualitative sample, although data from multiple sources were triangulated to provider deeper insights. These women are a select group who successfully sought abortion care, and may thus not represent all women. Further, women’s different experiences within the clinic setting, including some medical and some surgical abortions, possibly influenced their responses. Although these findings are not generalizable beyond the immediate context, this is appropriate for a qualitative study, and describing the barriers women face in accessing reproductive health services has broad relevance.

Implications for Practice and Policy

These findings suggest ways to improve women’s reproductive health care experiences. First, increasing women’s reproductive health literacy is important, through improved counseling and access to clear, simple materials about contraceptive methods and choices. Health literacy requires empowering choices through knowledge and understanding, not only providing information. Second, although recent policy attention has increased both access to and demand for long acting reversible contraceptive methods (LARCs), more efforts are essential to reduce unintended pregnancies. Other evidence-based strategies like health systems navigators to guide women through complex reproductive health care processes could also be effective. Male partner engagement is additionally an important next step since men are not usually well informed about contraception and women’s needs. A starting point is gender-focused health education that helps to engage and inform men, and to strengthen women through a better understanding from their male partners about contraceptive preferences. This would additionally focus on debunking some of the negative stereotypes about contraception.

Ultimately, increasing demand from women themselves will require attention to both health literacy and quality of care. Women’s sense of disempowerment and disappointment with the health care system point to a fundamental lack of trust between patients and reproductive health care providers, signifying slow progress toward a “trust-based health system”.( Gilson, 2003 ) With a currently favorable policy environment, this research is timely and well-positioned to contribute to changes and improvements in reproductive health care.

Acknowledgments

Funding Statement: This study was funded by Competitive Seed Funding from the Office of the Vice President for Research, Brown University and the Nora Kahn Piore Award, Brown University School of Public Health

Biographies

Marie E. Sullivan, MPH is a current medical student at George Washington School of Medicine and Health Sciences. She earned her MPH at Brown University where she concentrated in global health studies. Her research interests include sexual and reproductive health.

Abigail Harrison, PhD, MPH is Assistant Professor, Department of Behavioral and Social Sciences at the Brown University School of Public Health. She is a social epidemiologist who conducts qualitative research on young women’s reproductive health and HIV prevention interventions in sub-Saharan Africa.

Jane Harries, PhD, MPH is Director and Associate Professor, Women’s Health Research Unit, School of Public Health and Family Medicine, University of Cape Town. She is a social scientist who conducts qualitative and quantitative research on women’s reproductive health including contraceptive use, abortion and health service utilization.

Namhla Sicwebu is an MPH student at the University of Cape Town, School of Public Health and Family Medicine. She is interested in women’s reproductive health and qualitative research, and is conducting a study on caregiver-led HIV disclosure among children in South Africa.

Rochelle K. Rosen, PhD is a research scientist at the Centers for Behavioral and Preventive Medicine, The Miriam Hospital, and assistant professor (research), Department of Behavioral and Social Sciences, Brown University School of Public Health. She is a medical anthropologist who conducts cross-cultural research on health promotion.

Omar Galárraga, PhD is Assistant Professor, Department of Health Services, Policy and Practice at the Brown University School of Public Health. He is a health economist with research interests in behavioral economics, conditional economic incentives, and implementation and evaluation of global HIV prevention interventions.

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Personhood and Abortion in African Philosophy

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• Motsamai Molefe 2  

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In this chapter, Molefe reflects on the bioethical question of abortion in light of the African personhood-based view of dignity. The central question is whether the idea of personhood would permit or forbid abortion. He ultimately defends the view that forbids abortion. To secure this conclusion, he structures the chapter as follows. He begins with questions of methodology. He first proposes what he takes to be a suitable method to engage on the question of abortion. He rejects approaches employed by some of the leading scholars in African philosophy like Benezet Bujo, Mabogo Ramose and Godfrey Tangwa since they are based on controversial metaphysical views. Secondly, he considers Kai Horsthemke’s essay—‘African Communalism, Persons, and Animals’—that argues that the idea of personhood takes the young, women, homosexuals and animals not to have moral status. In the third section, it offers arguments that neutralise Horsthemke’s arguments by proposing a more plausible interpretation of Menkiti’s moral philosophy that accommodates the young in the moral community, among others. Finally, Molefe considers two possible objections against his view.

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The case in point is Anne Warren ( 1997 ), whereas she believes that abortion is permissible, she rejects infanticide. She struggles, however, to offer a convincing case regarding why one is permissible and the other not.

I hasten to clarify that I should not be read as suggesting that Horsthemke operates on the assumption that abortion ought to be permissible (or, even impermissible). Two things are clear from reading Horsthemke’s essay. Firstly, he lists entities that are excluded by the idea of personhood from the moral community, such as the young, women and homosexuals. In this regard, he seems to be merely reporting the practical consequences of the idea of personhood. Secondly, he is, however, committed to criticising this idea for failing to include animals in the moral community. For my part, my interest is just to evaluate whether it is true that the idea of personhood excludes the young, particularly foetuses, from the moral community.

Some scholars of African thought have also considered the idea of ontological progression from an ‘it’ to an ‘it’ (see Etieyibo 2018 ; Matolino 2011 ). These scholars tend to focus on a metaphysical analysis of the ontological progression. My focus will be on the ethics of abortion that can be read from referring to infants as ‘its’.

In this essay, I will also briefly consider the moral candidature of mentally disabled individuals and animals alongside the question of abortion because Horsthemke’s criticism against the idea of the personhood includes them. I touch on these other cases to suggest the robustness of the idea of personhood. The suggestion will be that the idea of personhood, at least its view of moral status, does have the resources to accommodate much more than just the young.

It is important that, here, I am considering an idea of moral status entailed by the idea of personhood qua moral virtue.

I italicise this word, ‘normative’, to bring the following consideration to the attention of the reader. The reader will do well to note the ambiguity of the normative idea of personhood; it could refer to either a patient- or an agent-centred notion of personhood (see Chap. 2 ). In this particular instance, and, in fact, in this chapter and the entire book, I derive a conception of moral status/dignity (the patient-centred notion of personhood) from the agent-centred notion of personhood.

We invoke theories because they offer us principles that we can apply to a variety of situations—that is, they are generalisable. The problem of a plastic concept like that defended by Tangwa is that it defies the very logic of having a theory in the first place since it seems to imply that we have to solve moral problems on a case-by-case basis. I take this to be the case because the idea of plasticity rejects the objective rules and rigidity associated with theories, instead preferring flexibility as crucial feature. I think the case-by-case approach is the upshot of plasticity in the concept of a person, which betrays its usefulness as a theory.

I touch on the question of the mentally disabled and animals, in part, because in Chap. 2 I criticised Ikuenobe’s view of dignity for failing to accommodate the young and animals. I think it is only fair to the reader to give her a sense of how this idea can accommodate the mentally disabled and animals, albeit in a sketchy form.

In this chapter, I will not be drawn to issues regarding the fact that some animals can be greater subjects of sympathy, to some extent, than infants and mentally injured human beings. The point of this section is to outline a preliminary, and by all means, rough response to questions regarding animals and the mentally disabled. It suffices to appreciate that animals and mentally disabled individuals are secured their moral standing on the basis, at minimum, that they can be objects of sympathy. Even those animals that can be subjects of sympathy can only be so in a limited way since they cannot pursue and develop personhood in the fullest sense of the term.

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Molefe, M. (2020). Personhood and Abortion in African Philosophy. In: An African Ethics of Personhood and Bioethics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46519-3_3

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Cross-border activist solidarity is imperative if we must move the needle on reproductive justice, and young people should be recognized as not just a passive group with SRHR needs but as critical actors at the centre of the journey towards reproductive justice. IPPF ARO stands ready to champion this charge, but we need the support and collaboration of governments, communities, and international partners. CATALYSTS launches on June 27th after close to two years of consultation, course correction, investment, and realignment. I invite you to join us in bringing this vision to life, which will be marked by the unveiling of the website, Theory of Change, and call to action. It promises to be a celebration of our collective achievements and a testament to the transformative power of collaboration. As we mark the second anniversary of the Roe v. Wade repeal, the stakes could not be higher for African SRHR actors. The urgent need for a unified and proactive approach to safeguard and advance reproductive rights on the continent is imperative as the path forward requires bold action, unwavering commitment, and a collective direction. For us, the lesson is clear: They are coming for us, bolder, stronger, and more organized, and we cannot depend on the legal frameworks or political will of foreign nations to safeguard our reproductive rights. Instead, we must strike back and reclaim our narrative, and enforce our own robust policies that reflect the needs and realities of our people.  

Advocacy win in Tanzania: Registration of mifepristone and how IPPF’s Member Association, UMATI, contributed to achieving this milestone

By Maryanne W. WAWERU Mifepristone, one of the two medications used for abortion and post-abortion care (PAC) is now registered in Tanzania. Various organizations, including IPPF’s Member Association (MA) in the country, Chama cha Uzazi na Malezi Bora Tanzania (UMATI) played a key advocacy role towards its authorization in Tanzania. In this interview, we speak to Mr. Daniel Kirhima, UMATI’s Head of Programmes, about the role that the organization played towards this advocacy win, and what this now means for Tanzanian women and girls. What role did UMATI play in advocating for the registration and authorization of mifepristone? Through the Coalition to Address Maternal Morbidity and Mortality due to Abortion and its Complications (CAMMAC), UMATI continues to engage in different advocacy activities, more so those pertaining to sexual reproductive health and rights (SRHR). One of the key issues that the CAMMAC coalition advocated for was the approval of registration/authorization of mifepristone in the country with technical support from the Association of Gynaecologists and Obstetricians of Tanzania (AGOTA). In its capacity as one of the leading SRHR advocates and service providers in the country, UMATI disseminated different studies on postabortion and abortion cases undertaken by the Guttmacher Institute to build the capacity of CAMMAC members[i], policymakers, media houses, and local civil society organizations (CSOs) to advocate for the full realization of the Maputo Protocol on safe abortion – which is in progress. What was the process and how was UMATI involved? As part of the process, the CAMMAC members, including UMATI, worked together towards the development of evidence-based advocacy tools including a fact sheet showing the magnitude of unsafe abortion in Tanzania, policy briefs on legal gaps and loopholes indicating the need for safe abortion, and recommendations for policymakers to embrace the proposed policy change. UMATI was involved in all the meetings with decision-makers at the Ministry of Health (MoH) and with different policymakers, including Members of Parliament. Could you please share some statistics on maternal death linked to unsafe abortions in Tanzania? Maternal Mortality rate in Tanzania is 104/100,000 live births (TDHS 2022) and roughly one-quarter of maternal deaths, indicating that one out of four maternal deaths is due to unsafe abortion (Guttmacher Institutes, 2016) What is the current legal policy context on abortion in Tanzania, and how is UMATI navigating this context? Currently, the abortion laws in Tanzania are restrictive, allowing the procedure only to save the life of the pregnant woman. The penal code allows abortion when the pregnancy threatens the life of the pregnant woman, and pre-independence jurisprudence has affirmed that this also includes when the pregnancy affects the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman, or when the pregnancy results from rape. This jurisprudence, however, is not reflected in any law or policy. Through the support of IPPF and the Guttmacher Institute, UMATI currently supports SRHR partners through the CAMMAC coalition to advocate for abortion law to authorize abortions in cases of assault, rape, and incest, and when continuing with the pregnancy endangers the mental and physical health of the pregnant woman and life of the pregnant woman or fetus. UMATI uses the Guttmacher abortion research findings and fact sheets in strengthening the capacities of partners including CAMMAC members, policymakers, media houses, and local CSOs to amplify voices in advocating for the Government to undertake a law reform process to localise the Maputo protocol on safe abortion in national laws and policies. This advocacy agenda is still ongoing. What does the registration and authorization of mifepristone mean for Tanzanian girls and woman? It will mean an increased ability to protect women and girls against unwanted/unintended pregnancies. Women and girls will now be able to avoid unsafe abortions they were previously exposed to. The authorization of mifepristone could pave the way for the legalization of safe abortion in Tanzania. Women and girls will now enjoy the human right to life as maternal deaths due to unsafe abortion will be tremendously reduced. Tell us about the importance of partnerships when achieving such successes? Joint advocacy is vital, particularly in tough legal environments such as those that restrict abortion. In such cases, it requires joint efforts and partners to amplify voices for policy change. UMATI believes that “many voices are louder and carry more weight than individual voices”. While noting that advocacy work requires a lot of resources, UMATI’s involvement in such partnerships ensures the effective and efficient sharing of limited resources to achieve greater milestones. What is UMATI’s commitment to Tanzanian women and girls? UMATI is committed to continue advocating for their rights, especially their rights to access SRHR services and enjoy a better life as part of their human rights. [i] The 12 coalition member organizations include TAWLA, Pathfinder, Marie stopes, UMATI, WGNRR Africa, ULINGO, Engender Health, PSI, WADADA Initiatives, WPC, KIVIDEA, TAHECAP and HAKI ZETU. Follow IPPF Africa Region on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and You Tube.

IPPFAR Statement: Expanding Access to Abortion Care: Regional Safe Abortion Dialogue in Francophone Africa

24 October 2022. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), 45% of all abortions are unsafe and almost all of these occur in developing countries[1]. An unsafe abortion is a procedure for terminating an unwanted pregnancy either by persons lacking the necessary skills or in an environment lacking minimal medical standards or both. Unsafe abortions result in the deaths of 47,000 women every year and leaves millions temporarily or permanently disabled[2]. An estimated 93% of women of reproductive age in Africa live in countries with restrictive abortion laws[3]. This means that the countries’ laws only permit abortion in certain cases, often only if there is risk to the woman’s life, her health, the pregnancy is the result of rape, or there is evidence of foetal impairment. On this first-day of the Regional Safe Abortion Dialogue, organized by the Organisation pour le Dialogue sur l'Avortement Sécurisé (ODAS), IPPF Africa Region reaffirms its commitment to championing and providing abortion care and reducing the number of deaths of women and girls who are forced to turn to unsafe abortion methods for fear of arrests and harassment. IPPF Africa Region would also like to amplify the statement made by the  Honourable Commissioner Janet R Sallah-Njie, the Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Women in Africa at the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights Pressrelease (achpr.org) urging State Parties to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the African Charter) to honour their commitments under the African Charter; and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the Maputo Protocol or Protocol), by decriminalising abortion in their respective countries. “We applaud ODAS and all the other partnerships and actors who are working tirelessly to expand access to abortion care. Almost 90% of abortions in countries with liberal abortion laws are considered safe, compared to only 25% in countries where abortion is banned. This is a gross violation of human rights. Medical abortion has revolutionised access to care and safe abortion, both inside and outside the health system; and safe and effective abortion self-care means that people can now safely terminate their pregnancies in the privacy of their own homes. These advances must be protected,” said Marie-Evelyne Petrus-Barry, Regional Director of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, Africa Region. “Ensuring accessing to abortion care is critical for the complete fulfilment of sexual and reproductive health and rights”, added Comlan Christian Agbozo, the Executive Director of the Association Béninoise pour la Promotion de la Famille (ABPF). “As one of the leading providers of sexual and reproductive health services in Benin, we are very fortunate that the new law passed in Benin in November 2021, is providing women with expanded options to access abortion care in instances that they may not want, or be able, to continue with a pregnancy.” The International Planned Parenthood Federation Africa Region (IPPFAR) is one of the leading providers of quality sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services in Africa and a prominent sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) advocacy voice in the region. For more updates on our work, follow IPPF Africa Region on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and You Tube. [1] Abortion (who.int) [2] WHO | Preventing unsafe abortion [3] Abortion in Africa | Guttmacher Institute

Copper Rose Zambia: Increasing awareness on safe abortion in Zambia

By Buumba Siamalube, Advocacy and Youth Engagement Manager, Copper Rose Zambia Although abortion is technically legal in Zambia, the reality of getting an abortion is far more complicated. The abortion law has many barriers in practice, policy and implementation levels. This has contributed to unsafe abortions which remain a significant problem causing deaths and disability across the country. Although evidence on the incidence and consequences of unsafe abortion in recent years is scarce, studies from the early 2000’s identify the common methods used across the country, such as ingesting toxins like detergent and inserting cassava sticks in the cervix. While information and utilization of legal abortion is becoming more common, high levels of unsafe abortions continue to persist. Despite the many barriers to access safe abortions, Zambia has among the most liberal abortion policies in Sub-Saharan African. The Termination of Pregnancy (TOP) Act of 1972 permits abortion in Zambia under the following circumstances: the pregnancy causes risk to the life of the pregnant woman; risk of injury to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman; risk of injury to the physical or mental health of any existing children of the woman, greater than if the pregnancy were terminated; or if there is substantial risk of fetal malformation. Further, the law states that if the continuance of a pregnancy would involve great risk, account may be taken of the pregnant woman's environment or of her age. Further amendments to the Penal Code have allowed for abortion in cases of rape and incest.  In an effort to raise awareness on safe abortion, Copper Rose Zambia (CRZ) has worked in Petauke and Nyimba districts of Eastern province on the Safe Reproductive Health Awareness Project. The project involved engaging stakeholders to raise awareness on safe abortion services being offered at various rural health facilities in the districts. The goal of the project was to reduce unsafe abortions among adolescents and young girls in the Eastern Province of Zambia. In 2020, the province recorded over 12,000 teenage pregnancies and over 1,000 complications resulting from unsafe abortions majority being from Nyimba and Petauke. Copper Rose Zambia led safe abortion awareness community outreaches at one of the colleges providing health sciences in the district. We sensitized the students on the laws available in Zambia with regards to Termination of Pregnancy (TOP) and the services offered at health facilities. The response from the students was positive as most of them did not know that safe abortion is legal in Zambia and that health facilities offers such services – they shared that this information is not readily available to most Zambians because of cultural stigma and religious beliefs. Through this work we met a 21-year-old girl called Chisomo. She told us that she had unprotected sex and became pregnant. She thought it was best to terminate the pregnancy because she was still in school. During one of our community awareness sessions, Chisomo reached out to the CRZ peer educators for guidance as she was planning to visit a witch doctor for an unsafe abortion. CRZ shared more information with her and referred her to the hospital for a safe abortion. Following up with her, CRZ found that when she reached the hospital, she was sent to a safe abortion screening room, the service provider who was in charge of conducting the service asked her a number of uncomfortable questions and later told her she couldn’t perform the abortion on her because she was young and it’s a sin to terminate a pregnancy for “no reason”. The health care provider imposed her beliefs about abortion and hence this made the girl very uncomfortable. She left the facility and the service was not performed. Days later, her parents were informed that their daughter visited the health facility for an abortion. Chisomo was forced to go through the pregnancy causing her to drop out of school and raise the child on her own. This shows the many layers of barriers a young woman can face trying to access healthcare. To this end, we continue to deliberately share information on safe abortion in many areas of our work. For example, on the Safe Abortion Project, CRZ focused on training health care providers in Values Clarification and Attitude Transformation so that their beliefs are not imposed on their clients. As the project was being implemented, it was found that there is a need to shift mindsets of health care providers in order to allow more young women access to safe abortion services at health facilities. CRZ firmly believes in access to information so that women can make the right decisions for themselves. Copper Rose Zambia (CRZ) is a grantee partner of the Safe Abortion Action Fund (SAAF) a global abortion fund hosted by IPPF. For more updates on our work, follow IPPF Africa Region on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and You Tube.

U.S Supreme court overturns Roe v. Wade in biggest blow to women's health and rights in recent history

Nairobi – 25 June 2022 – The decision by the US Supreme Court to overturn the landmark Roe V Wade on abortion will trigger total or near total bans on abortion care in approximately 26 states across the United States of America. This decision not only affects the United States but undoubtedly we will see a ripple effect across the world. Overturning Roe v. Wade is the biggest blow to women's health and rights in recent U.S history. It removes 50 years of safe and legal abortion across the U.S. and puts the lives of millions of women, girls and gender diverse people into the hands of state legislators – many of whom are Conservative extremists who are anti-woman, anti-LGBTI+ and anti-gender. By continuing this attack on women's bodies and forcing them to carry pregnancies to term, the highest court in the United States has reached its lowest point, robbing millions of their liberty, bodily autonomy and freedom - the very values the United States prides itself on. The decision is also out of step with the America people, the majority of whom support access to abortion care. "The fallout from this calculated decision will also reverberate worldwide, emboldening other anti-abortion, anti-woman and anti-gender movements and impacting other reproductive freedoms. The justices who put their personal beliefs ahead of American will, precedent and law will soon have blood on their hands, and we are devastated for the millions of people who will suffer from this cruel judgment", said Dr Alvaro Bermejo, Director of the International Planned Parenthood Federation. “We know from our experience in sexual and reproductive health and rights that extremist groups and lawmakers opposed to gender equality have fought long and hard to control women’s and girls’ bodies. These groups play politics with the bodily integrity of women and girls, denying scientific findings and challenging well-grounded evidence that banning abortion does not stop women from choosing to have the procedure, only forcing them to turn to potentially dangerous alternatives. These groups also force health care providers to choose between saving a woman’s life and facing criminal charges. There is no such thing as preventing abortion; there is only banning safe abortion”, said Marie-Evelyne Petrus-Barry, International Planned Parenthood Federation, Africa Region (IPPFAR) Regional Director.  She further added that “while the US may be regressing and rolling back on the human rights of women and girls, we now look to other countries including Benin and Kenya, which have recently signalled their commitment to protecting and fulfilling the rights of women and girls to access safe abortion care. These countries now lead the charge, and we as global voices in reproductive rights worldwide, must continue working hard to make these rights a reality, while maintaining and building on them.”  END Media Contacts: Mahmoud Garga, Lead Specialist - Strategic Communication, Media Relations and Digital Campaigning, IPPF Africa Regional Office (IPPFARO) – email: [email protected] -Phone +254 704 626 920 ABOUT IPPF AFRICA REGION (IPPFAR) The International Planned Parenthood Federation Africa Region (IPPFAR) is one of the leading sexual and reproductive health (SRH) service delivery organization in Africa, and a leading sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) advocacy voice in the region. Headquartered in Nairobi, Kenya, the overarching goal of IPPFAR is to increase access to SRHR services to the most vulnerable youth, men and women in sub-Saharan Africa. Supported by thousands of volunteers, IPPFAR tackles the continent’s growing SRHR challenges through a network of Member Associations (MAs) in 40 countries. We do this by developing our MAs into efficient entities with the capacity to deliver and sustain high quality, youth focused and gender sensitive services. We work with Governments, the African Union, Regional Economic Commissions, the Pan-African Parliament, United Nations bodies among others to expand political and financial commitments to sexual and reproductive health and rights in Africa. Learn more about us on our website. Follow us on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and YouTube.  

Frontiers in SRHR Access for Women and Youth

The project objective is to improve access to Abortion Self Care (ASC), youth empowerment, and strengthening the use of digital interventions. Budget:  1,500,000 USD Donor: The David & Lucile Packard Foundation Timeline: 2 Years ( January 2021 -  December 2022 ) Project implementation areas: Cameroon, Ghana, Cambodia, and India Partners: CAMNAFAW, PPAG,RHAC, FPAI, Ipas, Y-Labs, and IBIS Key achievements to date: Youth engagement in SRHR advocacy ASC as an option for all clients Digital/m health to increase access to SRHR and CSE Influence national guidelines and policies Review of IPPF IMAP- integrating ASC Generating leanings & sharing Building capacities of start-ups ( YSVF) Virtual immersion program Innovative approaches: Access to SRHR and CSE through digital/m health YSVF -  working with young entrepreneurs to accelerate & enhance existing SRHR solutions Lessons learned: Aggregating client data in DHI, DHIs works best in hybrid models compared to stand-alone models, multi-language engagement

Safe Abortion Action Fund

The Safe Abortion Action Fund (SAAF) was established in 2006, in response to the US government's Global Gag Rule, as a multi‑donor mechanism to support global abortion‑related programming. Hosted by IPPF, SAAF provides small grants to locally-run organisations that promote safe abortion and prevent unsafe abortion through advocacy and awareness raising, service delivery and research activities, and has supported such projects for over a decade. SAAF Supports projects run by IPPF Member Associations as well as other organisations not affiliated with IPPF. By the end of 2016 SAAF had provided US$43 million funding to 188 projects in over 62 countries. SAAF focuses on the needs of the marginalized and most vulnerable women and girls. By visibly funding projects using an international funding mechanism, SAAF works to destigmatize abortion and to legitimize the abortion debate. For more information about the fund visit the SAAF website www.saafund.org.

Girls Decide

This programme addresses critical challenges faced by young women around sexual health and sexuality. It has produced a range of advocacy, education and informational materials to support research, awareness-raising, advocacy and service delivery.    Girls Decide is about the sexual and reproductive health and rights of girls and young women. Around the world, girls aged 10 to 19 account for 23% of all disease associated with pregnancy and childbirth. An estimated 2.5 million have unsafe abortions every year. Worldwide, young women account for 60% of the 5.5 million young people living with HIV and/or AIDS. Girls Decide has produced a range of advocacy, education and informational materials to support work to improve sexual health and rights for girls and young women. These include a series of films on sexual and reproductive health decisions faced by 6 young women in 6 different countries. The films won the prestigious International Video and Communications Award (IVCA). When girls and young women have access to critical lifesaving services and information, and when they are able to make meaningful choices about their life path, they are empowered. Their quality of life improves, as does the well-being of their families and the communities in which they live. Their collective ability to achieve internationally agreed development goals is strengthened. Almost all IPPF Member Associations provide services to young people and 1 in every 3 clients is a young person below the age of 25. All young women and girls are rights-holders and are entitled to sexual and reproductive rights. As a matter of principle, the IPPF Secretariat and Member Associations stand by girls by respecting and fulfilling their right to high quality services; they stand up for girls by supporting them in making their own decisions related to sexuality and pregnancy; they stand for sexual and reproductive rights by addressing the challenges faced by young women and girls at local, national and international levels.

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Abortion Argumentative Essay: Definitive Guide

Academic writing

Abortion remains a debatable issue even today, especially in countries like the USA, where a controversial ban was upheld in 13 states at the point this article was written. That’s why an essay on abortion has become one of the most popular tasks in schools, colleges, and universities. When writing this kind of essay, students learn to express their opinion, find and draw arguments and examples, and conduct research.

It’s very easy to speculate on topics like this. However, this makes it harder to find credible and peer-reviewed information on the topic that isn’t merely someone’s opinion. If you were assigned this kind of academic task, do not lose heart. In this article, we will provide you with all the tips and tricks for writing about abortion.

Where to begin?

Conversations about abortion are always emotional. Complex stories, difficult decisions, bitter moments, and terrible diagnoses make this topic hard to cover. Some young people may be shocked by this assignment, while others would be happy to express their opinion on the matter.

One way or another, this topic doesn't leave anyone indifferent. However, it shouldn’t have an effect on the way you approach the research and writing process. What should you remember when working on an argumentative essay about abortion?

• Don’t let your emotions take over. As this is an academic paper, you have to stay impartial and operate with facts. The topic is indeed sore and burning, causing thousands of scandals on the Internet, but you are writing it for school, not a Quora thread.
• Try to balance your opinions. There are always two sides to one story, even if the story is so fragile. You need to present an issue from different angles. This is what your tutors seek to teach you.
• Be tolerant and mind your language. It is very important not to hurt anybody with the choice of words in your essay. So make sure you avoid any possible rough words. It is important to respect people with polar opinions, especially when it comes to academic writing. 
• Use facts, not claims. Your essay cannot be based solely on your personal ideas – your conclusions should be derived from facts. Roe v. Wade case, WHO or Mayo Clinic information, and CDC are some of the sources you can rely on.

Speaking of Outline

An argumentative essay on abortion outline is a must-have even for experienced writers. In general, each essay, irrespective of its kind or topic, has a strict outline. It may be brief or extended, but the major parts are always the same:

• Introduction. This is a relatively short paragraph that starts with a hook and presents the background information on the topic. It should end with a thesis statement telling your reader what your main goal or idea is.
• Body. This section usually consists of 2-4 paragraphs. Each one has its own structure: main argument + facts to support it + small conclusion and transition into the next paragraph.
• Conclusion. In this part, your task is to summarize all your thoughts and come to a general conclusive idea. You may have to restate some info from the body and your thesis statement and add a couple of conclusive statements without introducing new facts.

Why is it important to create an outline?

• You will structure your ideas. We bet you’ve got lots on your mind. Writing them down and seeing how one can flow logically into the other will help you create a consistent paper. Naturally, you will have to abandon some of the ideas if they don’t fit the overall narrative you’re building.
• You can get some inspiration. While creating your outline, which usually consists of some brief ideas, you can come up with many more to research. Some will add to your current ones or replace them with better options.
• You will find the most suitable sources. Argumentative essay writing requires you to use solid facts and trustworthy arguments built on them. When the topic is as controversial as abortion, these arguments should be taken from up-to-date, reliable sources. With an outline, you will see if you have enough to back up your ideas.
• You will write your text as professionals do. Most expert writers start with outlines to write the text faster and make it generally better. As you will have your ideas structured, the general flow of thoughts will be clear. And, of course, it will influence your overall grade positively.

Abortion Essay Introduction

The introduction is perhaps the most important part of the whole essay. In this relatively small part, you will have to present the issue under consideration and state your opinion on it. Here is a typical introduction outline:

• The first sentence is a hook grabbing readers' attention.
• A few sentences that go after elaborate on the hook. They give your readers some background and explain your research.
• The last sentence is a thesis statement showing the key idea you are building your text around.

Before writing an abortion essay intro, first thing first, you will need to define your position. If you are in favor of this procedure, what exactly made you think so? If you are an opponent of abortion, determine how to argue your position. In both cases, you may research the point of view in medicine, history, ethics, and other fields.

When writing an introduction, remember:

• Never repeat your title. First of all, it looks too obvious; secondly, it may be boring for your reader right from the start. Your first sentence should be a well-crafted hook. The topic of abortion worries many people, so it’s your chance to catch your audience’s attention with some facts or shocking figures.
• Do not make it too long. Your task here is to engage your audience and let them know what they are about to learn. The rest of the information will be disclosed in the main part. Nobody likes long introductions, so keep it short but informative.
• Pay due attention to the thesis statement. This is the central sentence of your introduction. A thesis statement in your abortion intro paragraph should show that you have a well-supported position and are ready to argue it. Therefore, it has to be strong and convey your idea as clearly as possible. We advise you to make several options for the thesis statement and choose the strongest one.

Hooks for an Abortion Essay

Writing a hook is a good way to catch the attention of your audience, as this is usually the first sentence in an essay. How to start an essay about abortion? You can begin with some shocking fact, question, statistics, or even a quote. However, always make sure that this piece is taken from a trusted resource.

Here are some examples of hooks you can use in your paper:

• As of July 1, 2022, 13 states banned abortion, depriving millions of women of control of their bodies.
• According to WHO, 125,000 abortions take place every day worldwide.
• Is abortion a woman’s right or a crime?
• Since 1994, more than 40 countries have liberalized their abortion laws.
• Around 48% of all abortions are unsafe, and 8% of them lead to women’s death.
• The right to an abortion is one of the reproductive and basic rights of a woman.
• Abortion is as old as the world itself – women have resorted to this method since ancient times.
• Only 60% of women in the world live in countries where pregnancy termination is allowed.

Body Paragraphs: Pros and Cons of Abortion

The body is the biggest part of your paper. Here, you have a chance to make your voice concerning the abortion issue heard. Not sure where to start? Facts about abortion pros and cons should give you a basic understanding of which direction to move in.

First things first, let’s review some brief tips for you on how to write the best essay body if you have already made up your mind.

Make a draft

It’s always a good idea to have a rough draft of your writing. Follow the outline and don’t bother with the word choice, grammar, or sentence structure much at first. You can polish it all later, as the initial draft will not likely be your final. You may see some omissions in your arguments, lack of factual basis, or repetitiveness that can be eliminated in the next versions.

Trust only reliable sources

This part of an essay includes loads of factual information, and you should be very careful with it. Otherwise, your paper may look unprofessional and cost you precious points. Never rely on sources like Wikipedia or tabloids – they lack veracity and preciseness.

Edit rigorously

It’s best to do it the next day after you finish writing so that you can spot even the smallest mistakes. Remember, this is the most important part of your paper, so it has to be flawless. You can also use editing tools like Grammarly.

Determine your weak points

Since you are writing an argumentative essay, your ideas should be backed up by strong facts so that you sound convincing. Sometimes it happens that one argument looks weaker than the other. Your task is to find it and strengthen it with more or better facts.

Add an opposing view

Sometimes, it’s not enough to present only one side of the discussion. Showing one of the common views from the opposing side might actually help you strengthen your main idea. Besides, making an attempt at refuting it with alternative facts can show your teacher or professor that you’ve researched and analyzed all viewpoints, not just the one you stand by.

If you have chosen a side but are struggling to find the arguments for or against it, we have complied abortion pro and cons list for you. You can use both sets if you are writing an abortion summary essay covering all the stances.

Why Should Abortion Be Legal

If you stick to the opinion that abortion is just a medical procedure, which should be a basic health care need for each woman, you will definitely want to write the pros of abortion essay. Here is some important information and a list of pros about abortion for you to use:

• Since the fetus is a set of cells – not an individual, it’s up to a pregnant woman to make a decision concerning her body. Only she can decide whether she wants to keep the pregnancy or have an abortion. The abortion ban is a violation of a woman’s right to have control over her own body.
• The fact that women and girls do not have access to effective contraception and safe abortion services has serious consequences for their own health and the health of their families.
• The criminalization of abortion usually leads to an increase in the number of clandestine abortions. Many years ago, fetuses were disposed of with improvised means, which included knitting needles and half-straightened metal hangers. 13% of women’s deaths are the result of unsafe abortions.
• Many women live in a difficult financial situation and cannot support their children financially. Having access to safe abortion takes this burden off their shoulders. This will also not decrease their quality of life as the birth and childcare would.
• In countries where abortion is prohibited, there is a phenomenon of abortion tourism to other countries where it can be done without obstacles. Giving access to this procedure can make the lives of women much easier.
• Women should not put their lives or health in danger because of the laws that were adopted by other people.
• Girls and women who do not have proper sex education may not understand pregnancy as a concept or determine that they are pregnant early on. Instead of educating them and giving them a choice, an abortion ban forces them to become mothers and expects them to be fit parents despite not knowing much about reproduction.
• There are women who have genetic disorders or severe mental health issues that will affect their children if they're born. Giving them an option to terminate ensures that there won't be a child with a low quality of life and that the woman will not have to suffer through pregnancy, birth, and raising a child with her condition.
• Being pro-choice is about the freedom to make decisions about your body so that women who are for termination can do it safely, and those who are against it can choose not to do it. It is an inclusive option that caters to everyone.
• Women and girls who were raped or abused by their partner, caregiver, or stranger and chose to terminate the pregnancy can now be imprisoned for longer than their abusers. This implies that the system values the life of a fetus with no or primitive brain function over the life of a living woman.
• People who lived in times when artificial termination of pregnancy was scarcely available remember clandestine abortions and how traumatic they were, not only for the physical but also for the mental health of women. Indeed, traditionally, in many countries, large families were a norm. However, the times have changed, and supervised abortion is a safe and accessible procedure these days. A ban on abortion will simply push humanity away from the achievements of the civilized world.

Types of abortion

There are 2 main types of abortions that can be performed at different pregnancy stages and for different reasons:

• Medical abortion. It is performed by taking a specially prescribed pill. It does not require any special manipulations and can even be done at home (however, after a doctor’s visit and under supervision). It is considered very safe and is usually done during the very first weeks of pregnancy.
• Surgical abortion. This is a medical operation that is done with the help of a suction tube. It then removes the fetus and any related material. Anesthesia is used for this procedure, and therefore, it can only be done in a hospital. The maximum time allowed for surgical abortion is determined in each country specifically.

Cases when abortion is needed

Center for Reproductive Rights singles out the following situations when abortion is required:

• When there is a risk to the life or physical/mental health of a pregnant woman.
• When a pregnant woman has social or economic reasons for it.
• Upon the woman's request.
• If a pregnant woman is mentally or cognitively disabled.
• In case of rape and/or incest.
• If there were congenital anomalies detected in the fetus.

Countries and their abortion laws

• Countries where abortion is legalized in any case: Australia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Sweden, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, Ukraine, Moldova, Latvia, Lithuania, etc.
• Countries where abortion is completely prohibited: Angola, Venezuela, Egypt, Indonesia, Iraq, Lebanon, Nicaragua, Oman, Paraguay, Palau, Jamaica, Laos, Haiti, Honduras, Andorra, Aruba, El Salvador, Dominican Republic, Sierra Leone, Senegal, etc.
• Countries where abortion is allowed for medical reasons: Afghanistan, Israel, Argentina, Nigeria, Bangladesh, Bolivia, Ghana, Israel, Morocco, Mexico, Bahamas, Central African Republic, Ecuador, Ghana, Algeria, Monaco, Pakistan, Poland, etc. 
• Countries where abortion is allowed for both medical and socioeconomic reasons: England, India, Spain, Luxembourg, Japan, Finland, Taiwan, Zambia, Iceland, Fiji, Cyprus, Barbados, Belize, etc.

Why Abortion Should Be Banned

Essays against abortions are popular in educational institutions since we all know that many people – many minds. So if you don’t want to support this procedure in your essay, here are some facts that may help you to argument why abortion is wrong:

• Abortion at an early age is especially dangerous because a young woman with an unstable hormonal system may no longer be able to have children throughout her life. Termination of pregnancy disrupts the hormonal development of the body.
• Health complications caused by abortion can occur many years after the procedure. Even if a woman feels fine in the short run, the situation may change in the future.
• Abortion clearly has a negative effect on reproductive function. Artificial dilation of the cervix during an abortion leads to weak uterus tonus, which can cause a miscarriage during the next pregnancy.
• Evidence shows that surgical termination of pregnancy significantly increases the risk of breast cancer.
• In December 1996, the session of the Council of Europe on bioethics concluded that a fetus is considered a human being on the 14th day after conception.

You are free to use each of these arguments for essays against abortions. Remember that each claim should not be supported by emotions but by facts, figures, and so on.

Health complications after abortion

One way or another, abortion is extremely stressful for a woman’s body. Apart from that, it can even lead to various health problems in the future. You can also cover them in your cons of an abortion essay:

• Continuation of pregnancy. If the dose of the drug is calculated by the doctor in the wrong way, the pregnancy will progress.
• Uterine bleeding, which requires immediate surgical intervention.
• Severe nausea or even vomiting occurs as a result of a sharp change in the hormonal background.
• Severe stomach pain. Medical abortion causes miscarriage and, as a result, strong contractions of the uterus.
• High blood pressure and allergic reactions to medicines.
• Depression or other mental problems after a difficult procedure.

Abortion Essay Conclusion

After you have finished working on the previous sections of your paper, you will have to end it with a strong conclusion. The last impression is no less important than the first one. Here is how you can make it perfect in your conclusion paragraph on abortion:

• It should be concise. The conclusion cannot be as long as your essay body and should not add anything that cannot be derived from the main section. Reiterate the key ideas, combine some of them, and end the paragraph with something for the readers to think about.
• It cannot repeat already stated information. Restate your thesis statement in completely other words and summarize your main points. Do not repeat anything word for word – rephrase and shorten the information instead.
• It should include a call to action or a cliffhanger. Writing experts believe that a rhetorical question works really great for an argumentative essay. Another good strategy is to leave your readers with some curious ideas to ponder upon.

Abortion Facts for Essay

Abortion is a topic that concerns most modern women. Thousands of books, research papers, and articles on abortion are written across the world. Even though pregnancy termination has become much safer and less stigmatized with time, it still worries millions. What can you cover in your paper so that it can really stand out among others? You may want to add some shocking abortion statistics and facts:

• 40-50 million abortions are done in the world every year (approximately 125,000 per day).
• According to UN statistics, women have 25 million unsafe abortions each year. Most of them (97%) are performed in the countries of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. 14% of them are especially unsafe because they are done by people without any medical knowledge.
• Since 2017, the United States has shown the highest abortion rate in the last 30 years.
• The biggest number of abortion procedures happen in the countries where they are officially banned. The lowest rate is demonstrated in the countries with high income and free access to contraception.
• Women in low-income regions are three times more susceptible to unplanned pregnancies than those in developed countries.
• In Argentina, more than 38,000 women face dreadful health consequences after unsafe abortions.
• The highest teen abortion rates in the world are seen in 3 countries: England, Wales, and Sweden.
• Only 31% of teenagers decide to terminate their pregnancy. However, the rate of early pregnancies is getting lower each year.
• Approximately 13 million children are born to mothers under the age of 20 each year.
• 5% of women of reproductive age live in countries where abortions are prohibited.

We hope that this abortion information was useful for you, and you can use some of these facts for your own argumentative essay. If you find some additional facts, make sure that they are not manipulative and are taken from official medical resources.

Abortion Essay Topics

Do you feel like you are lost in the abundance of information? Don’t know what topic to choose among the thousands available online? Check our short list of the best abortion argumentative essay topics:

• Why should abortion be legalized essay
• Abortion: a murder or a basic human right?
• Why we should all support abortion rights
• Is the abortion ban in the US a good initiative?
• The moral aspect of teen abortions
• Can the abortion ban solve birth control problems?
• Should all countries allow abortion?
• What consequences can abortion have in the long run?
• Is denying abortion sexist?
• Why is abortion a human right?
• Are there any ethical implications of abortion?
• Do you consider abortion a crime?
• Should women face charges for terminating a pregnancy?

Want to come up with your own? Here is how to create good titles for abortion essays:

• Write down the first associations. It can be something that swirls around in your head and comes to the surface when you think about the topic. These won’t necessarily be well-written headlines, but each word or phrase can be the first link in the chain of ideas that leads you to the best option.
• Irony and puns are not always a good idea. Especially when it comes to such difficult topics as abortion. Therefore, in your efforts to be original, remain sensitive to the issue you want to discuss.
• Never make a quote as your headline. First, a wordy quote makes the headline long. Secondly, readers do not understand whose words are given in the headline. Therefore, it may confuse them right from the start. If you have found a great quote, you can use it as your hook, but don’t forget to mention its author.
• Try to briefly summarize what is said in the essay. What is the focus of your paper? If the essence of your argumentative essay can be reduced to one sentence, it can be used as a title, paraphrased, or shortened.
• Write your title after you have finished your text. Before you just start writing, you might not yet have a catchy phrase in mind to use as a title. Don’t let it keep you from working on your essay – it might come along as you write.

Abortion Essay Example

We know that it is always easier to learn from a good example. For this reason, our writing experts have complied a detailed abortion essay outline for you. For your convenience, we have created two options with different opinions.

Topic: Why should abortion be legal?

Introduction – hook + thesis statement + short background information

Essay hook: More than 59% of women in the world do not have access to safe abortions, which leads to dreading health consequences or even death.

Thesis statement: Since banning abortions does not decrease their rates but only makes them unsafe, it is not logical to ban abortions.

Body – each paragraph should be devoted to one argument

Argument 1: Woman’s body – women’s rules. + example: basic human rights.

Argument 2: Banning abortion will only lead to more women’s death. + example: cases of Polish women.

Argument 3: Only women should decide on abortion. + example: many abortion laws are made by male politicians who lack knowledge and first-hand experience in pregnancies.

Conclusion – restated thesis statement + generalized conclusive statements + cliffhanger

Restated thesis: The abortion ban makes pregnancy terminations unsafe without decreasing the number of abortions, making it dangerous for women.

Cliffhanger: After all, who are we to decide a woman’s fate?

Topic: Why should abortion be banned?

Essay hook: Each year, over 40 million new babies are never born because their mothers decide to have an abortion.

Thesis statement: Abortions on request should be banned because we cannot decide for the baby whether it should live or die.

Argument 1: A fetus is considered a person almost as soon as it is conceived. Killing it should be regarded as murder. + example: Abortion bans in countries such as Poland, Egypt, etc.

Argument 2: Interrupting a baby’s life is morally wrong. + example: The Bible, the session of the Council of Europe on bioethics decision in 1996, etc.

Argument 3: Abortion may put the reproductive health of a woman at risk. + example: negative consequences of abortion.

Restated thesis: Women should not be allowed to have abortions without serious reason because a baby’s life is as priceless as their own.

Cliffhanger: Why is killing an adult considered a crime while killing an unborn baby is not?

Examples of Essays on Abortion

There are many great abortion essays examples on the Web. You can easily find an argumentative essay on abortion in pdf and save it as an example. Many students and scholars upload their pieces to specialized websites so that others can read them and continue the discussion in their own texts.

In a free argumentative essay on abortion, you can look at the structure of the paper, choice of the arguments, depth of research, and so on. Reading scientific papers on abortion or essays of famous activists is also a good idea. Here are the works of famous authors discussing abortion.

A Defense of Abortion by Judith Jarvis Thomson

Published in 1971, this essay by an American philosopher considers the moral permissibility of abortion. It is considered the most debated and famous essay on this topic, and it’s definitely worth reading no matter what your stance is.

Abortion and Infanticide by Michael Tooley

It was written in 1972 by an American philosopher known for his work in the field of metaphysics. In this essay, the author considers whether fetuses and infants have the same rights. Even though this work is quite complex, it presents some really interesting ideas on the matter.

Some Biological Insights into Abortion by Garret Hardin

This article by American ecologist Garret Hardin, who had focused on the issue of overpopulation during his scholarly activities, presents some insights into abortion from a scientific point of view. He also touches on non-biological issues, such as moral and economic. This essay will be of great interest to those who support the pro-choice stance.

H4 Hidden in Plain View: An Overview of Abortion in Rural Illinois and Around the Globe by Heather McIlvaine-Newsad 

In this study, McIlvaine-Newsad has researched the phenomenon of abortion since prehistoric times. She also finds an obvious link between the rate of abortions and the specifics of each individual country. Overall, this scientific work published in 2014 is extremely interesting and useful for those who want to base their essay on factual information.

H4 Reproduction, Politics, and John Irving’s The Cider House Rules: Women’s Rights or “Fetal Rights”? by Helena Wahlström

In her article of 2013, Wahlström considers John Irving’s novel The Cider House Rules published in 1985 and is regarded as a revolutionary work for that time, as it acknowledges abortion mostly as a political problem. This article will be a great option for those who want to investigate the roots of the abortion debate.

FAQs On Abortion Argumentative Essay

• Is abortion immoral?

This question is impossible to answer correctly because each person independently determines their own moral framework. One group of people will say that abortion is a woman’s right because only she has power over her body and can make decisions about it. Another group will argue that the embryo is also a person and has the right to birth and life.

In general, the attitude towards abortion is determined based on the political and religious views of each person. Religious people generally believe that abortion is immoral because it is murder, while secular people see it as a normal medical procedure. For example, in the US, the ban on abortion was introduced in red states where the vast majority have conservative views, while blue liberal states do not support this law. Overall, it’s up to a person to decide whether they consider abortion immoral based on their own values and beliefs.

• Is abortion legal?

The answer to this question depends on the country in which you live. There are countries in which pregnancy termination is a common medical procedure and is performed at the woman's request. There are also states in which there must be a serious reason for abortion: medical, social, or economic. Finally, there are nations in which abortion is prohibited and criminalized. For example, in Jamaica, a woman can get life imprisonment for abortion, while in Kenya, a medical worker who volunteers to perform an abortion can be imprisoned for up to 14 years.

• Is abortion safe?

In general, modern medicine has reached such a level that abortion has become a common (albeit difficult from various points of view) medical procedure. There are several types of abortion, as well as many medical devices and means that ensure the maximum safety of the pregnancy termination. Like all other medical procedures, abortion can have various consequences and complications.

Abortions – whether safe or not - exist in all countries of the world. The thing is that more than half of them are dangerous because women have them in unsuitable conditions and without professional help. Only universal access to abortion in all parts of the world can make it absolutely safe. In such a case, it will be performed only after a thorough assessment and under the control of a medical professional who can mitigate the potential risks.

• How safe is abortion?

If we do not talk about the ethical side of the issue related to abortion, it still has some risks. In fact, any medical procedure has them to a greater or lesser extent.

The effectiveness of the safe method in a medical setting is 80-99%. An illegal abortion (for example, the one without special indications after 12 weeks) can lead to a patient’s death, and the person who performed it will be criminally liable in this case.

Doctors do not have universal advice for all pregnant women on whether it is worth making this decision or not. However, many of them still tend to believe that any contraception - even one that may have negative side effects - is better than abortion. That’s why spreading awareness on means of contraception and free access to it is vital.

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Gun Violence—A Black Feminist Issue: An Excerpt From Roxane Gay’s New Essay, ‘Stand Your Ground’

“in some ways, feminism and gun ownership seem like a good fit. … but guns can be as disempowering as they are empowering.”.

Bold and personal, Roxane Gay unpacks gun culture and gun ownership in America from a Black feminist perspective in her latest work, “Stand Your Ground.” The essay is the capstone to  Roxane Gay &, a curated series of ebooks and audiobooks that lift up other voices , available exclusively on subscription hub Everand. 

In “Stand Your Ground,” Gay writes about power, agency and gun ownership: “I own a gun, but I have more questions than answers,” as she acknowledges the complexity of these issues through Audre Lorde’s famous quote: “There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives.” 

The following is an excerpt from “Stand Your Ground: A Black Feminist Reckoning with America’s Gun Problem” copyright © 2024 by Roxane Gay, used by permission from Everand Originals and available exclusively through Everand .

Too many politicians made no efforts to codify [the right to abortion] federally. They assumed they were standing firmly on solid ground when such was not the case.

I’m a Black feminist, a bad feminist, a woman who believes a more equitable present and future are possible.

I’m not an optimist, but I have seen the change we are capable of when people work together and persist. I have also seen what we lose when we take the ground upon which we stand for granted or we don’t stand our ground firmly enough.

In 2022, the Supreme Court ruled 5-4, in Dobbs v. Jackson , that the Constitution does not endow people with a right to abortion. Many Americans were shocked because the right to abortion was the law of the land for nearly 50 years. An entire generation grew up understanding that they could make choices for their bodies without legislative intervention, though in more conservative states, that right was always contingent. And then, in an arbitrary legal decision, a judicial body took that right away from millions of people with uteruses. It happened because too many Americans assumed that the right to abortion was unimpeachable. Too many politicians made no efforts to codify that right federally. They assumed they were standing firmly on solid ground when such was not the case.

It is appalling that women and people with uteruses have lost such a fundamental right to bodily autonomy. And it is not lost on me that women in many states have more rights as gun owners than they do as women. The power to take a life is more constitutionally and culturally valuable than a woman’s right to live freely. I do not know how to reconcile this reality with my feminism.

I have no fondness for guns. They are, in most hands, incredibly destructive. Every year, the number of mass shootings increases. With each new atrocity, the details are more horrifying.

A concert in Vegas. An elementary school in Connecticut. An elementary school in Texas. Staggering numbers of young children, dead before they know what it means to live. A parade in a Chicago suburb. A synagogue. A grocery store. A gay nightclub. A church. Another church. So many high schools. Shopping malls. Movie theaters.

With each successive tragedy, the details become more lurid, haunting, devastating, grim. And with each passing year, it feels more dangerous to spend time in public places, wondering if you are on the precipice of becoming a statistic. 

It has not always been this way. It shouldn’t be this way. It does not need to be this way. 

The power to take a life is more constitutionally and culturally valuable than a woman’s right to live freely. I do not know how to reconcile this reality with my feminism.

There is no single reason for mass shootings, though there are a few common denominators. The vast majority of mass shooters are men. Nearly 60 percent of mass shooters have a history of domestic violence. It feels like we cannot understand or predict mass shootings, that we cannot unravel the tangled threads of violence on a massive scale, but that isn’t necessarily true. And even if these crimes were unpreventable (they aren’t), we could certainly make it far more difficult for mass shooters to have access to the weapons that make their paths of destruction possible.  

In some ways, feminism and gun ownership seem like a good fit.

A lot of feminist rhetoric centers on empowerment— creating opportunities and conditions that allow women to use their power, be treated with respect, have bodily autonomy, live on their own terms. A lot of gun rhetoric is also centered around empowerment—guns as a means of taking back power after trauma or claiming power in the name of self-defense or embracing the power of keeping our families safe.

But feminists must also grapple with the reality that however empowering guns may be, they are used against women at alarming rates—whether women are being threatened, injured or killed by a gun. The statistics are even more dire for Black, Latina and other women of color. Guns can be as disempowering as they are empowering. 

Throughout the trial, and the many months leading up to the trial, Megan Thee Stallion was defamed and discredited for standing her ground and demanding justice.

On a July evening in 2020, rapper Megan Thee Stallion was in Los Angeles, sitting in a car with rapper Tory Lanez outside a party. There was some kind of disagreement that ended with Lanez shooting at Megan Thee Stallion’s feet multiple times, and taunting her, after she got out of the vehicle. Her injuries required surgery and a lengthy recovery.

Hours after the shooting, Lanez left a meandering voicemail for Kelsey Harris, Stallion’s former friend. In the message, he said, “I was just so fucking drunk, nigga, I just didn’t even understand what the fuck was going on, bruh. […] Regardless, that’s not going to make anything right and that’s not going to make my actions right.” Though he didn’t explicitly admit he shot Stallion, the implication of and the regret for his actions were there. 

Two years later, Lanez was found guilty of assault with a firearm, illegal possession of a firearm, and negligent discharge—and sentenced to 10 years in prison. But the damage was done. Throughout the trial, and the many months leading up to the trial, Megan Thee Stallion was defamed and discredited for standing her ground and demanding justice. The severity of her injuries and the aftermath of the crime were doubted and dismissed. Hip-hop journalists, radio hosts and bloggers spread lies and misinformation and came up with all kinds of conspiracy theories to believe anything but the truth—that a Black woman was harmed and deserved justice. Rapper 50 Cent, in social media posts, doubted Stallion’s story, though later apologized. In “Circo Loco,” Canadian rapper Drake said, “This bitch lie ‘bout getting shots, but she still a stallion.” Eminem also had bars for Stallion when, in “Houdini,” he said, “If I was to ask for Megan Thee Stallion, if she would collab with me, would I really have a shot at a feat?”  

These incidents bring Malcolm X’s prophetic words into stark relief: “The most disrespected person in America is the black woman. The most unprotected person in America is the black woman. The most neglected person in America is the black woman.” Culturally sanctioned misogynoir clarifies why addressing gun violence is not just a criminal justice issue—it is very much a Black feminist issue.

Women Rap Back: ‘It’s My Dance and It’s My Body’

The Abolitionist Aesthetics of Patrisse Cullors, Co-Founder of Black Lives Matter

Kamala Harris and the Legacy of Black Women’s Leadership

U.S. democracy is at a dangerous inflection point—from the demise of abortion rights, to a lack of pay equity and parental leave, to skyrocketing maternal mortality, and attacks on trans health. Left unchecked, these crises will lead to wider gaps in political participation and representation. For 50 years, Ms . has been forging feminist journalism—reporting, rebelling and truth-telling from the front-lines, championing the Equal Rights Amendment, and centering the stories of those most impacted. With all that’s at stake for equality, we are redoubling our commitment for the next 50 years. In turn, we need your help, Support Ms . today with a donation—any amount that is meaningful to you . For as little as $5 each month , you’ll receive the print magazine along with our e-newsletters, action alerts, and invitations to Ms . Studios events and podcasts . We are grateful for your loyalty and ferocity .

About Roxane Gay

You may also like:, colorado one of eight states voting to expand abortion access in november: ‘we’re going to be a model for the rest of the country’, jd vance puts an extremist marriage agenda on the ballot.

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Introduction

• Published: November 2015
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The introduction argues that examining the history of abortion in South Africa during the apartheid era reveals the power and pervasiveness of heterosexist and patriarchal norms in apartheid culture, and their effects on the intimate, everyday lives of women. It explains the book’s focus on the importance of regulating gender and sexuality in the creation and maintenance of apartheid culture, which led to state regulation and disciplining of white female heterosexuality. It also emphasizes that the oppression of women cut across racial and ethnic divides.

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After Iowa abortion ruling, should voters boot Justice David May? Rekha Basu weighs in.

Opponents of same-sex marriage waged ideological warfare against the courts in 2010. this time, kim reynolds, lawmakers and justices are responsible for the ideological warfare..

• Rekha Basu is a longtime syndicated columnist, editorial writer, reporter and author of the book, “Finding Your Voice.”
• She retired in 2022 as a Des Moines Register columnist.

In 2010, a group of evangelical political activists, furious over the Iowa Supreme Court’s unanimous ruling for same-sex marriage, plotted revenge. Led by Bob Vander Plaats of the The Family Leader, they formed the ironically named “Iowans for Freedom.”

Funded partly by out-of-state money, it campaigned against three of the Supreme Court justices who happened to be up for retention elections. And it succeeded in unseating three fine ones:  Chief Justice Marsha Ternus and Justices Michael Streit and David Baker .

Fast forward to this year, when a reconstituted Iowa Supreme Court, a majority hand-picked by Iowa’s anti-abortion Gov. Kim Reynolds, turns back the clock 50 years with a 4-3 ruling effectively outlawing abortions after six weeks into a pregnancy. In doing so, the justices overturned their own court's precedent, deciding that abortion laws should not be assessed under the strict-scrutiny standard previously invoked .

And now, in response, some women are taking a cue from what Iowans for Freedom accomplished in 2010. They’re encouraging others to turn the page on the November ballot — literally — to the side where judicial retention votes are, and vote against Justice David May . He’s the only one who voted for the six-week ban who’s up this year.

So, how could anyone who opposed the 2010 campaign support the same tactic? Comparisons between the two efforts get complicated. Retention elections used to be mostly pro forma shows of support for sitting judges appointed on a nonpartisan basis, who were doing their jobs properly. In 2010, same-sex marriage opponents couldn’t accept that their religious-based agenda had lost in a court of law bound by the Iowa Constitution. So it used the elections to wage ideological warfare. 

This time the ideological warfare has been waged by the governor, state lawmakers and the court’s new majority, by tampering with the once nonpartisan, constitutionally based process. Reynolds, an outspoken abortion opponent, called a special one-day session of the Legislature last summer to vote on the ban. Six weeks is before most women even know if they’re pregnant. Iowa’s Republican-led Legislature complied by passing it, though a nearly identical 2018 law had been permanently blocked . Reynolds had over the years appointed four new justices, including May, who could reliably be predicted to vote as they did.

More: Kim Reynolds picked this Legislature, and it steamrolled an extreme path for Iowa

The victims now will be untold numbers of pregnant women and girls, and children born to people ill-equipped to care for them.

“The ideological bias of this court does not reflect the will of most Iowans, and I’m not sure how far it follows the constitution,” said Des Moines’ Lea DeLong, the reproductive rights advocate who penned a letter making the case for opposing May’s retention. “My reading of the constitution is that it is intended to expand the rights and liberties of people.”

Her letter is being widely circulated by email. It points out that, as Reynolds’ appointee, May helped give Iowa “one of the most restrictive rulings in the nation against the rights of women.” It goes on to say, “It is an unfortunate development in our society that these kinds of actions against judges must happen, but I'm afraid we have had to learn some sad lessons from those who deny the rights of women. It is well known that most Iowans do not support these draconian restrictions on women's lives and decisions.”

That’s true: 61% of Iowans polled support abortion rights in all or most cases . Still, the governor saw fit to impose her personal beliefs over the will of the majority.

DeLong is co-founder with Charlotte Hubbell of a group of some 15 women known as Iowans for Reproductive Freedom (one word but light years away from the group that waged the 2010 ballot battle). Formed in November, 2022, it has placed billboards defending reproductive rights on display around Des Moines.

They carry such captions as:

•   Reproductive Freedom Is KEY to a Strong Family .
•  Keep Government OUT of Women's Health Care .
• If Men Got Pregnant, We Wouldn't Be Discussing This .

Though individual members support the ballot idea and are circulating DeLong’s letter, the organization isn’t officially involved in the effort. DeLong herself doesn’t doubt May is a good person. And she’s mindful that Reynolds would likely replace him with another justice of the same ideological bent. But she wants this to be a wake-up call. “It sends a message,” she said. “Maybe it will encourage people to think very seriously about what this court is doing to women.”

Unlike Vander Plaats’ well financed and heavily publicized initiative, she says, “We’re not trying to organize a campaign. We will do what women have always done before: Spread information to our friends.”  

More importantly, the goal this time is protecting rights, not undermining them.

“Much as I don’t like the fundamental concept of doing this,” DeLong said, “I think so many destructive lines have been crossed.”

And she’s right. They have been.

Rekha Basu is a longtime syndicated columnist, editorial writer, reporter and author of the book, “Finding Your Voice.” She retired in 2022 as a Des Moines Register columnist. Her column, “Rekha Shouts and Whispers,” is available at basurekha.substack.com .

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One of the Most Conservative State Supreme Courts in the Country Just Rebuked Dobbs

The Utah Supreme Court, a body with a clear conservative majority , surprised many observers last week when it handed down a ruling blocking enforcement of the state’s new abortion ban , which criminalizes virtually all abortions from the moment of fertilization . The law, which was set to go into effect in 2022, was blocked by a trial court while the litigation continued, a decision affirmed by the state Supreme Court last week. The Utah decision is not just a reminder that conservative judges faced with the prospect of retention elections may be afraid to gut abortion rights; it also spotlights the chaos and confusion produced by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision undoing a right to choose abortion—and problems with using history and tradition as the only guide to identifying our most cherished rights.

Utah fought the lower court injunction by stressing the kind of argument the U.S. Supreme Court’s supermajority made in reversing Roe v. Wade : arguing that there could be no right to abortion rooted in Utah’s history and tradition because Utah law had long criminalized abortion, and that the rationale of the Dobbs ruling dismantling the federal right to abortion applied here at the state level. The judges of the Utah Supreme Court agreed that the state’s constitution should be interpreted as conservative judges often suggest—in line with “what constitutional language meant to Utahns when it entered the constitution.” But the fact that the state court embraced originalism did not mean that it was ready to let Utah’s ban go into effect.

The relevant question, the court asked, was which broad principles would have been recognized by state residents when the state’s constitution was established. Utahans might not have recognized or even thought about a right to abortion per se, but that was not the point. Looking for too direct an analogue, the court reasoned, was unnecessary or even perverse. “Failure to distinguish between principles and application of those principles,” the court reasoned, “would hold constitutional protections hostage to the prejudices of the 1890s.”

Even the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative supermajority seems aware of the problem that Utah’s high court identified. In Rahimi v. United States , the court dodged a potentially disastrous ruling that the Second Amendment made it unconstitutional to deny access to a firearm to someone who posed a credible threat of violence to his partner or minor child. The question was not whether the United States could identify a regulation exactly like the one Zackey Rahimi was challenging; instead, the court would focus on whether the “challenged regulation is consistent with the principles that underpin the Nation’s regulatory tradition.”

The Utah decision shows that the Supreme Court may have assigned itself a sort of Hobson’s choice: binding itself to the biases of the 19 th century or embracing a looser, principle-driven approach that is quite different from the vision of history and tradition the conservative justices have embraced.

The Utah court also highlighted how much the Supreme Court hasn’t told us about how a history-and-tradition test works—and how differently judges can approach it. Dobbs suggests that there can’t be a right to abortion given that states in the 19 th century criminalized abortion (albeit, in some cases, many years after the relevant constitutional provision came into effect). The Utah court thought that it isn’t so simple. The judges tried to account for what regular people, including those who could not vote at the time, thought about which rights were protected. The majority, for example, stressed evidence including a book written by a female doctor about the beliefs and practices of Utah women in the 1890s, and acknowledged that regular Americans might have believed that abortion was moral and even legal before quickening, the point at which fetal movement could be detected, even as criminal laws sometimes eliminated that distinction. There are other unanswered questions too. What is the relationship between originalism or history and tradition—and how much do the conservative justices care about history from after the relevant constitutional provision is put in place? What kinds of evidence count—and from which time periods? Can a court pay attention to those who were marginalized at that time or only those with power in the era to write their views into law?

The Utah decision shows how unstable Dobbs is—and how easy it is for courts to use historical evidence to reach their preferred results. Looking to history and tradition does not absolve judges of responsibility for making decisions that are unpopular or unjust because, as the Utah court recognized, historical analysis allows courts so much flexibility to decide whose history matters and why. It is not the founders who make choices about when and how to look at the past. It is the judges faced with the critical questions of today. Dobbs promised that history would constrain a court that might want to dabble in politics. In truth, as the Utah decision implies , Dobbs treats history as “a type of Rorschach test where we only see what we are already inclined to see .”

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Where Tim Walz Stands on the Issues

As governor of Minnesota, he has enacted policies to secure abortion protections, provide free meals for schoolchildren, allow recreational marijuana and set renewable energy goals.

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By Maggie Astor

• Published Aug. 6, 2024 Updated Aug. 17, 2024, 10:08 a.m. ET

Follow live updates on the 2024 election .

Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota, the newly announced running mate to Vice President Kamala Harris, has worked with his state’s Democratic-controlled Legislature to enact an ambitious agenda of liberal policies: free college tuition for low-income students, free meals for schoolchildren, legal recreational marijuana and protections for transgender people.

“You don’t win elections to bank political capital,” Mr. Walz wrote last year about his approach to governing. “You win elections to burn political capital and improve lives.”

Republicans have slammed these policies as big-government liberalism and accused Mr. Walz of taking a hard left turn since he represented a politically divided district in Congress years ago.

Here is an overview of where Mr. Walz stands on some key issues.

Mr. Walz signed a bill last year that guaranteed Minnesotans a “fundamental right to make autonomous decisions” about reproductive health care on issues such as abortion, contraception and fertility treatments.

Abortion was already protected by a Minnesota Supreme Court decision, but the new law guarded against a future court reversing that precedent as the U.S. Supreme Court did with Roe v. Wade, and Mr. Walz said this year that he was also open to an amendment to the state’s Constitution that would codify abortion rights.

Another bill he signed legally shields patients, and their medical providers, if they receive an abortion in Minnesota after traveling from a state where abortion is banned.

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