media gender essay

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Gender and Media Representations: A Review of the Literature on Gender Stereotypes, Objectification and Sexualization

Media representations play an important role in producing sociocultural pressures. Despite social and legal progress in civil rights, restrictive gender-based representations appear to be still very pervasive in some contexts. The article explores scientific research on the relationship between media representations and gender stereotypes, objectification and sexualization, focusing on their presence in the cultural context. Results show how stereotyping, objectifying and sexualizing representations appear to be still very common across a number of contexts. Exposure to stereotyping representations appears to strengthen beliefs in gender stereotypes and endorsement of gender role norms, as well as fostering sexism, harassment and violence in men and stifling career-related ambitions in women. Exposure to objectifying and sexualizing representations appears to be associated with the internalization of cultural ideals of appearance, endorsement of sexist attitudes and tolerance of abuse and body shame. In turn, factors associated with exposure to these representations have been linked to detrimental effects on physical and psychological well-being, such as eating disorder symptomatology, increased body surveillance and poorer body image quality of life. However, specificities in the pathways from exposure to detrimental effects on well-being are involved for certain populations that warrant further research.

1. Introduction

As a social category, gender is one of the earliest and most prominent ways people may learn to identify themselves and their peers, the use of gender-based labels becoming apparent in infants as early as 17 months into their life [ 1 ]. Similarly, the development of gender-based heuristics, inferences and rudimentary stereotypes becomes apparent as early as age three [ 2 , 3 ]. Approximately at this age, the development of a person’s gender identity begins [ 4 ]—that is, the process through which a person tends to identify as a man, as a woman or as a vast spectrum of other possibilities (i.e., gender non-conforming, agender, genderfluid, etc.). These processes continue steadily throughout individuals’ lives as they receive and elaborate information about women and men and what it means to belong to either category, drawing from direct and indirect observations, social contact, personal elaborations and cultural representations [ 5 , 6 ]. As a result, social and mental representations of gender are extremely widespread, especially as a strictly binary construct, and can be argued to be ubiquitous in individual and social contexts.

Among the many sources of influence on gender representations, media occupies an important space and its relevance can be assessed across many different phenomena [ 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ]. The ubiquity of media, the chronicity of individuals’ exposure to it and its role in shaping beliefs, attitudes and expectations have made it the subject of scientific attention. In fact, several theories have attempted to explore the mechanisms and psychological processes in which media plays a role, including identity development [ 12 , 13 , 14 ], scripts and schemas [ 15 ], cultivation processes [ 16 , 17 , 18 ] and socialization processes [ 5 , 6 ].

The public interest in the topic of gender has seen a surge in the last 10 years, in part due to social and political movements pushing for gender equality across a number of aspects, including how gender is portrayed in media representations. In the academic field as well, publications mentioning gender in their title, abstract or keywords have more than doubled from 2012 to 2022 [ 19 ], while publications mentioning gender in media representations have registered an even more dramatic increase, tripling in number [ 20 ]. Additionally, the media landscape has had a significant shift in the last decade, with the surge in popularity and subsequent addition of social media websites and apps to most people’s mediatic engagement [ 21 ].

The importance of media use in gender-related aspects, such as beliefs, attitudes, or roles, has been extensively documented. As reported in a recent review of the literature [ 22 ], several meta-analyses [ 17 , 23 , 24 ] showed support for the effects of media use on gender beliefs, finding small but consistent effect sizes. These effects appear to have remained present over the decades [ 25 ].

Particular attention has been given to stereotypical, objectifying and sexualizing representations, as portrayals that paint a restrictive picture of the complexity of human psychology, also producing sociocultural pressures to conform to gender roles and body types.

Gender stereotypes can be defined as an extremely simplified concept of attitudes and behaviors considered normal and appropriate for men and women in a specific culture [ 26 ]. They usually span several different areas of people’s characteristics, such as physical appearance, personality traits, behaviors, social roles and occupations. Stereotypical beliefs about gender may be divided into descriptive (how one perceives a person of a certain gender to be; [ 27 ]), prescriptive (how one perceives a person of a certain gender should be and behave; [ 28 , 29 ]) or proscriptive (how one perceives a person of a certain gender should not be and behave; [ 28 , 29 ]). Their content varies on the individual’s culture of reference [ 30 ], but recurring themes have been observed in western culture, such as stereotypes revolving around communion, agency and competence [ 31 ]. Women have stereotypically been associated with traits revolving around communion (e.g., supportiveness, compassion, expression, warmth), while men have been more stereotypically associated with agency (e.g., ambition, assertiveness, competitiveness, action) or competence (e.g., skill, intelligence). Both men and women may experience social and economic penalties (backlash) if they appear to violate these stereotypes [ 29 , 32 , 33 ].

Objectification can be defined as the viewing or treatment of people as objects. Discussing ways in which people may be objectified, Nussbaum first explored seven dimensions: instrumentality (a tool to be employed for one’s purposes); denial of autonomy (lacking self-determination, or autonomy); inertness (lacking in agency or activity); fungibility (interchangeable with others of the same type); violability (with boundaries lacking integrity and permissible to break into); ownership (possible to own or trade); denial of subjectivity (the person’s feelings or experiences are seen as something that does not need to be considered) [ 34 ].

In its initial definition by Fredrickson and Roberts [ 35 ], objectification theory had been offered as a framework to understand how the pervasive sexual objectification of women’s bodies in the sociocultural context influenced their experiences and posed risks to their mental health—a phenomenon that was believed to have uniquely female connotations. In their model, the authors theorized that a cultural climate of sexual objectification would lead to the internalization of objectification (viewing oneself as a sexual and subordinate object), which would in turn lead to psychological consequences (e.g., body shame, anxiety) and mental health risks (e.g., eating disorders, depression). Due to the pervasiveness of the cultural climate, objectification may be difficult to detect or avoid, and objectification experiences may be perceived as normative.

Sexual objectification, in which a person is reduced to a sexual instrument, can be construed to be a subtype of objectification and, in turn, is often defined as one of the types of sexualization [ 36 ]. As previously discussed by Ward [ 37 ], it should be made clear that the mere presence of sexual content, which may be represented in a positive and healthy way, should not be conflated with sexualized or objectifying representations.

The American Psychological Association’s 2007 report defines sexualization as a series of conditions that stand apart from healthy sexuality, such as when a person’s value is perceived to come mainly from sexual appeal or behavior, when physical attractiveness is equated to sexual attractiveness, when a person is sexually objectified or when sexuality is inappropriately imposed on a person [ 36 ]. Sexualization may involve several different contexts, such as personal, interpersonal, and cultural. Self-sexualization involves treating oneself as a sexual object [ 35 ]. Interpersonal contributions involve being treated as sexual objects by others, such as family or peers [ 38 , 39 ]. Finally, contributions by cultural norms, expectations and values play a part as well, including those spread by media representations [ 36 ]. After this initial definition, sexualization as a term has also been used by some authors (e.g., Zurbriggen & Roberts [ 40 ]) to refer to sexual objectification specifically, while others (e.g., Bigler and colleagues [ 41 ]) stand by the APA report’s broader meaning. In this section, we will explore scientific literature adopting the latter.

These portrayals have been hypothesized to lead to negative effects on people’s well-being on a mental and physical level, as well as bearing partial responsibility for several social issues, such as sexism, gender discrimination and harassment. However, the pathways that lead from an individual’s relationship with media to these detrimental effects can be complex. Furthermore, they seem to involve specificities for men and women, as well as for different sexual orientations. A wealth of publications has been produced on these themes and, to the authors’ knowledge, no recent review has attempted to synthesize their findings.

The present article aims to summarize the state of the art of research on stereotyping, sexualization and objectification in gender and media representations. A focus will be placed on the definitions of these concepts, the media where they occur, and verifying whether any changes over time are detectable or any specificities are present. The possible effects of these representations on people’s well-being will be explored as well.

A search of the literature was conducted on scientific search engines (APA PsycArticles, CINAHL Complete, Education Source, Family Studies Abstracts, Gender Studies Database, MEDLINE, Mental Measurements Yearbook, Sociology Source Ultimate, Violence & Abuse Abstracts, PUBMED, Scopus, Web of Science) to locate the most relevant contributions on the topic of media and gender representation, with a particular focus on stereotypes, objectification and sexualization, their presence in the media and their effects on well-being. Keywords were used to search for literature on the intersection of the main topics: media representation (e.g., media OR representation* OR portrayal*), gender (e.g., gender OR sex OR wom* OR m*n) and stereotypes, objectification and sexualization (e.g., stereotyp*, objectif*, sexualiz*). In some cases, additional keywords were used for the screening of studies on specific media (e.g., television, news, social media). When appropriate, further restrictions were used to screen for studies on effects or consequences (e.g., effect* OR impact* OR consequence* OR influence* OR outcome*). Inclusion criteria were the following: (a) academic articles (b) pertaining to the field of media representations (c) pertaining to gender stereotypes, objectification or sexualization. A dataset of 195 selected relevant papers was created. Thematic analysis was conducted following the guidelines developed by Braun and Clarke [ 42 ], in order to outline patterns of meaning across the reviewed studies. The process was organized into six phases: (1) familiarization with the data; (2) coding; (3) searching for themes; (4) reviewing themes; (5) defining and naming themes; and (6) writing up. After removing duplicates and excluding papers that did not meet the inclusion criteria, a total of 87 articles were included in the results of this review. The findings were discussed among researchers (LR, FS, MNP and TT) until unanimous consensus was reached.

2.1. Stereotypical Portrayals

Gender stereotypes appear to be flexible and responsive to changes in the social environment: consensual beliefs about men’s and women’s attributes have evolved throughout the decades, reflecting changes in women’s participation in the labor force and higher education [ 31 , 43 ]. Perceptions of gender equality in competence and intelligence have sharply risen, and stereotypical perceptions of women show significant changes: perceptions of women’s competence and intelligence have surpassed those relative to men, while the communion aspect appears to have shifted toward being even more polarized on being typical of women. Other aspects, such as perceptions of agency being more typical of men, have remained stable [ 31 ].

Despite these changes, gender representation in the media appears to be frequently skewed toward men’s representation and prominently features gender stereotypes. On a global scale, news coverage appears to mostly feature men, especially when considering representation as expert voices, where women are still underrepresented (24%) despite a rise in coverage in the last 5 years [ 44 ]. Underrepresentation has also been reported in many regional and national contexts, but exact proportions vary significantly in the local context. Male representation has been reported to be greater in several studies, with male characters significantly outnumbering female characters [ 45 ], doing so in male-led and mixed-led shows but not in female-led shows [ 46 ] in children’s television programming—a key source of influence on gender representations. Similar results have been found regarding sports news, whose coverage overwhelmingly focuses on men athletes [ 47 , 48 ] and where women are seldom represented.

Several analyses of television programs have also shown how representations of men and women are very often consistent with gender stereotypes. Girls were often portrayed as focusing more on their appearance [ 45 ], as well as being judged for their appearance [ 49 ]. The same focus on aesthetics was found in sports news coverage, which was starkly different across genders, and tended to focus on women athletes’ appearance, featuring overly simplified descriptions (vs. technical language on coverage of men athletes) [ 48 ]. In addition, coverage of women athletes was more likely in sports perceived to be more feminine or gender-appropriate [ 47 , 48 , 50 ]. Similarly, women in videogames appear to be both underrepresented and less likely to be featured as playable characters, as well as being frequently stereotyped, appearing in the role of someone in need of rescuing, as love interests, or cute and innocent characters [ 51 ]. In advertising as well, gender stereotypes have often been used as a staple technique for creating relatability, but their use may lead to negative cross-gender effects in product marketing [ 52 ] while also possibly furthering social issues. Hust and colleagues found that in alcohol advertisements, belief in gender stereotypes was the most consistent predictor of intentions to sexually coerce, showing significant interaction effects with exposure to highly objectifying portrayals [ 53 ]. Representation in advertising prominently features gender stereotypes, such as depicting men in professional roles more often, while depicting women in non-working, recreational roles, especially in countries that show high gender inequality [ 54 ]. A recent analysis of print ads [ 55 ] confirmed that some stereotypes are still prominent and, in some cases, have shown a resurgence, such as portraying a woman as the queen of the home; the study also found representations of women in positions of empowerment are, however, showing a relative increase in frequency. Public support, combined with market logic, appears to be successfully pushing more progressive portrayals in this field [ 56 ].

Both skewed representation and the presence of stereotypes have been found to lead to several negative effects. Gender-unequal representation has been found to stifle political [ 57 ] and career [ 58 ] ambition, as well as foster organizational discrimination [ 59 ]. Heavy media use may further the belief in gender stereotypes and has been found to be linked to a stronger endorsement of traditional gender roles and norms [ 60 ], which in turn may be linked to a vast number of detrimental health effects. In women, adherence and internalization of traditional gender roles have been linked to greater symptoms of depression and anxiety, a higher likelihood of developing eating disorders, and lower self-esteem and self-efficacy [ 36 , 61 , 62 , 63 ]. In men as well, adherence to traditional masculine norms has been linked to negative mental health outcomes such as depression, psychological distress and substance abuse [ 64 ], while also increasing the perpetration of risky behaviors [ 65 , 66 ] and intimate partner violence [ 65 , 67 ].

2.2. Objectifying Portrayals

Non-sexual objectifying representations appear to have been studied relatively little. They have been found to be common in advertising, where women are often depicted as purely aesthetic models, motionless and decorative [ 68 ]. They may also include using a woman’s body as a supporting object for the advertised product, as a decorative object, as an ornament to draw attention to the ad, or as a prize to be won and associated with the consumption of the advertised product [ 55 ].

The vast majority of the literature has focused on the sexual objectification of women. This type of representation has been reported to be very common in a number of contexts and across different media [ 69 ], and several studies (see Calogero and colleagues’ or Roberts and colleagues’ review [ 69 , 70 ]) have found support for the original model’s pathway [ 35 ]. Following experimental models expanded on the original (e.g., Frederick and colleagues or Roberts and colleagues [ 69 , 71 ]), highlighting the role of factors such as the internalization of lean or muscular ideals of appearance, finding evidence for negative effects on well-being and mental health through the increase in self-objectification and the internalization of cultural ideals of appearance [ 71 , 72 ].

Sexual objectification also appears to be consistently linked to sexism. For both women and men, the perpetration of sexual objectification was significantly associated with hostile and benevolent sexism, as well as the enjoyment of sexualization [ 73 ]. Enjoyment of sexualization, in turn, has been found to be positively associated with hostile sexism in both men and women, positively associated with benevolent sexism in women and negatively in men [ 74 ].

Exposure to objectifying media in men has been found to increase the tendency to engage in sexual coercion and harassment, as well as increasing conformity to gender role norms [ 75 ]. Consistently with the finding that perpetration of objectification may be associated with a greater men’s proclivity for rape and sexual aggression [ 76 ], a study conducted by Hust and colleagues found that exposure to objectifying portrayals of women in alcohol advertising was also a moderator in the relationship between belief in gender stereotypes and intentions to sexually coerce. Specifically, participants who had a stronger belief in gender stereotypes reported stronger intentions to sexually coerce when exposed to slightly objectifying images of women. Highly objectifying images did not yield the same increase—a result interpreted by the authors to mean that highly objectified women were perceived as sexually available and as such less likely to need coercion, while slightly objectified women could be perceived as more likely to need coercion [ 53 ].

Research on objectification has primarily focused on women, in part due to numerous studies suggesting that women are more subject to sexual objectification [ 73 , 77 , 78 , 79 , 80 ], as well as suffering the consequences of sexual objectification more often [ 81 ]. However, sexually objectifying portrayals seem to have a role in producing negative effects on men as well, although with partially different pathways. In men, findings about media appearance pressures on body image appear to be mixed. Previous meta-analyses found either a small average effect [ 82 ] or no significant effect [ 72 ]. A recent study found them to be significantly associated with higher body surveillance, poorer body image quality of life and lower satisfaction with appearance [ 71 ]. Another study, however, found differing relationships regarding sexual objectification: an association was found between experiences of sexual objectification and internalization of cultural standards of appearance, body shame and drive for muscularity, but was not found between experiences of sexual objectification and self-objectification or body surveillance [ 83 ]: in the same study, gender role conflict [ 84 ] was positively associated to the internalization of sociocultural standards of appearance, self-objectification, body shame and drive for muscularity, suggesting the possibility that different pathways may be involved in producing negative effects on men. Men with body-image concerns experiencing gender role conflict may also be less likely to engage in help-seeking behaviors [ 85 , 86 ]. This is possibly due to restrictive emotionality associated with the male gender role leading to more negative attitudes toward help-seeking, as found in a recent study by Nagai, [ 87 ], although this study finds no association with help-seeking behavior, conflicting with previous ones, and more research is needed.

Finally, specificities related to sexual orientation regarding media and objectification appear to be present. A set of recent studies by Frederick and colleagues found that gay men, lesbian women and bisexual people share with heterosexual people many of the pathways that lead from sociocultural pressures to internalization of thin/muscular ideals, higher body surveillance and a lower body image quality of life [ 71 , 88 ], leading the authors to conclude that these factors’ influence applies regardless of sexual orientation. However, their relationship with media and objectification may vary. Gay and bisexual men may face objectification in social media and dating apps rather than in mainstream media and may experience more objectification than heterosexual men [ 89 ]. In Frederick and colleagues’ studies, gay men reported greater media pressures, body surveillance, thin-ideal internalization, and self-objectification compared to heterosexual men; moreover, bisexual men appeared to be more susceptible to ideal internalization, displaying stronger paths from media appearance pressures to muscular-ideal internalization compared to heterosexual men; lesbian women, instead, demonstrated weaker relationships between media pressures and body image outcomes [ 71 , 88 ]. Consistently with previous studies suggesting a heightened susceptibility to social pressures [ 90 ], bisexual women appeared to be more susceptible to media pressures relative to other groups [ 88 ]. Another recent study of lesbian and bisexual women supported previous evidence for the pathway from the internalization of cultural appearance standards to body surveillance, body shame and eating disorder symptoms; however, it found no significant connection between experiences of objectification and eating disorder symptoms [ 91 ].

2.3. Sexualized Portrayals

Several studies have found sexualizing media representations to be commonplace across a number of different media contents and across different target demographics (i.e., children, adolescents or adults) and genres. Reports of common sexualized representations of women are found in contexts such as television programs [ 92 ], movies [ 93 , 94 , 95 , 96 ], music videos [ 97 , 98 ], advertising [ 54 , 55 ], videogames [ 51 , 99 , 100 ], or magazines [ 101 ].

Exposure to sexualized media has been theorized to be an exogenous risk factor in the internalization of sexualized beliefs about women [ 41 ], as well as one of the pathways to the internalization of cultural appearance ideals [ 102 ]. Daily exposition to sexualized media content has been consistently linked to a number of negative effects. Specifically, it has been found to lead to higher levels of body dissatisfaction and distorted attitudes about eating through the internalization of cultural body ideals (e.g., lean or muscular) in both men and women [ 71 ]. It has also been associated with a higher chance of supporting sexist beliefs in boys [ 103 ], and of tolerance toward sexual violence in men [ 104 ]. Furthermore, exposure to sexualized images has been linked to a higher tolerance of sexual harassment and rape myth acceptance [ 76 ]. Exposure to reality TV programs consistently predicted self-sexualization for both women and men, while music videos did so for men only [ 103 ]. Internalized sexualization, in turn, has been linked to a stronger endorsement of sexist attitudes and acceptance of rape myths [ 105 ], while also being linked to higher levels of body surveillance and body shame in girls [ 106 ]. Internalization of media standards of appearance has been linked to body surveillance in both men and women, as well as body surveillance of the partner in men [ 107 ].

As a medium, videogames have been studied relatively little and have produced less definite results. This medium can offer the unique dynamic of embodiment in a virtual avatar, which has been hypothesized to be able to lead to a shift in self-perception (the “Proteus effect”, as formulated by Yee & Bailenson, [ 108 ]). While some studies have partially confirmed this effect, showing that exposure to sexualized videogame representations can increase self-objectification [ 109 , 110 , 111 ], others [ 112 ] have not found the same relationship. Furthermore, while a study has found an association between sexualized representations in videogames, tolerance of sexual abuse of women and rape myth acceptance [ 113 ], and in another, it was linked to a decreased real-life belief in women’s competence [ 114 ], a recent meta-analysis [ 115 ] found no effect of the presence of sexualized content on well-being, sexism or misogyny.

Research on social media has also shown some specificities. Social media offers the unique dynamic of being able to post and disseminate one’s own content and almost always includes built-in mechanisms for user-generated feedback (e.g., likes), as well as often being populated by one’s peers, friends and family rather than strangers. Sites focusing on image- or video-based content (e.g., Instagram, TikTok) may be more prone to eliciting social comparison and fostering the internalization of cultural appearance ideals, resulting in more associations to negative body image when compared to others that have the same capabilities but offer text-based content as well (e.g., Facebook) [ 116 ]. Social media appears to foster social comparison, which may increase appearance-based concerns [ 117 ]. Consistently with previous research, exposure to sexualized beauty ideals on social media appeared to be associated with lower body satisfaction; exposure to more diverse standards of appearance, instead, was associated with increased body satisfaction and positive mood, regardless of image sexualization [ 116 , 118 ].

3. Discussion

3.1. critical discussion of evidence.

The reviewed evidence (summarized in Table 1 ) points to the wide-ranging harmful effects of stereotyping, objectifying and sexualizing media portrayals, which are reported to be still both common and pervasive. The links to possible harms have also been well documented, with a few exceptions.

Summary of findings.

These representations, especially but not exclusively pertaining to women, have been under social scrutiny following women’s rights movements and activism [ 119 ] and can be perceived to be politically incorrect and undesirable, bringing an aspect of social desirability into the frame. Positive attitudes toward gender equality also appear to be at an all-time high across the western world [ 120 , 121 ], a change that has doubtlessly contributed to socio-cultural pressure to reduce harmful representations. Some media contexts (e.g., advertising and television) seem to have begun reflecting this change regarding stereotypes, attempting to either avoid harmful representations or push more progressive portrayals. However, these significant changes in stereotypes (e.g., regarding competence) have not necessarily been reflected in women’s lives, such as their participation in the labor force, leadership or decision-making [ 31 , 122 , 123 ]. Objectifying or sexualizing representations do not seem to be drastically reduced in prevalence. Certainly, many influences other than media representations are in play in this regard, but their effect on well-being has been found to be pervasive and consistent. Despite widespread positive attitudes toward gender equality, the persistence of stereotypical, objectifying and sexualizing representations may hint at the continued existence of an entrenched sexist culture which can translate into biases, discrimination and harm.

Despite some conflicting findings, the literature also hints at the existence of differences in how media pressures appear to affect men and women, as well as gay, lesbian and bisexual people. These may point to the possibility of some factors (e.g., objectification) playing a different role across different people in the examined pathways, an aspect that warrants caution when considering possible interventions and clinical implications. In some cases, the same relationship between exposure to media and well-being may exist, but it may follow different pathways from distal risk factors to proximal risk factors, as in the case of gender role conflict for men or body shame for lesbian and bisexual women. However, more research is needed to explore these recent findings.

Different media also appear to feature specificities for which more research is needed, such as videogames and social media. The more interactive experiences offered by these media may play an important role in determining their effects, and the type of social media needs to be taken into consideration as well (image- or video-based vs. text-based). Moreover, the experiences of exposure may not necessarily be homogenous, due to the presence of algorithms that determine what content is being shown in the case of social media, and due to the possibility of player interaction and avatar embodiment in the case of videogames.

Past findings [ 37 , 69 ] about links with other social issues such as sexism, harassment and violence appear to still be relevant [ 67 , 73 , 103 , 105 ]. The increases in both tolerance and prevalence of sexist and abusive attitudes resulting from exposure to problematic media representations impact the cultural climate in which these phenomena take place. Consequently, victims of discrimination and abuse living in a cultural climate more tolerant of sexist and abusive attitudes may experience lower social support, have a decreased chance of help-seeking and adopt restrictive definitions for what counts as discrimination and abuse, indirectly furthering gender inequalities.

Exploring ways of reducing risks to health, several authors [ 22 , 41 , 75 ] have discussed media literacy interventions—that is, interventions focused on teaching critical engagement with media—as a possible way of reducing the negative effects of problematic media portrayals. As reported in McLean and colleagues’ systematic review [ 124 ], these interventions have been previously shown to be effective at increasing media literacy, while also improving body-related outcomes such as body satisfaction in boys [ 125 ], internalization of the thinness ideal in girls [ 125 ], body size acceptance in girls [ 126 ] and drive for thinness in girls and boys [ 127 ]. More recently, they were also shown to be effective at reducing stereotypical gender role attitudes [ 128 ], as well as fostering unfavorable attitudes toward stereotypical portrayals and lack of realism [ 129 ]. Development and promotion of these interventions should be considered when attempting to reduce negative media-related influences on body image. It should be noted, however, that McLean and colleagues’ review found no effect of media literacy interventions on eating disorder symptomatology [ 124 ], which warrants more careful interventions.

Furthermore, both internal (e.g., new entrants’ attitudes in interpersonal or organizational contexts) and external (e.g., pressure from public opinion) sociocultural pressures appear to have a strong influence in reducing harmful representations [ 55 , 56 ]. Critically examining these representations when they appear, as well as voicing concerns toward examples of possibly harmful representations, may promote more healthy representations in media. As documented by some studies, the promotion of diverse body representations in media may also be effective in reducing negative effects [ 70 , 118 ].

3.2. Limitations

The current review synthesizes the latest evidence on stereotyping, objectifying and sexualizing media representations. However, limitations in its methodology are present and should be taken into consideration. It is not a systematic review and may not be construed to be a complete investigation of all the available evidence. Only articles written in the English language have been considered, which may have excluded potentially interesting findings written in other languages. Furthermore, it is not a meta-analysis, and as such cannot be used to draw statistical conclusions about the surveyed phenomena.

3.3. Future Directions

While this perception is limited by the non-systematic approach of the review, to what we know, very few studies appear to be available on the relationship between media representation and non-sexual objectification, which may provide interesting directions to explore in relation to autonomy, violability or subjectivity, as was attempted in the context of work and organizations [ 130 ].

More cross-cultural studies (e.g., Tartaglia & Rollero [ 54 ]) would also prove useful in exploring differences between cultural contexts, as well as the weight of different sociocultural factors in the relationship between media representation and gender.

More studies focusing on relatively new media (e.g., social media, videogames) would possibly help clear up some of the identified discrepancies and explore new directions for the field that take advantage of their interactivity. This is particularly true for niche but growing media such as virtual reality, in which the perception of embodiment in an avatar with different physical features than one’s own could prove to be important in sexualization and objectification. Only preliminary evidence [ 131 ] has been produced on the topic.

Studies to further explore the relationship between media representations, gender and sexual orientation would also be beneficial. As already highlighted by Frederick and colleagues [ 132 ], gay, lesbian and bisexual people may deal with a significantly different set of appearance norms and expectations [ 133 ], and face minority-related stresses [ 134 ] that can increase susceptibility to poorer body image and disordered eating [ 135 , 136 ]. Additionally, none of the reviewed studies had a particular focus on trans people, who may have different experiences relating to media and body image, as suggested by the differences in pathways found in a recent study [ 137 ]. Sexual orientation and gender identity should be kept into consideration when investigating these relationships, as their specificities may shed light on the different ways societal expectations influence the well-being of sexual minorities.

The examined literature on the topic also appears to feature specificities that need to be taken into account. As previously reported by Ward [ 37 ], the vast majority of the studies continue to be conducted in the United States, often on undergraduates, which limits the generalizability of the results to the global population. Given the abundance and complexity of the constructs, more studies examining the pathways from media exposure to well-being using methodologies such as path analysis and structural equation modeling may help clarify some of the discrepancies found in the literature about the same relationships.

Finally, as previously reported by many authors [ 37 , 69 , 138 ], sexualization, self-sexualization, objectification and self-objectification are sometimes either treated as synonymous or used with different definitions and criteria, which may add a layer of misdirection to studies on the subject. Given the divergences in the use of terminology, clearly stating one’s working definition of sexualization or objectification would possibly benefit academic clarity on the subject.

4. Conclusions

Consistent empirical evidence highlights the importance of media representations as a key part of sociocultural influences that may have consequences on well-being. Despite some notable progress, harmful representations with well-researched links to detrimental effects are still common across a number of different media. Exposure to stereotyping, objectifying and sexualized representations appears to consistently be linked to negative consequences on physical and mental health, as well as fostering sexism, violence and gender inequity. On a clinical level, interventions dealing with body image and body satisfaction should keep their influence into account. The promotion of institutional and organizational interventions, as well as policies aimed at reducing their influence, could also prove to be a protective factor against physical and mental health risks.

Funding Statement

This research received no external funding.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, F.S. and L.R.; methodology, T.T. and M.N.P.; writing—original draft preparation, F.S.; writing—review and editing, T.T. and M.N.P.; supervision, L.R. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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The media has a significant impact in shaping our thoughts and actions, reflecting and influencing societal structures and systems. It holds power over our understanding of gender, including norms, roles and stereotypes. Gender norms, or societal expectations and standards that determine how individuals should behave and fulfill specific roles based on their perceived gender, play a crucial role in the distribution of power within society. These norms are also reflected in media structures such as organizations, associations and newsrooms.

To address this, UNESCO is committed to promoting gender equality within and through the media. The Organization aims to achieve this by fostering gender equality in media content, enhancing media coverage of gender-related issues, implementing and enhancing gender-responsive reporting practices across all thematic areas, and promoting gender equity and equality in newsrooms.

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The animation series were created based on the UNESCO publication Steering AI and Advanced ICTs for Knowledge Societies – a Rights, Openness, Access, and Multi-stakeholder Perspective to promote a better understanding of guiding human-centred and ethical principles underpinning any development of AI. Each episode contains a key message illustrated from the publication.

A day in the life of Ruba Anabtawi - A Palestinian Environmental Editor & Reporter in Jerusalem

A video of Ruba Anabtawi, Environmental Editor and Reporter based in Jerusalem who highlights that “The media has an important role to play in raising awareness of environmental issues. In the media, we try to humanise environmental issues and make them relevant to people’s lives.”

Facts and Figures

had experienced online violence in the course of their work

is dedicated to women's sports

globally are women

A handbook for journalists

Handbook to address violence against women in and through the media

Publications

Related items

• Information and communication
• Gender equality

• A-Z Publications

Annual Review of Developmental Psychology

Volume 2, 2020, review article, media and the development of gender role stereotypes.

• L. Monique Ward 1 , and Petal Grower 1
• View Affiliations Hide Affiliations Affiliations: Department of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan 48109, USA; email: [email protected]
• Vol. 2:177-199 (Volume publication date December 2020) https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-devpsych-051120-010630
• First published as a Review in Advance on September 15, 2020
• Copyright © 2020 by Annual Reviews. All rights reserved

This review summarizes recent findings (2000–2020) concerning media's contributions to the development of gender stereotypes in children and adolescents. Content analyses document that there continues to be an underrepresentation of women and a misrepresentation of femininity and masculinity in mainstream media, although some positive changes are noted. Concerning the strength of media's impact, findings from three meta-analyses indicate a small but consistent association between frequent television viewing and expressing more stereotypic beliefs about gender. Concerning the nature of these effects, analyses indicate significant connections between young people's screen media use and their general gender role attitudes; their beliefs about the importance of appearance for girls and women; their stereotyping of toys, activities, and occupations; and their support for traditional sexual roles. We offer several approaches for moving this field forward, including incorporating additional theories (e.g., stereotype threat), focusing more on boys and ethnic minority youth, and centering developmental milestones.

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Gender and media

Page contents

Introduction

Participation and influence of women in the media, media content and portrayal of men and women in the media, participatory community media, changing attitudes and behaviour, further resources.

Media play important roles in society. They report on current events, provide frameworks for interpretation, mobilise citizens with regard to various issues, reproduce predominant culture and society, and entertain (Llanos and Nina, 2011). As such, the media can be an important actor in the promotion of gender equality, both within the working environment (in terms of employment and promotion of female staff at all levels) and in the representation of women and men (in terms of fair gender portrayal and the use of neutral and non-gender specific language).

White, A. (2009). ‘Getting the Balance Right: Gender Equality in Journalism’, International Federation of Journalists, Brussels How can journalists and other actors working in the media contribute to gender equality? This handbook aims to assist people working in the media to assess progress on gender equality, identify challenges, and contribute to debates and policy formulation. It urges those working in the media to do more to confront gender distortions in newsrooms and in unions. See full text

Studies have found that although the number of women working in the media has been increasing globally, the top positions (producers, executives, chief editors and publishers) are still very male dominated (White, 2009). This disparity is particularly evident in Africa, where cultural impediments to women fulfilling the role of journalist remain (e.g. travelling away from home, evening work and covering issues such as politics and sports which are considered to fall within the masculine domain) (Myers, 2009). The Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP) reports that throughout the world, female journalists are more likely to be assigned ‘soft’ subjects such as family, lifestyle, fashion and arts. The ‘hard’ news, politics and the economy, is much less likely to be written or covered by women.

The level of participation and influence of women in the media also has implications for media content: female media professionals are more likely to reflect other women’s needs and perspectives than their male colleagues. It is important to acknowledge, however, that not all women working in the media will be gender aware and prone to cover women’s needs and perspectives; and it is not impossible for men to effectively cover gender issues. Recent research from 18 disparate countries shows that male and female journalists’ attitudes do not differ significantly (Hanitzsch & Hanusch, 2012). Nonetheless, the presence of women on the radio, television and in print is more likely to provide positive role models for women and girls, to gain the confidence of women as sources and interviewees, and to attract a female audience.

Byerly, C. M. (2011). ‘Global Report on the Status of Women in the News Media’, International Women’s Media Foundation, Washington DC What is the condition of gender equality in the global news media? This study presents findings from its analysis of news company behaviour in relation to gender equality in staffing, salaries and policies. It finds that men occupy the vast majority of governance and top management jobs and news-gathering positions in most nations included in the study. See full text

Myers, M. (2009). ‘Radio, Convergence and Development in Africa: Gender as a Cross-Cutting Issue’ Paper submitted to International Development Research Centre (IDRC) and Carleton University, Roundtable Discussion on a Research Agenda, 10-13 September, Butare, Rwanda How do gender issues play out in the media? Media professionals are subject to prevailing social, economic and cultural norms. Their views, outlook and output often reflect these norms. This paper highlights the cross-cutting nature of gender issues in media practice, production and consumption. When looking at media producers, the most striking gender issue is that the industry is dominated by men. Gender issues are also prevalent in media content, portrayals of men and women and stereotypes. The paper argues for the consideration of gender issues in all research on radio, convergence and development in Africa. See full text

Hanitzsch, T., & Hanusch, F. (2012). Does Gender Determine Journalists’ Professional Views? A reassessment based on cross-national evidence. European Journal of Communication, 27(3), 257-277. This peer-reviewed paper conducted a fairly comprehensive survey of male and female journalists in 18 countries across the world. They found that men’s and women’s opinions and attitudes towards their jobs do not differ significantly by gender. This was tested at the individual, newsroom and national level. Male and female journalists tend to think about their work in largely similar terms. They suggest that the lack of difference means that newsroom culture will not necessarily change if more female journalists are employed, as the professional culture is maintained by both sexes. They do note that the reason for similarities may be that female journalists are forced to adopt male values and are judged by male standards. See full text

Fair gender portrayal in the media should be a professional and ethical aspiration, similar to respect for accuracy, fairness and honesty (White, 2009). Yet, unbalanced gender portrayal is widespread. The Global Media Monitoring Project finds that women are more likely than men to be featured as victims in news stories and to be identified according to family status. Women are also far less likely than men to be featured in the world’s news headlines, and to be relied upon as ‘spokespeople’ or as ‘experts’. Certain categories of women, such as the poor, older women, or those belonging to ethnic minorities, are even less visible.

Stereotypes are also prevalent in every day media. Women are often portrayed solely as homemakers and carers of the family, dependent on men, or as objects of male attention. Stories by female reporters are more likely to challenge stereotypes than those filed by male reporters (Gallagher et al., 2010). As such, there is a link between the participation of women in the media and improvements in the representation of women.

Men are also subjected to stereotyping in the media. They are typically characterised as powerful and dominant. There is little room for alternative visions of masculinity. The media tends to demean men in caring or domestic roles, or those who oppose violence. Such portrayals can influence perceptions in terms of what society may expect from men and women, but also what they may expect from themselves. They promote an unbalanced vision of the roles of women and men in society.

Attention needs to be paid to identifying and addressing these various gender imbalances and gaps in the media. The European Commission (2010) recommends, for example, that there should be a set expectation of gender parity on expert panels on television or radio and the creation of a thematic database of women to be interviewed and used as experts by media professionals. In addition, conscious efforts should be made to portray women and men in non-stereotypical situations.

Gallagher, M. et al. (2010). ‘Who Makes the News? Global Media Monitoring Project 2010′, World Association for Christian Communication, London and Toronto To what degree is the news media democratic, inclusive and participatory from a gender perspective? This report presents findings of a survey taken on one ‘ordinary’ news day to record the portrayal and representation of women and men in the news media. The results are compared with previous surveys, taken every four years since 1995, to illustrate longitudinal trends. Women are underrepresented in news coverage, resulting in an unbalanced representation of the world.

European Commission. (2010). ‘Opinion on “Breaking Gender Stereotypes in the Media”, Advisory Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and Men, Social Europe, European Commission, Brussels This report highlights the gap between the reality of women’s and men’s lives in Europe and how they are portrayed in the media. It proposes measures for the promotion of: balanced and nonstereotyped perspectives; equal opportunities and working conditions in the media sector; and increased participation in and access to expression and decision-making for women in and throughout the media. It calls for an in-depth study of the public image of women generated by the media, including advertising.

Sahu, G. K. & Alam, S. (2013). Media Agenda on Gender Issues: Content Analysis of Two National Dailies. Pragyaan : Journal of Mass Communication 11 (1). How do different Indian daily English-language national newspapers portray men and women? The analysis notes that neither paper accords much attention to stories of women’s achievements; rather they both tend to cover stories of violence against women. This results in a representation of women as victims, subordinate, and constantly harassed by men. Both papers reported events rather than examining structural causes for violence, nor did they represent viewpoints of activists and organisations working against violence. This contributes to the discourse of framing ‘women’s issues’ as problems. See full text

Prieler, M., & Centeno, D. (2013). Gender Representation in Philippine Television Advertisements. Sex roles, 69(5-6), 276-288. How are gender roles and stereotypes used in Philippines television advertisements? 254 adverts from 2010 were analysed for differences in gender representation. The quantitative analysis shows that there is a high prevalence of gender differences and stereotypes, which does not accurately reflect Philippine society, which is considered quite egalitarian. The study finds that adverts had settings in which more males were found in the workplace and more females were found at home; more males were fully dressed and more females were suggestively dressed; voiceovers employed more males than females; and cosmetics and toiletries were associated primarily with female characters. In contrast, the predominance of female primary characters ran counter to trends in previous studies. It concludes that television may actively support the status quo and a patriarchal society, while these representations are clearly damaging for gender equality. See full text

Political representation

Llanos, B. and Nina, J. (2011). ‘Election Coverage from a Gender Perspective: A Media Monitoring Manual’, UN Women How can the media contribute to gender equality in election campaigning? The media has in many instances become the principal forum where electoral competition is played out. Some studies reveal that the structural and institutional obstacles women face in political competition are compounded by the lower levels of media coverage of women candidates and their proposals. This publication aims to be a useful tool for promoting fair media coverage during election campaigns, generating an informational approach that includes all candidates’ points of view during election campaigns. See full text

GMMP. (n.d.). ‘Mission Possible: A Gender and Media Advocacy Toolkit’ Global Media Monitoring Project, World Association for Christian Communication, London and Toronto This GMMP media toolkit is designed to train activists to build gender and media campaigns using the findings of GMMP studies. The toolkit explains how best to work with and through the media to put gender on the news agenda. See full text

Grizzle, A. (2012). Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media: Framework of indicators to gauge gender sensitivity in media operations and content. UNESCO. The aim of the Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media is to contribute to gender equality and women’s empowerment in and through media of all forms. It provides a set of indicators for fostering gender equality within media organisations, and gendered portrayals in media. It is currently being used in 11 countries, and provides some case studies of self-assessment. See full text

Participatory community media initiatives aimed at increasing the involvement of women in the media perceive women as producers and contributors of media content and not solely as ‘consumers’(Pavarala, Malik, and Cheeli, 2006). Such initiatives encourage the involvement of women in technical, decision-making, and agenda-setting activities. They have the potential to develop the capacities of women as sociopolitical actors. They also have the potential to promote a balanced and non-stereotyped portrayal of women in the media and to challenge the status quo. In Fiji, women who took part in a participatory video project presented themselves as active citizens who made significant contributions to their families and communities. These recorded images improved the status of women in the minds of government bureaucrats.

There are limitations to participatory community initiatives, however. If unaccompanied by changes in structural conditions, participation may not be sufficient to foster substantive social change. Baú (2009) explains that the establishment of a women’s radio station (run and managed by women) in Afghanistan faced constraints in that women engaged in self-censorship in order to avoid criticism from local male political and religious leaders.

Pavarala, V., Malik, K. K., and Cheeli, J. R. (2006), ‘Community Media and Women: Transforming Silence into Speech’, Chapter 3.2 in eds. A. Gurumurthy, P. J. Singh, A. Mundkur and M. Swamy, Gender in the Information Society: Emerging Issues, Asia-Pacific Development Information Programme, UNDP and Elsevier, New Delhi, pp. 96-109 To what extent do community media empower women? This study finds that community media initiatives perceive women as producers and contributors of media content and not just as consumers. Community media encourage greater involvement of women in technical, decisionmaking, and agenda-setting activities and have the potential to promote a balanced and nonstereotyped portrayal of women in the media.

Harris, U. S. (2009). ‘Transforming Images: Reimagining Women’s Work Through Participatory Video’, Development in Practice, vol. 19, no. 4 & 5, pp. 538-549 How can participatory media support empowerment, dialogue and community building? This study of a participatory video workshop involving rural women in Fiji found that women integrated local norms and practices in their video production. They used social capital – relationships and social networks – as a key element. Women presented themselves as active citizens who made significant contributions to their families and communities. The project highlighted the importance of encouraging multi-ethnic or heterogeneous social networks in Fiji.

Baú. V. (2009). ‘Media and Communication for Gender and Development’, Southern African Gender & Media Diversity Journal, vol.6, pp.170-174, Gender Links, Johannesburg This paper highlights how media and communication can be an invaluable tool in raising awareness of and challenging gendered power structures. Participatory media allows for diverse voices, including those of women, to engage with channels of media communication to make their priorities and issues heard. This paper provides an overview of the debate around gender and communication and provides case studies showing the impact that media can have on the social construction of gender. See full text

Communication for Development (C4D)

The approach to Communication for Development (C4D) has evolved over the years. Initially developed after World War II as a tool for diffusion of ideas, communication initiatives primarily involved a one-way transmission of information from the sender to the receiver. This includes largescale media campaigns, social marketing, dissemination of printed materials, and ‘educationentertainment’. Since then, C4D has broadened to incorporate interpersonal communication: faceto- face communication that can either be one-on-one or in small groups. This came alongside the general push for more participatory approaches to development and greater representation of voices from the South. The belief is that while mass media allows for the learning of new ideas, interpersonal networks encourage the shift from knowledge to continued practice.

Communication for development has thus come to be seen as a way to amplify voice, facilitate meaningful participation, and foster social change. The 2006 World Congress on Communication for Development defined C4D as ‘a social process based on dialogue using a broad range of tools and methods. It is also about seeking change at different levels including listening, building trust, sharing knowledge and skills, building policies, debating and learning for sustained and meaningful change’. Such two-way, horizontal approaches to communication include public hearings, debates, deliberations and stakeholder consultations, participatory radio and video, community-based theatre and story-telling, and web forums.

Inagaki, R. (2007). ‘Communicating the Impact of Communication for Development: Recent Trends in Empirical Research’, World Bank, Washington DC How can the use of communication in international assistance programmes be promoted and improved? This report argues that the communication community needs to: articulate more clearly why communication is essential for meeting the MDGs, demonstrate positive impacts of communication on development initiatives, and conduct more effective evaluations. It aims to contribute to the promotion of communication in development by presenting evidence of positive impacts from a review of recent research in the field. It also discusses weak spots in the evidence and proposes areas of further research. See full text

Pettit, J., Salazar, J. F. and Dagron, A. G. (2009). ‘Citizens’ Media and Communication’, Development in Practice, vol. 19, no. 4&5, pp. 443-452 Citizens’ media and communication comprise social, cultural and political processes that have the potential to be transformative. These approaches and processes are often not well understood, however, by mainstream development policy and practice, resulting in weak implementation. This introductory article finds that citizens’ media and communication is about more than bringing diverse voices into pluralist politics: it contributes to processes of social and cultural construction, redefining exclusionary norms and power relations. Local participation, ownership and control can allow people to reshape the spaces in which their voices find expression. See full text

Khosla, V., Mikami, A., Frank, L. B., Popal, I., Debeljak, K., & Shaw, A. (2013). Combating Violence Against Women Through C4D: The ‘Use Your Voice’ Campaign and Its Implications on Audience-Citizens in Papua New Guinea. International Journal of Communication, 7 (18). How can C4D be used to address gender issues? The Use Your Voice campaign was implemented in PNG in 2011 to promote speaking out against violence and displace the positive cultural association between violence and masculinity. The campaign used radio, television, and mobile phones to reach audiences, and included weekly shows on national radio, public service announcements, a press conference, and talk shows on television. The campaign also hosted a national competition for best community-based initiative to end gender-based violence in PNG. Within PNG, awareness of and concern about VAW is very low. The campaign was moderately successful in raising awareness, but not in changing behavioural patterns, which are deeply socially embedded. See full text

Communication initiatives aimed at changing attitudes and behaviours

Communication initiatives aimed at changing attitudes and behaviours have increasingly been used in the health sector since the 1970s. Such initiatives – including television and radio shows, theatre, informational sessions and pamphlets – can and have affected social norms related to gender roles, since gender norms are linked to all facets of health behaviour. Initiatives that seek to affect gender norms and inequities as a goal in itself, however, are a relatively new phenomenon.

Community radio is considered to be an effective tool in promoting women’s empowerment and participation in governance structures. Radio is often the primary source of information for women. It is accessible to local communities, transcends literacy barriers and uses local languages. Afghan Women’s Hour, for example, aims to reach a large cross-section of women and offers a forum to discuss gender, social issues and women’s rights. It was found that female listeners demonstrated a pronounced capacity to aspire, defined as the ‘capacity of groups to envision alternatives and aspire to different futures’ (Appadurai, cited in Bhanot et al., 2009, p. 13). Women developed specific aspirations in areas that had been recently covered by the programme segments. Their aspirations, however, were not particularly focused (Bhanot et al., 2009). Challenges with other community radio programme initiatives include women’s general under-representation and in some cases, the negative portrayal of women.

Participatory approaches are considered to be an effective tool in encouraging alternate discourses, norms and practices, and in empowering women. The use of sketches and photography in participatory workshops, for example, has encouraged women who have traditionally been reluctant to engage in public forums to express themselves.

In order for the empowerment of women to have a genuine impact, opportunity structures also need to be addressed, such as conservative and male opinion. Afghan Women’s Hour has a large male audience (research by BBC Media Action found that 39% of listeners were men), which provides a way to challenge male views on gender norms. Group educational activities, a common programme for men and boys, also have the potential to contribute to changes in attitudes on health issues and gender relations and, in some cases, changes in behaviour.

It is also important for communication initiatives to build on tradition and culture, not only because this can resonate better with communities, but because it can help to mute opposition from conservative segments of society. The involvement in projects of key community leaders such as teachers, cultural custodians and government officials is also important for greater impact and sustainable change.

Cooper, C., Goodsmith, L., Lotter, E. and Molony, T. (2010). ‘Communication, Participation and Social Change: A Review of Communication Initiatives Addressing Gender-based Violence, Gender Norms, and Harmful Traditional Practices in Crisis-affected Settings’, USAID, American Refugee Committee, Communication for Change In conflict and post-conflict settings, high levels of gender-based violence (GBV) can result from disruption of social structures, men’s loss of traditional roles, poverty, frustration, alcohol and drug abuse, and criminal impunity. Harmful traditional practices (HTP) also pose a threat to conflictaffected populations, and the incidence of HTP may increase in communities during and after conflict, as affected communities often respond by strengthening cultural traditions to deal with the loss experienced through the process of displacement. This review of development communication initiatives addressing GBV, HTP and related health concerns in crisis-affected settings finds a need to increase the number of genuinely participatory development communication programmes in conflict-affected areas where these concerns are pervasive. See full text

Solervicens, M., ed. (2008). ‘Women’s Empowerment and Good Governance through Community Radio: Best Experiences for an Action Research Process’, AMARC, World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters This report describes how community radio can be used to increase women’s awareness of political processes. Radio is an important medium for shaping social values. Community radio can provide women with a voice and the possibility of participation. It provides extensive case studies on community radio projects. See full text

Case studies

Morna, C. L., Mpofu, T. and Glenwright, D. (2010). ‘Gender and Media Progress Study: Southern Africa Gender and Media Progress Study Southern Africa, Gender Links, Johannesburg See full text

Tom, T. O. (2008). ‘Enhancing Gender Equality in the Media in Eastern Africa’, Regional Study, Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA), Djibouti See full text

Malik, S. I. (2012). Writing from Inside Out: Accounts of Sudanese Women Working In the Media. Journal of Arts and Humanities, 1(2), 68-83. See full text

Haider, H., 2011, ‘Communication Initiatives to Change Attitudes and Behaviours’, GSDRC Helpdesk Research Report, Governance and Social Development Resource Centre, Birmingham

For discussion on gender and social media, see ‘ New media and citizenship’ in the Gender and Citizenship section of this guide.

See the GSDRC’s Topic Guide on Communication and Governance for more information on communication for development, communication for governance reform, and communication for social change.

Women Make the News (WMN) is a global policy advocacy initiative aimed at promoting gender equality in the media.

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The crucial role of media in achieving gender equality

• 21 Feb. 2020

Media today, from traditional legacy media to online media, still hugely influence our perceptions and ideas about the role of girls and women in society. What we have unfortunately seen until now is that media tend to perpetuate gender inequality. Research shows that from a young age, children are influenced by the gendered stereotypes that media present to them.

Research has found that exposure to stereotypical gender portrayals and clear gender segregation correlates “(a) with preferences for ‘gender appropriate’ media content, toys, games and activities; (b) to traditional perceptions of gender roles, occupations and personality traits; as well as (c) to attitudes towards 2 expectations and aspirations for future trajectories of life” .

We are concerned that the latest Secretary General report proposing priority areas to the Commission on the Status of Women does not mention the crucial role of media in achieving gender equality. This is a huge opportunity that is lost. The data we have show that women only make up 24% of the persons heard, read about or seen in newspaper, television and radio news. Even worse: 46% of news stories reinforce gender stereotypes while only 4% of stories clearly challenge gender stereotypes.

One in five experts interviewed by media are women. Women are frequently portrayed in stereotypical and hyper-sexualised roles in advertising and the film industry, which has long-term social consequences. And 73% of the management jobs are occupied by men compared to 27% occupied by women.

We strongly believe in the transformative role media can play in achieving gender equality in societies. By creating gender-sensitive and gender-transformative content and breaking gender stereotypes. By challenging traditional social and cultural norms and attitudes regarding gender perceptions both in content and in the media houses. By showing women in leadership roles and as experts on a diversity of topics on a daily basis, not as an exception.

In many countries around the world women’s opinions are dismissed and they are not taught to ask questions and be part of public debate. Without information women don’t know about and can’t exert their rights to education, to property, pensions, etc. and they cannot challenge existing norms and stereotypes. This makes it impossible to achieve inclusive societies as we aim to achieve through the Global Development agenda. Access to information empowers women to claim their rights and make better decisions.

The media industry needs to be encouraged to produce gender-transformative content and to develop self-regulatory equality policies, including access to decision-making positions. Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms need to be set up to assess the progress within the sector. Thereby creating gender equality in content, workplace and management.

Violence against female media workers

The safety of female media workers has in recent years developed into a serious concern, as it creates another obstacle to gender equality within the media. The majority of female media workers experience gender specific harassment both inside their organisations, outside of them, and more increasingly online.

Gender-based violence (GBV), both digital and physical, pose a threat to freedom of expression and access to information. Silencing female journalists constitutes an attack on democracy itself as it leads to self-censorship: women retreating from the public sphere because of the harassment. Almost a third of female journalists consider leaving the profession because of the threats, intimidation or attacks they endure. More than a third of female journalists avoided reporting certain stories for the same reason. Almost half of female journalists experience online abuse. Many of them indicate the abuse has led them to become less active or even inactive on social media, while it’s a crucial part of the job. Threats are often of a sexual and racist nature, targeted at the person instead of the content, making the workplace an unsafe environment for women. This leaves the male-dominated field of media with even fewer female voices.

We believe that the media sector has the responsibility to provide a safe working environment for all staff and to develop policies that prevent GBV. It is imperative media organisations have mechanisms in place that ensure necessary support for those who have experienced GBV at the workplace, while performing their work outside and/or via digital means.

Our recommendations to the Commission on the Status of Women:

• To recognize the crucial role of media in achieving gender equality in all domains by creating gender-sensitive and gender-transformative content and breaking gender stereotypes.
• Media should lead the way towards gender equality through gender-sensitive and gender- transformative content. For this we need coherent policies, rules, and mechanisms on all levels, starting with national media policies and media industry self-regulation.
• Safety of female media workers needs to be a key priority for Member States and the media industry. A culture of safety needs to be created and effective mechanisms for complaints and redress need to be put in place.

Submitted by: International Media Support, Free Press Unlimited, The Carter Center, Fondation Hirondelle, Global Alliance on Media and Gender, International Women’s Media Foundation, Media Diversity Institute, RNW Media, World Association for Christian Communication and WAN-IFRA

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What is the Role of the Media in Achieving Gender Equality?

Does the Media Have a Responsibility Towards Social Progress and Equality?

By Lisa  Kenney , CEO of Reimagine Gender , and Chad Felix Greene , Journalist and Author of “Surviving Gender”

This debate is being published in collaboration with  The Impact Guild , a professional network for people who create, use, or distribute media, arts, or entertainment for social good or healthy democracy. 

The Media Must be a Force for Gender Equality and Fairness

By Lisa  Kenney  – CEO of Reimagine Gender

The media has a powerful influence on public opinion. It shapes how people see the world and one another, and it can be used to promote or challenge harmful stereotypes. Consider the following two excerpts from reporting by the Washington Post :

• “Alyssa Wells, 29, said her views have changed on this issue in recent years as she has learned more, chiefly from Christian podcasts. ‘At first, I was on the side of acceptance, like using the pronouns and stuff, because I want people to be kind to each other. I don’t want people fighting all the time,’ she said. But she has come to see things differently. ‘My concern with transgender is mostly with the children.'”
• “In 2023, it’s still true that the vast majority of Americans say they’ve never met a transgender person in real life. So all they know about what it means to be a transgender person is what they’ve learned from the media.”

The rise in legislation across America threatening gender equality is a significant concern. State lawmakers have introduced more than 400 anti-trans bills so far this year, up from 150 bills in all of 2022. Currently,  28 states have proposed legislation banning all or most abortions. In recent years, there has been a concerted effort by some lawmakers to roll back hard-won gains for women, transgender, and non-binary identified people, particularly with respect to bodily autonomy. This trend is alarming, and it is important to understand the role that the media plays in addressing these issues. 

Of course, “media” can mean a lot of different things these days, from traditional network and print news to TV shows and movies, podcasts, and a whole host of ways we now consume information and entertainment. So, what are the responsibilities of today’s media in addressing gender equality? 

Broadcast Media Must be Held to the Highest Standard

Let’s start by acknowledging that not all media are the same. Because so much of what we consume today is entertainment and opinion, the distinction between types of media is important. If opinion is properly identified as opinion, I don’t believe there’s any obligation to the public. Aunt Martha’s site for fans of her southern comfort food and the TikTok or Instagram creator showing their intricate nail designs are in the business of entertainment and opinion. Their focus is limited and their perspective is personal. 

Journalists and broadcast news, however, have clear public interest obligations. The FCC states in its manual, The Public and Broadcasting : “ As public trustees, broadcast licensees may not intentionally distort the news.” The FCC has stated that “rigging or slanting the news is a most heinous act against the public interest.” The Society of Professional Journalists’ Code of Ethics also weighs in on the responsibility to the public, declaring four principles as the foundation of ethical journalism and encouraging their use by all people in all media. The principles are: 1. Seek truth and report it; 2. Minimize harm; 3. Act independently; and 4. Be accountable and transparent. It’s essential that we give a voice to the people who are affected by these issues. Holding media responsible for approaching reporting of stories to these criteria would make a tremendous difference in the public’s ability to discern differences of opinion, identify and understand relevant facts, and contextualize the information presented. 

All Media Can Help Raise Awareness About Gender Equality

Non-news media can have a positive public impact in several ways. One way that the media can raise awareness about gender equality issues is through representation. When people see themselves represented in the media, it helps them to feel seen and heard as well as helps to challenge harmful stereotypes. Storytelling is another way that the media can help to promote gender equality. When the media shows stories about people who are facing gender-based discrimination, it helps to raise awareness about these issues. It also helps to humanize people who are often marginalized and stereotyped. Finally, the media can also play a role in advocating for gender equality. The media can use its platform to speak out against harmful policies and to promote change. For example, when the media reported on the #MeToo movement, it helped to raise awareness about sexual harassment and assault. It also helped to empower survivors to come forward and share their stories and generated fruitful discussions regarding consent and sexual violence.

The media plays an indispensable role in addressing legislation threatening gender equality in America. Through representation, storytelling, and advocacy, the media has the power to shape public opinion, challenge discriminatory norms, and advocate for policy reforms. In these times, it is imperative for media to continue their commitment to gender equality, amplifying marginalized voices and fostering empathy. By doing so, the media can help create a more just and equitable society for everyone.

The Media is Stoking Gender Division and Fear

By Chad Felix Greene  – Journalist and Author of “Surviving Gender”

A casual scroll through the daily headlines would likely have a reader believe that LGBTQ Americans, especially children, are under attack. A reader might gasp in horror reading the devastating warnings of what could happen to women’s health and rights if abortion bans continue.

Yet behind the headlines is a complex world of nuance, voter concerns, parental objections, safety, and the fundamental civil rights issue of our time: human equality. A reader might not realize, for example, the “Don’t Say Gay” bill, signed by Florida Governor Ron DeSantis in 2022, is actually titled The Parental Rights in Education Act  and provides clear instructions for parental consent and transparency in public schools.

Sensationalism In the Media

Headlines like “ Ohio House advances transgender student-athlete ban for girls’ and women’s sports ,” published by the Associated Press , create the impression of crisis. This has real consequences. The Trevor Project’s 2022 national survey on LGBTQ youth mental health , for example, found 93 percent of trans youth worried about transgender people being denied gender-affirming medical care, 91 percent worried transgender people were being denied access to bathrooms, and 83 percent worried transgender people were being banned from sports.

These worries, however, are largely unfounded. In many instances, transgender students are not banned from playing sports, receiving “gender-affirming medical care,” or accessing bathrooms. Similarly, an overwhelming majority of women are not at risk of receiving subpar medical care for their pregnancies due to abortion restrictions. Each of these issues is nuanced and requires context. These are all valid issues to debate and discuss, but only when accurate reporting is available.

We Must Consume Media with a Critical Eye

The media decided that conservative legislative efforts were “anti-LGBTQ.” They created the narrative and repeated it until it became assumed truth. Rather than accept Americans have wildly divergent views on abortion, they chose to advance the singular narrative of an imaginary revocation of women’s rights. The very idea that “gender equality” is threatened in America at all is a media-fabricated concept.

The media, in its current state, is a progressive activist system designed to shape public opinion. It is uniform and overwhelming, reinforcing the belief that whatever it reports must be the consensus view. Journalism should be objective and accurate, rather than activist and persuasive. The job of news organizations is not to champion what its reporters believe is a righteous cause or suppress opposing positions. These issues should be discussed and debated, but currently, we only have one perspective represented and one worldview positioned as assumed truth. 

This debate is being published in collaboration with  The Impact Guild , a professional network for people who create, use, or distribute media, arts, or entertainment for social good or healthy democracy.  You can also read more from our Political Pen Pals debates here . 

Lisa Kenney

Lisa Kenney, CEO of Reimagine Gender, is a writer, speaker, and consultant to organizations on changing understandings of gender. In addition to co-writing "The Transgender Teen: A Handbook for Parents and Professionals Supporting Transgender and Non-Binary Teens," Lisa has authored several articles on gender, including the Harvard Business Review, USA Today, Campaign, Fast Company, Fortune, and Quartz at Work.

Chad Felix Greene

Chad Felix Greene is a journalist focused on accuracy in LGBTQ media and the author of "Surviving Gender: My Journey Through Gender Dysphoria."

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Gender and the Media

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Gender and the Media by Cynthia Carter LAST REVIEWED: 21 November 2012 LAST MODIFIED: 21 November 2012 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756841-0002

Gender and media research has been a central field of academic inquiry since the 1970s. It is notable that two distinctive, and yet often overlapping, approaches characterize this field. The first is that of mainstream forms of gender and media studies research, which has been grounded in large part by assumptions about the ways in which the media contribute to the individual acquisition of gendered attitudes and behaviors and how sex-role stereotypes can impact negatively on an individual’s life chances, especially in terms of a person’s sense of self-worth, and social perceptions of women and their career prospects. The other field is that of feminist media studies, which is characterized as a political movement for gender justice, examining how gender relations are represented, the ways in which audiences make sense of them, and how media practitioners contribute to perpetuating gender injustice. At the center of this is the view that hierarchical gender relations (re)produce social inequalities across time and cultures, thereby making it difficult for men and women to be equal partners in a democratic society. In recent years, gender and media research has become much more globally oriented, with increasing attention paid to cultural, social, and economic differences as well as a greater awareness of the importance of interrogating media and masculinity.

Due to the now longstanding importance of gender and media research, various books are available that provide general overviews of the field. Some of these texts provide broad historical overviews of the field of gender (women/femininity and men/masculinity) and media research as it has developed in Anglo-American contexts ( Gill 2006 and Ross 2009 ), whereas others have sought to focus directly on critical/feminist media research on women and media ( McRobbie 2008 , Thornham 2007 , and van Zoonen 1994 ) or in specific subfields such as women, media, and politics ( Norris 1996 , Sreberny and van Zoonen 1999 ). Finally, two websites provide invaluable resources for beginning gender and media students: MCS: Gender, Ethnicity and Media/Gender/Identity Resources . The general overview books cited here offer students and scholars new to the study of gender and media research useful introductions to the field, including bibliographies that may be used to study both general and specific topics within the field. Both MCS: Gender, Ethnicity and Media/Gender/Identity Resources provide helpful, frequently updated, general overviews of gender and media issues, debates, key concepts, and current research.

Gill, Rosalind. 2006. Gender and media . Cambridge, UK: Polity.

Clearly written, critical introduction to the study of gender and media, drawing primarily on Anglo-American research. Offers a broad history of feminist media approaches and research to date, highlighting some of the most pressing debates over the past few decades (e.g., images of women, media employment, media and body image, sexualization and pornography, masculinity and men’s magazines, talk shows, news, and advertising).

McRobbie, Angela. 2008. The aftermath of feminism: Gender, culture and social change . London: SAGE.

McRobbie challenges the idea that we now live in a postfeminist world in which gender equality has been achieved. Invidious forms of gender restabilization and increased sexuality inequality are now rife. Consumerism has lead women into new postfeminist “neurotic dependencies.” Accordingly, chapters variously examine fashion photography, the television “makeover” genre, eating disorders, body anxiety, and “illegible rage” to support this claim.

MCS: Gender, Ethnicity .

Website hosted by the University of Wales, Aberystwyth, United Kingdom. Covers a variety of media and cultural studies topics, themes, and conceptual and methodological approaches. Offers a range of links to research on gender and ethnicity as well as links that provide definitions of key concepts of gender, representation, social and personal identity, queer theory, and social class.

Media/Gender/Identity Resources . Theory.org.uk.

Information on media, gender, and identity on David Gauntlett’s website that covers media and creativity in everyday life.

Norris, Pippa, ed. 1996. Women, media, and politics . New York: Oxford Univ. Press.

Norris argues that gender fundamentally shapes modern American politics. By the 1990s, the political agenda had become characterized by sharp differences of opinion on affirmative action, abortion rights, and welfare reform, placing gender at the center of US politics. Authors examine how media coverage of politics reinforces, rather than challenges, the dominant culture, thereby contributing toward women’s marginalization in public life.

Ross, Karen. 2009. Gendered media: Women, men, and identity politics . Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Gender, Ross argues, refers not only to women and femininity but also to men and masculinity as well as queer, lesbian, and gay identities, in relation to age, ethnicity, and disability. This book offers a historical discussion giving students a deeper appreciation of gender politics of contemporary media such as the “Big Brother” television program, mobile phones, and the political campaigns of Hillary Clinton and Sarah Palin.

Sreberny, Annabelle, and Liesbet van Zoonen, eds. 1999. Gender, politics and communication . Cresskill, NJ: Hampton.

This edited collection includes authors from countries around the world, investigating a broad range of issues from a variety of theoretical and methodological perspectives. Topics include representations of Hillary Clinton, the media construction of masculinity in US presidential campaigns and female members of the British Parliament, and issues of gender and class in reporting politics in India.

Thornham, Sue. 2007. Women, feminism and media . Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Press.

Although feminist media scholarship has grown in influence in recent decades, some have questioned its continuing validity in current postfeminist media culture as a theoretical perspective. Exploring the complex relationship among the terms “women,” “feminism,” and “media,” Thornham engages with key issues within feminist media studies both through specific examples and through critical engagement with the work of major feminist writers.

van Zoonen, Liesbet. 1994. Feminist media studies . London: SAGE.

Widely regarded as a classic text in feminist media studies research, the book begins by outlining major themes that have shaped research. Van Zoonen explores communication methods, theories, and models to highlight the ways in which feminist research strategies offer a challenge to traditional assumptions about media and communication that ignore the influence of gender in the production, representation, and consumption of media.

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Gendered Representations in Media

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Part of the book series: Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals ((ENUNSDG))

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Functionalist Perspective considers that society consists of various parts, which are inter-related and inter-dependent for the maintenance of society. Accordingly, a functionalist feminist theory looks into the functions of gender inequalities in terms of division of labor that is essential for the functioning of the social system.

Gaze , also known as look, refers to how viewers look at images of people in any visual medium and to the gaze of those depicted in visual texts.

Ideology is a system of values, beliefs, ideas that determine how power relations are organized within a society. It also implies the exercise of symbolic power through which ideas are used to justify and legitimize the interests of the dominant groups in society.

Male gaze refers to the voyeuristic way in which men look at women.

Patriarchy is a social system in which men are predominant in every aspect of the social sphere, and women are largely excluded from it.

Postmodernism is a broad social...

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Patnaik, P.P. (2020). Gendered Representations in Media. In: Leal Filho, W., Azul, A., Brandli, L., Lange Salvia, A., Wall, T. (eds) Gender Equality. Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70060-1_125-1

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Gender and media representations: a review of the literature on gender stereotypes, objectification and sexualization.

1. Introduction

2.1. stereotypical portrayals, 2.2. objectifying portrayals, 2.3. sexualized portrayals, 3. discussion, 3.1. critical discussion of evidence, 3.2. limitations, 3.3. future directions, 4. conclusions, author contributions, conflicts of interest.

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Share and Cite

Santoniccolo, F.; Trombetta, T.; Paradiso, M.N.; Rollè, L. Gender and Media Representations: A Review of the Literature on Gender Stereotypes, Objectification and Sexualization. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health 2023 , 20 , 5770. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20105770

Santoniccolo F, Trombetta T, Paradiso MN, Rollè L. Gender and Media Representations: A Review of the Literature on Gender Stereotypes, Objectification and Sexualization. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health . 2023; 20(10):5770. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20105770

Santoniccolo, Fabrizio, Tommaso Trombetta, Maria Noemi Paradiso, and Luca Rollè. 2023. "Gender and Media Representations: A Review of the Literature on Gender Stereotypes, Objectification and Sexualization" International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 20, no. 10: 5770. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph20105770

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Gender Discrimination — Gender Representation in the Media

Gender Representation in The Media

• Categories: Gender Discrimination

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• Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media
• Annenberg Inclusion Initiative
• Women's Media Center

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Gender Representation in the Media

Gender is a social construct and the media plays a big role in influencing perceptions of gender roles and shaping the behaviors that stem from these gender roles. Due to the increased sensitization of the role of the media in defining gender roles and portrayal, there has been a gradual change in media representation of gender and gender issues. This essay will assess how media representation of gender has changed, particularly in the US and the UK. Media representation of gender fits into the wider theoretical debate on gender issues, and helps to explain whether gender is a social or biological construct. Media representation of gender has changed for the better on three key aspects. The underrepresentation of women in media is improving, the normalization of violence against women in the media is being eradicated and the stereotypical depiction of men and women’s relationships is being done away with. This essay will assess how these three elements of media representation of gender are changing with focus on the US and the UK.

Underrepresentation of women in mainstream media has been a running theme since the conception of video and digital media. The underrepresentation of women in media affects societal portrayal of culture. Women being underrepresented in the media has often led to women issues being overlooked. The media is a powerful tool that influences means through which societal issues are addressed. As of 1989, there were three times as many white men as there were women in primetime television (Wood, 1994). Women of color and other minority women were represented to an even lesser amount. Furthermore, the number of men in newscasts doubled that of women (Rasky, 1989). This was the situation in the US in the late 1980s. Sink and Mastro (2016) conducted a survey that shows women are much more represented in the media than in the 1980s. While men are still more represented, the situation has improved with more women featuring on primetime television and being part of newscasts. In British television, the situation is the same, with women being more represented in recent years as compared to the past (OFCOM, 2018).

Another aspect of media representation that has been changing is the normalization of violence against women by the media. Through constant portrayal of women on the one hand as being passive, and men on the other as being aggressive, the media normalizes violence against women. Constant screening of sexually violent content and shows on television leads to increased tolerance and approval of such violence against women. Both men and women viewing such content accept it as normal in their relationships. Another aspect of the normalization of violence against women stems from the way the media reports incidences of gender-based violence. In previous times, the mainstream media was aloof to incidences of gender-based violence. The fact that such incidences were ignored often contributed to a spike in rates of violence. In the US, this happened before the 1970s when many incidences of gender based violence were not reported by the media. However, since the late 70s and 80s, there was a shift towards mainstream media reporting about gender-based violence cases with greater frequency (Lee, 2007). Since then, sensitization on the benefits of reporting on gender-based violence cases has helped media houses to report more on it. In the UK, the media is also guilty of presenting violence by men as ‘normal’ while violence by women is presented as ‘irrational’ (Naylor, 2001). However, the trend has also changed in recent years with media corporations being made aware of the negative effects of biased reporting. The normalization of violence against women by the media is therefore one aspect that has been changing over the years.

The third aspect of media presentation of the gender which has changed is the stereotypical presentation of the relationship between men and women. Such stereotypical presentations include the perception shared by the media that women are more dependent on men. Men themselves are depicted as being independent. Wood (1994) takes the example of the award winning Disney show called ‘The Little Mermaid’. It is one of a number of shows that depicted women as being dependent on men. Another show she highlights is The Smurfs. While the male smurfs had real names, the female lacked one, and was simply known as smurfette. To the audience, this conveys the message that the female character is not important and that she is inferior to the male smurfs. Another way in which the media made stereotypical representations of the relationship between men and women is by casting women as caregivers and men as breadwinners. Most television shows and programmes often ignored the professional lives of women and instead only focused on their roles at home. While some of the characters had titles such as Professor, Doctor or Lawyer, little was shown of their career lives. The effect of these stereotypical presentations of the role of women in society is that it fostered the notion that women should only be relevant around the home and not in a professional setting. However, sensitization has helped to change this trend with the media being made aware of their role in achieving gender equality (IMS, 2020). Media representation of men as being able and responsible also has negative effects on men. Teenage boys and bachelors for example are pressured into fitting in with societal perceptions (Taniguchi, 2021).

Media representation of gender and gender issues is constantly changing. While there is still some work to be done to ensure gender equality is achieved, there is progress being made. The gender representations in the media fits the social interactionism theory of gender. It defines why gender is a social construct. Studying the way the media operates is crucial in improving social life because the media is a key tool in the operation of society. As Back (2015) puts it, such study is valuable because it makes sociologists attend to the routine and temporal aspects of social life.

Bibliography

Back, L., 2015. Why Everyday Life Matters: Class, Community and Making Life Livable.  Sociology , 49(5), pp.820-836.

IMS, 2020.  The crucial role of media in achieving gender equality | IMS . [online] IMS. Available at: <https://www.mediasupport.org/the-crucial-role-of-media-in-achieving-gender-equality/> [Accessed 1 February 2022].

Lee, C., 2007. Framing abuse: media influence and public understanding of sexual violence against children by J. Kitzinger, Pluto Press.  Child Abuse Review , 16(3), pp.202-203.

Naylor, B., 2001. Reporting Violence in the British Print Media: Gendered Stories.  The Howard Journal of Criminal Justice , 40(2), pp.180-194.

OFCOM, 2018.  Representation and portrayal on BBC television: Thematic review . [ebook] OFCOM. Available at: <https://www.ofcom.org.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0022/124078/report-bbc-representation-portrayal.pdf> [Accessed 1 February 2022].

Rasky, S., 1989.  Study Reports Sex Bias in News Organizations . [online] Nytimes.com. Available at: <https://www.nytimes.com/1989/04/11/arts/study-reports-sex-bias-in-news-organizations.html> [Accessed 1 February 2022].

Sink, A. and Mastro, D., 2016. Depictions of Gender on Primetime Television: A Quantitative Content Analysis.  Mass Communication and Society , 20(1), pp.3-22.

Taniguchi, H., 2021. Book Review: Everyday Masculinities in 21st-Century China: The Making of Able-Responsible Men, by Magdalena Wong.  Gender & Society , 35(3), pp.501-503.

Wood, J., 1994. Gendered Media: The Influence of Media on Views of Gender. In: J. Wood, ed.,  Gendered Lives: Communication, Gender, and Culture . Wadsworth Publishing, pp.231-244.

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• Published: 22 August 2024

Exploring the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms among gender diverse youth: findings of the Mental Health Days Study

• Diana Klinger 1 , 2 ,
• Paul L. Plener 1 , 2 , 3 ,
• Golli Marboe 4 ,
• Andreas Karwautz 1 , 2 ,
• Oswald D. Kothgassner 1 , 2 &
• Tobias Dienlin 5  

Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health volume  18 , Article number:  104 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Over the past decades, media use has become a key aspect of young people’s daily lives, significantly shaping their social interactions, learning processes, and recreational pursuits. At the same time, healthcare professionals and researchers are increasingly concerned about the impact of media use on young people’s mental health. This concern is particularly relevant for gender diverse youth who may have distinct experiences with media that could impact their mental health uniquely compared to their peers, such as increased exposure to cyberbullying and negative content regarding their gender identity. This study aims to explore the associations between media use and depressive symptoms among youth and examine if gender moderates this association.

This study utilized a cross-sectional design involving a school-based sample of 8158 participants ( M age = 14.05 years, SD  = 2.45, N diverse = 144) from Austria. Participants completed a survey assessing their media use and depressive symptoms using the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9). Media use was measured by asking participants to report their daily usage in hours and minutes across various categories, including smartphone use, streaming services, social networks, and other media types. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to examine relationships between different forms of media use and depressive symptoms. Moderation analyses were performed using the PROCESS macro for SPSS to explore the role of gender.

For gender diverse youth, multiple regression analysis identified streaming services (β = 0.265, p  = .005) and social networks (β = 0.189, p  = .037) as significant predictors of depressive symptoms in gender diverse youth. Moderation analyses conducted with the entire sample showed that gender moderates the relationship between depressive symptoms and smartphone use ( B = - 0.008, p  = .014), with the effect being the most negative for gender diverse individuals.

The findings underscore the complex relationship between media use and depressive symptoms among gender diverse youth, emphasizing the moderating role of gender. These results underline the need for gender-sensitive approaches in media literacy and mental health interventions. Stakeholders should be aware of risks and benefits of different media types to foster healthy media engagement.

In recent years, media use has become an integral part of the daily life of youth worldwide, significantly influencing their social interactions, knowledge acquisition and leisure activities [ 1 , 2 , 3 ]. Concurrently, there has been a growing interest among mental health professionals and researchers about the potential impact of media use on the mental health of youth [ 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 ]. This interest is particularly pronounced for gender diverse youth, who may experience unique interactions with media that can affect their mental health differently from their peers [ 10 ].

Media use refers to the interaction and consumption of various forms of media, including activities like watching television or online videos, playing video games, reading books and newspapers, using social media, browsing websites and engaging with multimedia content on various devices such as smartphones, computers, tablets and other platforms [ 11 , 12 ]. The use of media among adolescents and young adults has significantly increased worldwide, along with the widespread availability of digital technologies and online platforms. In the United States, research has shown that young people are spending more time on social media, streaming services and engaging with various interactive media platforms, surpassing the screen time of previous generations [ 13 ]. Similarly, in Germany, according to findings from the JIM study, young people’s digital engagement has expanded significantly. This includes a rise in smartphone usage throughout the 2010s, with smartphones becoming a central part of teenagers’ lives by the mid-2010s. Tablet usage also increased significantly, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a broad array of devices now integral to their daily activities. The results of the study indicate that nearly all households have access to these technologies, with smartphones, laptops, and televisions being most commonly owned by the youth themselves. This persistent access to digital devices has facilitated an increase in online activities, from video and music streaming to interactive gaming and social media use. On average, teenagers who use the function to track their screen time reported approximately 3.5 h of screen time per day on their smartphones. Additionally, the usage of streaming services has increased, with 86% of teenagers regularly using at least one streaming service. Furthermore, the study highlights gender differences in media use: girls are more likely to read books, use tablets, and listen to the radio, while boys are more likely to watch online videos and play digital games [ 14 ]. In Austria, a recent study has shown a diverse spectrum of media consumption among young people, indicating similar patterns in digital engagement. Smartphones remain the primary device for accessing a variety of digital media, including social networks, streaming services, and communication platforms like WhatsApp. Despite a general decrease in computer usage since the COVID-19 pandemic, specific activities like video gaming and streaming continue to be prevalent. Simultaneously, traditional media such as television maintain a consistent presence in daily media consumption and reading printed books continues to be a popular activity among the youth [ 15 ].

Building on this trend, specific patterns of media engagement have raised concerns regarding their potential impact on mental health, particularly in terms of how they may contribute to or exacerbate depressive symptoms. Previous studies suggest a connection between both problematic and general forms of media use and depressive symptoms [ 16 ], with problematic use specifically defined as the excessive engagement with media that disrupts daily functioning and leads to negative consequences in various contexts, such as social and academic settings [ 17 ]. Significant associations have been specifically found regarding excessive internet use [ 18 ], problematic internet use (PIU) and smartphone use (PSU) [ 19 , 20 ], as well as video gaming [ 7 , 21 ]. Numerous studies have specifically examined the relationship between depressive symptoms and both general social media use and problematic social media use (PSMU), including the use of social network sites, often indicating a significant influence [ 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 21 , 22 , 23 ]. This is especially relevant given the prevalence of depression and elevated depressive symptoms among youth [ 24 ], which can significantly impact their development, self-esteem, and overall quality of life. At the same time, literature overviews also suggest positive relations between digital technology use and specific measures of well-being, including increased social support or increased social capital [ 16 ]. In addition, it is still unclear if the relationship is indeed causal [ 25 ], or if the effect sizes found are indeed large enough to be considered relevant [ 9 , 26 , 27 ]. In conclusion, given the widespread use of digital devices and the increasing amount of time young people spend online, understanding the relationship between different forms of media use and depressive symptoms is crucial for developing effective interventions and supporting their mental health.

Gender diverse is an umbrella term referring to individuals who identify with a gender other than their binary, birth-assigned sex and/or show consistent gender nonconformity. This term encompasses a variety of culturally diverse identities such as nonbinary, gender expansive, and gender nonconforming, as well as (binary) transgender individuals, distinctly different from cisgender individuals who identify with their sex assigned at birth [ 28 , 29 ]. Previous studies have shown specific patterns of media use among transgender and gender diverse (TGD) youth compared to other LGBTQ+ subgroups and the general population. TGD youth, for instance, spend significantly more time online daily than their cisgender peers [ 30 ], with substantial internet and social media use, though slightly less on social media compared to the general population [ 10 ]. Additionally, youth with less traditional LGBTQ+ identities, such as pansexual, asexual, queer, and gender nonconforming, exhibit the highest use of mobile devices and online time [ 30 ].

Gender diverse individuals often encounter additional stressors due to their gender identity, beyond the general risks associated with media use, such as cyberbullying and discrimination [ 10 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 ]. Although the broader narrative around youth media use typically emphasizes its adverse effects, the conversation shifts to a more nuanced perspective when considering LGBTQ+, including gender diverse youth, where significant positive influences, such as providing safe spaces and resources for identity exploration and community connection, have also been reported [ 10 , 31 , 32 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 ]. Studies indicate that digital platforms like social media and online gaming environments serve as crucial venues for these youth to authentically express themselves, foster well-being, and receive peer support [ 31 , 33 , 36 ]. Particularly, the internet facilitates a range of supportive interactions from finding community and reducing stigma to enhancing self-expression and securing emotional and informational support [ 10 , 35 ]. While quantitative research on this topic is more limited, it supports the findings of qualitative studies and reviews, showing that social media use is linked to better mental health outcomes and higher levels of personal satisfaction among LGBTQ+ youth [ 32 , 37 , 38 ]. This digital media use underscores the transformative potential of inclusive online spaces in supporting the mental health and developmental needs of marginalized groups [ 10 , 31 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 39 ]. As research increasingly focuses on the mental health of gender diverse youth (including, e.g., binary transgender, non-binary, and gender nonconforming individuals), particularly their elevated risk of depressive symptoms compared to cisgender peers [ 40 , 41 ], understanding how media use impacts these symptoms is crucial for addressing the disparities they face. In summary, despite growing evidence on the impact of media use on mental health, gaps remain in our understanding of how these effects vary among gender diverse youth. While prior studies have highlighted both positive and negative impacts, there is a need for more detailed exploration into how different forms of media influence depressive symptoms in this group. This study provides novel insights by focusing on gender diverse youth, an often marginalized population, and examining a wide range of media use types. These contributions aim to foster a better understanding of media’s impact on youth mental health. Therefore, this study aims to address following research questions:

How do gender diverse youth, in comparison to their peers with male and female gender, use different forms of media?

How is media use associated with depressive symptoms in gender diverse youth, considering different forms of media use?

Does gender serve as a moderating factor in the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms in youth?

Based on these research questions, we formulated the following hypotheses:

Gender diverse youth exhibit distinct media use patterns regarding the duration of usage (smartphone use, streaming, TV, social networks, messenger services, reading, news consumption, video games, and AI-based services) compared to their peers with male and female gender.

There is an association between the duration of media use and depressive symptoms in gender diverse youth, with variations depending on the type of media usage (streaming, TV, social networks, messenger services, reading, news consumption, video games, and AI-based services).

Gender moderates the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms, with the strength and direction of this relationship varying across gender groups.

To address the third research question and hypothesis, a moderation model is proposed where media use serves as the predictor of depressive symptoms with gender as moderator variable. This model aims to explore how the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms varies by gender (see Fig.  1 for a diagrammatic representation).

Conceptual diagram of the moderation model

Participants and procedures

The study is being conducted in collaboration between the University of Vienna and the Association for the Support of Self-determined Use of Media (Verein zur Förderung eines selbstbestimmten Umgangs mit Medien; VsUM) as part of the Mental Health Days program. The program aims to educate students at Austrian secondary schools of various types (including grammar and vocational schools), starting from grade 5 (age 10 years and older), providing them with evidence-based practices and strategies for managing mental health challenges. The program involves the entire school community, including students, teachers, and guardians. Workshops tailored for different groups within the school are being conducted on the same day: students participate in a session equivalent to a school hour during regular class times, while separate events for teachers and guardians are held in the afternoon and evening, respectively.

The sample recruitment is being conducted through schools that expressed interest by completing an online form, after which they were systematically guided by the program’s team through the participation process. Data collection started in February 2023 and continues to date. This paper presents data from the initial year of the research (until February 2024). The data were collected via an online survey using the SoSci Survey platform [ 42 ], administered during the Mental Health Days event. Participants completed the survey in school after attending the workshops. The survey, which took approximately 20 min to complete, was administered either on mobile devices, tablets, or computers.

Participation in the study was voluntary, allowing students to withdraw at any time during the survey. Prior to the survey, detailed written information was provided to the legal guardians of students at participating schools, informing them about the Mental Health Days and the survey, and giving them the option to opt-out. Legal guardians were asked to provide passive consent on behalf of their children and were instructed to notify the teachers if they did not want their children to participate. To be included in the study, participants had to confirm their consent to participate and agree to the storage and use of their data in accordance with the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). At the beginning of the survey, participants were directed to the informed consent form and could only start the questionnaires after confirming their consent to participate. During completing the questionnaire, participants were supervised by trained teachers and social educators, as well as school psychologists, who were present to provide assistance if needed. All participants were debriefed and provided with explicit contact details and hotline numbers in case of problems. Approval for conducting the study and administering the survey was obtained from the Ethics Committee of the University of Vienna (no. 00887).

Demographics

Among the demographic measures collected in the survey, the adolescents self-reported their age (in years) and gender. The question “What is your gender?” was used to assess gender, offering “female”, “male”, and “diverse/other” (hereafter referred to as gender diverse) as response options to cover a broader range of gender identities. For the original German version of the question, see Additional File 1. Participants could interpret and respond to the gender question based on their personal identification. This approach ensured inclusivity and aligned with the study’s objective to explore the experiences of gender diverse youth, which may include, among others, (binary) transgender, non-binary, and gender nonconforming youth, as well as individuals with differences in sex development.

Media use was assessed using self-constructed items that captured the duration and types of media consumed by participants. Participants were asked to report the average time they spent consuming various forms of media. This part of the survey initiated with a question asking, “How long do you typically spend per day with the following media?” This led to participants providing detailed information of their daily media usage across nine categories: smartphone use (in total), streaming online videos (e.g., YouTube, Twitch, Netflix), watching TV on the television set, using social networks (e.g., Instagram, TikTok, Facebook, Twitter), messaging apps (e.g., WhatsApp, Snapchat, Telegram, Signal), reading (books, e-books, magazines), news consumption (online or offline, image or text), playing video games (on mobile phones, PCs, or consoles) and using AI-based services (e.g., ChatGPT, DALL-E). Participants were instructed to record their usage in hours and minutes for each category, with an encouragement to use app-based tracking for accuracy if available. The questions and response options are detailed in Additional File 1, including the original German version and the English translation for reference.

• Depressive symptoms

The German version of the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) was used to assess depressive symptoms [ 43 ]. The PHQ-9 is a self-report measure that evaluates the presence and severity of depressive symptoms over the last two weeks with nine items. Each item is scored on a Likert scale ranging from 0 (never) to 3 (nearly every day), with the sum score ranging from 0 to 27, where higher scores indicate greater symptom severity. Allgaier et al. [ 44 ] validated the scale for use in adolescent populations and reported good internal consistency and reliability (Cronbach’s α  = 0.82).

Data analysis

All statistical analyses were performed using IBM SPSS Statistics version 28 [ 45 ]. For continuous variables, means ( M ) and standard deviations ( SD ) were calculated. Categorical variables were summarized through frequencies and percentages. To compare media use across different genders, one-way ANOVAs were conducted for each media type. Due to unequal group sizes and violations of homogeneity of variances (except for watching TV), the Welch adjusted F ratio was used. A basic significance level of p  <.05 was set for all comparisons. To address the issue of multiple comparisons, the Bonferroni method was applied, dividing the significance level (α) by the number of tests performed. With 10 different comparisons in our case, a corrected significance level of 0.05/10 = 0.005 was used when interpreting the data. Posteriori power calculation using G*Power [ 46 ] revealed a sufficiently powered sample size for multiple linear regression ( f 2 =0.15, with 1-β = 0.90) and one-way ANOVA ( f  = 0.25 with 3 groups, 1-β = 0.99). Further, a multiple regression analysis was conducted to explore which forms of media use serve as significant predictors of depressive symptoms among gender diverse youth, using mean replacement for missing values. The overall percentage of missing data across all variables was 3.47%, with a range from 0.69% to 18.06%. All assumptions for the regression analysis were met, including the independence of distributions (Durbin–Watson statistic = 1.964) and no significant multicollinearity (VIFs ranged from 1.072 to 1.994). Total smartphone use was not included as a predictor due to its role as a platform facilitating access to various forms of media consumption such as streaming, social network use, and messaging services. Age was entered as the first block to control for its effects, followed by media use variables entered as a second block using the enter method. This strategy was chosen to provide insights into the specific media consumption behaviors that significantly predict depressive symptoms within this subgroup. Subsequently, moderation analyses were conducted using the significant predictors identified in the multiple regression analysis, as well as the total smartphone use, to further explore the moderating role of gender in the relationship between media usage and depressive symptoms. For the moderation analyses, the PROCESS Macro for SPSS, version 4.2 [ 47 ], was employed using data of the participants from the sample who provided information on their gender, including male, female, and gender diverse adolescents. Gender was coded and included as a moderator, with gender diverse individuals serving as the reference category, to assess whether the impact of specific forms of media use on depressive symptoms varies across genders. Each media use variable was analyzed separately to clearly identify the unique interaction effects of each media type with gender on depressive symptoms. Age was included as a covariate in all analyses to adjust for its potential impact on the results. For all moderation analyses, a 95% confidence interval with 5,000 bootstrapping samples was employed, while continuous variables were mean-centered. In the moderation analyses, a p -value of less than 0.05 was considered statistically significant.

Demographic characteristics

A total of 9860 participants initiated the online survey, with 8654 completing it, resulting in an 87.8% completion rate. Furthermore, 496 respondents were excluded from the analysis as part of data cleaning measures, which included identifying and removing responses considered mischievous or unreliable, such as implausible age entries, school grade information, or unrealistic media usage times. The final sample consisted of 8158 participants aged between 10 and 24 years, with a mean age of 14.05 years ( SD  = 2.45). Out of the analytic sample, 452 students (5.5%) did not report their gender. Among those who reported their gender, n  = 4421 participants were female (57.4%), n  = 3141 were male (40.8%) and n  = 144 identified as gender diverse (1.9%).

Media use by gender

Table  1 summarizes the media use patterns across gender groups, highlighting significant differences in usage. Overall, gender diverse individuals reported the highest average use of several media types, particularly in smartphone use, streaming, and video games. Smartphone use was the highest among gender diverse individuals with a mean of approximately 4.73 h per day, compared to peers with female (3.96 h) and male gender (3.33 h). The results of the ANOVA indicated a significant difference across genders ( F (2, 378) = 75.49, p  < .001, η² = 0.02). Video games showed the most substantial difference, with gender diverse youth spending approximately 2.24 h per day, far exceeding the usage by youth with female (0.57 h) and male gender (1.96 h). This difference was highly significant ( F (2, 370) = 608.11, p  < .001, η² = 0.16). Similarly, streaming was notably higher in gender diverse youth, averaging about 2.19 h per day, compared to participants with female (1.45 h) or male genders (1.69 h). This difference was statistically significant ( F (2, 372) = 30.41, p  < .001, η² = 0.01). In addition to these, significant differences were found in other media types such as social networks, messenger services, reading, and AI, with gender diverse individuals consistently showing higher usage. Notably, TV watching did not differ significantly across gender groups ( F (2, 379) = 1.52, p  = .220, η² = 0.00). These results highlight the varying media consumption patterns among different gender groups, with gender diverse youth exhibiting significantly higher engagement across most media types.

Depressive symptoms by gender

The results in Table  2 indicate significant differences in depressive symptoms among gender diverse, female, and male participants. Gender diverse individuals reported the highest mean PHQ-9 total score, indicating higher levels of depressive symptoms compared to participants with female and male genders. The ANOVA results revealed a statistically significant difference in depressive symptoms across the gender groups, F (2, 379) = 233.47, p  < .001, with a medium effect size (η² = 0.06).

Multiple linear regression analysis: predictors of depressive symptoms in gender diverse youth

A multiple regression analysis, detailed in Table  3 , was conducted to investigate the predictors of depressive symptoms as indicated by the PHQ-9 total score among gender diverse youth. In Model 1, age was entered first to assess its effect and was found not to be a significant predictor of depressive symptoms (β = 0.109, p  = .194). Model 2 introduced the media usage variables – specifically, the use of streaming services, social networks, TV viewing, messenger services, reading, news consumption, video gaming, and AI services. This model, which accounted for age, explained 13.5% of the variance in PHQ-9 scores, representing an additional 13% variance explained compared to the 0.5% explained by Model 1, based on the adjusted R 2 values. Within this model, the use of streaming services (β = 0.265, p  = .005) and social networks (β = 0.189, p  = .037) emerged as significant positive predictors of depressive symptoms, implying that increased usage of these forms of media is associated with higher depressive symptomatology. Conversely, TV viewing was a significant negative predictor (β = − 0.172, p  = .044), suggesting that higher levels of TV consumption may be associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms. It should be noted that the effects of social networking sites and TV were only marginally significant. When examining effect sizes, the results suggest that these effects are small-to-medium-sized, based on Cohen’s criteria which classify effect sizes as small (β = 0.1), medium (β = 0.3), and large (β = 0.5) [ 48 ]. The remaining forms of media use, such as messenger services, reading, news consumption, video gaming, and AI services, did not significantly predict depressive symptoms in the gender diverse subsample.

Moderation of the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms with gender as moderator variable

The results of the moderation analyses can be found in Tables  4 , 5 , 6 and 7 , with detailed simple slopes analyses for significant interactions between media use and gender, presented in Fig.  2 . The first moderation analysis, presented in Table  4 , was performed to assess the interaction between smartphone usage and gender in predicting depressive symptoms, as measured by the PHQ-9 score. The overall model was significant, explaining 16.1% of the variance in depressive symptoms. Smartphone usage alone was found to be a significant predictor of depressive symptoms for gender diverse users, indicating that increased smartphone use is associated with higher levels of depressive symptoms. Furthermore, the conditional effects of gender were notably different for females and males, indicating that female and male participants had, on average, lower depressive symptoms compared to gender diverse individuals. Gender was found to moderate the relationship between smartphone usage and depressive symptoms. Specifically, the interaction term between smartphone usage and being male was significant, suggesting that for male participants the increase in depressive symptoms associated with higher smartphone usage is less pronounced compared to gender diverse individuals. The analysis of the conditional effects demonstrated that the influence of smartphone usage on depressive symptoms varied by gender: the effect was strongest for the reference group (gender diverse, B  = 0.015), lessened for females ( B  = 0.013), and was weakest for males ( B  = 0.007). All effects were found to be statistically significant ( p  < .001).

The second moderation analysis, shown in Table  5 , was conducted to assess the interaction between the time spent with streaming online videos and gender on depressive symptoms. The overall model was found to be statistically significant, accounting for 11.9% of the variance in depressive symptoms. Results indicated that the time spent with streaming was a significant predictor of depressive symptoms for gender diverse users, showing that more time spent streaming correlates with higher depressive symptom levels. In terms of gender, the analysis showed significant conditional effects: females exhibited lower levels of depressive symptoms, and males demonstrated even lower levels, compared to the gender diverse group. Gender was found to significantly moderate this relationship, with the interaction term for streaming time and male gender being significant, pointing to gender differences in how streaming time affects depressive symptoms. In analyzing the conditional effects across gender groups, the influence of streaming time on depressive symptoms was strongest for the gender diverse group ( B  = 0.017), reduced for females ( B  = 0.013), and lowest for males ( B  = 0.006), with all effects significant at p  < .001.

In the next moderation analysis, the focus was on exploring the interaction between time spent with watching TV and gender as predictors of depressive symptoms (see Table  6 ). The model achieved statistical significance, explaining 8.8% of the variance in depressive symptoms. The analysis revealed that TV watching time by itself did not significantly predict depressive symptoms, suggesting no direct association between the amount of time spent watching TV and the level of depressive symptoms. In contrast, gender significantly influenced depressive symptoms, with decreases observed for female and male participants, compared to the gender diverse group, indicating conditional effects of gender. However, the interaction terms between TV watching time and gender for both female and male participants were not significant, indicating that gender does not significantly alter the relationship between TV watching time and depressive symptoms. The conditional effects analysis, aimed at evaluating the predictor’s influence at different levels of the moderator, showed no significant variation in the effect of TV watching time on depressive symptoms across gender categories.

Finally, a moderation analysis was performed to examine the effect of social network usage on depressive symptoms, exploring gender as a moderating factor, as detailed in Table  7 . The analysis revealed a significant overall model, accounting for 13.7% of the variance in depressive symptoms. Social network usage emerged as a significant predictor, suggesting an association between higher usage of social networks and increased depressive symptoms in gender diverse youth. The interaction terms did not reach statistical significance for females and were also not significant for males, indicating that the effect of social network usage on depressive symptoms was not significantly moderated by gender. Analysis of the conditional effects further clarified these relationships, demonstrating that the influence of social network usage on depressive symptoms was most pronounced among the gender diverse group ( B  = 0.016), slightly reduced for females ( B  = 0.014), and least for males ( B  = 0.008), although the interactions did not reach the level of statistical significance.

Results of the simple slope analyses of media use on depressive symptoms by gender

The current study explored the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms, focusing on gender diverse youth while also examining youth of male and female genders. This study aimed to fill the gap in understanding how different forms of media consumption impact the mental health of gender diverse youth, who may have unique experiences compared to their peers. Additionally, we evaluated whether gender moderates these relationships, providing insights into the potential differences in the psychological effects of media use among gender diverse youth and their peers with male or female genders.

Gender diverse individuals reported the highest average use of several media types, notably smartphone use (approximately 4.73 h per day), video games (around 2.24 h per day), and streaming (about 2.19 h per day), compared to their peers. These differences were statistically significant, indicating a distinct pattern of media consumption among gender diverse youth. This aligns with findings from the study by McInroy et al. [ 30 ], which noted that transgender youth spend significantly more time online daily than their cisgender peers, and youth with less traditional LGBTQ+ identities, such as pansexual, asexual, queer, and gender nonconforming, exhibit the highest use of mobile devices and online time. Similarly, Herrmann et al. [ 10 ] found that TGD adolescents spend substantial time on the internet and social media, though slightly less on social media compared to the general population. In contrast, our results indicate that gender diverse youth use social networks more extensively. This difference might be attributed to the increased availability of online resources and support groups tailored to gender diverse youth, coupled with their greater need for social connectivity and community, which they fulfill through extensive use of social networks. Furthermore, gender diverse youth exhibited the highest levels of depressive symptoms, with a mean PHQ-9 score indicating higher depressive symptoms than their peers. This aligns with previous research, suggesting that gender diverse youth face greater mental health challenges [ 40 , 41 ].

Multiple regression analysis identified the use of streaming services and social networks as significant predictors of depressive symptoms, while watching television appeared to have a protective effect. Interestingly, TV might offer positive effects by providing relaxing content or fostering social interaction when watched with others, in contrast to the potentially stress-inducing effects of online media. This aligns with existing literature suggesting that social networks and streaming services can exacerbate feelings of isolation and inadequacy [ 32 , 49 , 50 , 51 ], particularly among gender diverse youth who may rely more heavily on digital environments for social interaction and support [ 37 ]. The immersive and interactive nature of these platforms often exposes users to idealized images and experiences, leading to detrimental social comparisons and enhanced perceptions of social isolation [ 52 ]. However, it is important to note that the cross-sectional nature of this study precludes any determination of causality. It is possible that higher levels of depressive symptoms could lead to increased media use, particularly of more immersive or interactive types, as individuals may seek distraction or solace online [ 53 ]. Conversely, the negative content and social comparisons prevalent in these media types could exacerbate depressive symptoms, creating a cyclical effect [ 31 , 32 , 41 ]. Contrary to this, traditional television consumption was inversely related to depressive symptoms, suggesting a potentially less harmful, or even beneficial, role of non-interactive media in the lives of these youths [ 54 , 55 ]. When evaluating effect sizes, the results indicate that the observed effects range from small to medium, suggesting that although these effects are not large, they are also not negligible. Moreover, other forms of media such as reading, video games, news consumption, messenger services, and interactions with artificial intelligence showed no significant relationship with depressive symptoms. This may reflect their varied roles in users’ lives, balancing between positive interactions and potential sources of stress. The neutral impact of these kinds of media usage could suggest their use as tools for entertainment and cognitive engagement without the risks associated with social media and news consumption, likely due to a lower information overload, which can contribute to depressive symptoms [ 56 ].

Moderation analyses revealed that gender moderates the relationship between smartphone use and depressive symptoms, with the effect being strongest for gender diverse individuals, lessened for females, and significantly weakest for males. This may suggest that male youth have different usage patterns or attitudes towards smartphones that influence their psychological impact less than in gender diverse individuals. The significant moderation effect found in the use of streaming services underlines the importance of gender as a factor that influences the psychological effects of media use. Alternatively, it is conceivable that gender diverse youth with pre-existing depressive symptoms might engage more intensively with media as a form of escapism or to find communities where they feel accepted [ 57 ]. However, no significant gender moderation was found regarding watching TV and the use of social networks in relation to depressive symptoms. Interestingly, our study did not find the positive effects of media use, such as those often cited in qualitative studies regarding the supportive and identity-affirming aspects of media use for gender diverse youth [ 35 , 36 ], in relation to depressive symptoms [ 38 ]. This discrepancy may indicate that the negative impacts of high media consumption outweigh the potential benefits for this group. In summary, responses to media influences varied among gender diverse youth, underscoring the importance of recognizing and addressing the unique needs and experiences within this group.

This study adds to the growing body of knowledge on the interactions between media use, mental health, and gender diversity, emphasizing the need for ongoing analysis of how media consumption affects gender diverse individuals. Further studies should investigate the supportive aspects of media as a protective tool for at-risk youth, particularly through enhancing media literacy [ 22 ]. These insights are essential for designing effective mental health strategies that maximize media benefits while minimizing risks. Our findings demonstrate that the connection between media use and depressive symptoms is influenced by gender and media types. This highlights the necessity for customized prevention and intervention methods to mitigate the negative impacts of media on youth mental health. It is crucial to integrate gender considerations into strategies promoting healthy media habits. Educators, parents, and policymakers need to be aware of the varying risks and benefits associated with different media types and should foster healthy media engagement. Moreover, interventions should account for the diverse effects of media across different genders, encouraging practices that enhance resilience to the negative impacts of problematic media use [ 38 ].

Our study’s strengths include its focus on gender diverse youth, an often overlooked population, and its school-based design, which enhances the validity of the data compared to purely online studies as participation was restricted to students attending schools. The inclusion of a wide range of media types provides a better understanding of media use patterns. Additionally, the school-based setting is enhancing the reliability and applicability of the findings, as the controlled setting allows for systematic data collection. However, the study also has limitations. Firstly, the lack of assessment of sex assigned at birth may affect the understanding of the impact of gender identity on the studied relationships. The reliance on participants’ personal identification in response to the gender question may introduce variability in how gender is understood and reported, potentially influencing the interpretation of the results. Moreover, the cross-sectional design prevents drawing causal inferences. Longitudinal studies are needed to better understand the temporal dynamics between media use and depressive symptoms. The selection of schools was not representative, which may limit the generalizability of the findings. The study procedures only allowed participation of those being present in person, which omits youth who dropped out of school or have serious mental health issues from partaking in the study. Data collection occurred after the workshops, which may have sensitized participants and influenced their responses. The self-reported nature of media use and depressive symptoms could introduce bias, requiring more objective measures in future studies. Additionally, the models explained a limited portion of the variance in depressive symptoms, indicating that other important factors should be considered, such as the influence of peers and family, which are known strong predictors of mental health problems among gender diverse youth [ 58 ]. Moreover, other dimensions of identity, such as sexual orientation/identity, were not assessed, which could have provided additional insights.

Our study enhances the understanding of the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms among gender diverse youth, highlighting the need for gender-sensitive approaches in media literacy and mental health interventions. The findings demonstrate that the type of media and gender significantly influence depressive symptoms, requiring differentiated intervention strategies. Recognizing these variations is crucial in developing effective mental health programs that mitigate the negative impacts of media use while promoting positive engagement for gender diverse youth. The school-based approach of our study strengthens the validity of these findings, offering a structured environment for data collection that enhances the reliability of the results. Future research should employ longitudinal designs to further explore these relationships and evaluate targeted interventions’ effectiveness in reducing harmful media use effects. Moreover, it is essential to integrate comprehensive media literacy programs that address the specific needs of gender diverse youth, fostering resilience and well-being in the digital age.

Data availability

The datasets used and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Diana Klinger, Paul L. Plener, Andreas Karwautz & Oswald D. Kothgassner

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Contributions

Conceptualization: DK, PLP, GM, ODK and TD; methodology: DK, PLP, GM, ODK and TD; formal analysis: DK; investigation: PLP, GM and TD; supervision: AK and ODK; writing—original draft preparation: DK; writing—review and editing: DK, PLP, AK, ODK and TD. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

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Correspondence to Diana Klinger .

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The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the Ethics Committee of the University of Vienna (no. 00887). Online informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

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The authors declare that they have no competing interests regarding this research since its initial conception. PLP is an advisor to Boehringer Ingelheim and has received speakers’ honoraria from GSK, Janssen, InfectoPharm, Gerot Lannach, and Procter & Gamble (Oral-B), which are not related to this manuscript. TD has consulted Meta and Alphabet in projects unrelated to this manuscript.

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Klinger, D., Plener, P.L., Marboe, G. et al. Exploring the relationship between media use and depressive symptoms among gender diverse youth: findings of the Mental Health Days Study. Child Adolesc Psychiatry Ment Health 18 , 104 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s13034-024-00797-x

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Received : 30 June 2024

Accepted : 09 August 2024

Published : 22 August 2024

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s13034-024-00797-x

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