eb white essay on democracy

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Jon Meacham on E.B. White and American Democracy

"white’s patriotism is clear-eyed; his nationalism nonexistent.".

 To hold America in one’s thoughts is like holding a love letter in one’s hand—it has so special a meaning. –E.B. White

Franklin D. Roosevelt couldn’t get enough of the piece. At the suggestion of his advisor Harry Hopkins, the New Dealer turned wartime consigliere, the president of the United States took a moment away from the pressures of global war to read a July 3, 1943, “Notes and Comment ” essay from The New Yorker . Occasioned by a letter from the Writers’ War Board, a group of au­thors devoted to shaping public opinion about the Al­lied effort in World War II—the board was led by the mystery novelist Rex Stout, the creator of Nero Wolfe, the orchid-loving New York City detective—the small item tackled the largest of subjects. Speaking in the magazine’s omniscient vernacular, the New Yorker au­thor wrote, “We received a letter from the Writers’ War Board the other day asking for a statement on ‘The Meaning of Democracy,”‘ continuing:

Surely the Board knows what democracy is. It is the line that forms on the right. It is the don’t in don’t shove. It is the hole in the stuffed shirt through which the sawdust slowly trickles; it is the dent in the high hat. Democracy is the recur­rent suspicion that more than half of the people are right more than half of the time. It is the feel­ing of privacy in the voting booths, the feeling of communion in the libraries, the feeling of vitality everywhere. Democracy is a letter to the editor. Democracy is the score at the beginning of the ninth. It is an idea which hasn’t been disproved yet, a song the words of which have not gone bad. It’s the mustard on the hot dog and the cream in rationed coffee.

FDR thought it brilliant. “I LOVE IT!” he said, “with a sort of rising inflection on the word ‘love,”‘ according to the Hopkins biographer and playwright Robert E. Sherwood. The president read the piece to different gatherings, punctuating his recitation with a homey coda (or at least as homey as the squire of Hyde Park ever got): “Them’s my sentiments exactly.”

They were, importantly, the sentiments of the au­thor of the “Notes and Comment,” the longtime New Yorker contributor E.B. White, whose writings of free­dom and democracy captivate us still, all these years distant. Few things are as perishable as prose written for magazines (sermons come close, as do the great majority of political speeches), but White, arguably the finest occasional essayist of the 20th century, endures because he wrote plainly and honestly about the things that matter the most, from life on his farm in Maine to the lives of nations and of peoples. Known popularly more for his books for children ( Charlotte’s Web and Stuart Little ) than for his corpus of essays, White is that rarest of figures, a writer whose ordinary run of work is so extraordinary that it repays our at­tention decades after his death.

White lived and wrote through several of the most contentious hours in our history, ones in which America itself felt at best in the dock and at worst on the scaffold. The Great Depression, World War II, the McCarthyite Red Scare, the Cold War, the civil rights movement—all unfolded under White’s watchful eye as he composed pieces for The New Yorker and for Harp­er’s . He was especially gifted at evoking the universal through the exploration of the particular, which is one of the cardinal tasks of the essayist. His work touched on politics but was not, in the popular sense, political, and the writings here underscore the role of the quiet observer in the great dramas of history. For White was not a charismatic speaker—he avoided the platform all his life—nor was he an activist or even a partisan in the way we think of the terms. He was, rather, a wry but profound voice in the large chorus of American life.

In the first days of World War II, in the lovely Amer­ican September of 1939, after Nazi Germany launched the invasion of Poland, plunging Europe into a war that would last nearly six years, White described a day spent on the waters in Maine. “It struck me as we worked our way homeward up the rough bay with our catch of lobsters and a fresh breeze in our teeth that this was what the fight was all about,” he wrote. “This was it. Either we would continue to have it or we wouldn’t, this right to speak our own minds, haul our own traps, mind our own business, and wallow in the wide, wide sea.”

That fight seems to be unfolding still in the first de­cades of the 21st century, a time when an opportunistic real estate and reality TV showman from White’s beloved New York has risen to the pinnacle of American politics by marshaling and, in some cases, manufacturing fears about changing demography and identity in the life of the Republic. We can’t know for certain what White would have made of Trump or of Twitter, but we can safely say that E. B. White’s Amer­ica, the one described in this collection, is a better, fairer, and more congenial place than the 45th president’s.

Reflecting on the Munich Pact of 1938, the agreement, negotiated by British prime minister Neville Chamberlain, that emboldened Adolf Hitler to press on with his campaign to build a 1,000-year Reich, White wrote, “Old England, eating swastika for breakfast instead of kipper, is a sight I had as lief not lived to see. And though I’m no warrior, I would gladly fight for the things which Nazism seeks to destroy.” Reading him now, at a time when so many Americans live with sights we would have lief not lived to see, is at once reassuring and challenging, for White’s America, which should be our America, is worth a glad fight.

Born in Mount Vernon, New York, in 1899, Elwyn Brooks White, the youngest of six children, grew up in comfort. “If an unhappy childhood is indispens­able for a writer, I am ill-equipped: I missed out on all that and was neither deprived nor unloved,” he re­called. His father was a successful businessman who created a secure enclave for his family in Westchester County, just 25 minutes from New York City. “Our big house at 101 Summit Avenue was my castle,” E. B. White, who was nicknamed “En,” wrote. “From it I emerged to do battle, and into it I retreated when I was frightened or in trouble.” There were summers in Maine, public school in Westchester, the warmth of a sprawling family. He was sensitive, too, from an early age. “The normal fears and worries of every child were in me developed to a high degree; every day was an awesome prospect. I was uneasy about practically everything: the uncertainty of the future, the dark of the attic, the panoply and discipline of school, the transitoriness of life, the mystery of the church and of God, the frailty of the body, the sadness of afternoon, the shadow of sex, the distant challenge of love and marriage, the far-off problem of a livelihood. I brooded about them all, lived with them day by day.”

White’s father, Samuel Tilly White, perhaps sensing something of his youngest child’s anxious nature, wrote the lad a cheerful birthday note in 1911. “All hail! With joy and gladness we salute you on your natal day,” the senior White wrote. “May each recurring anniversary bring you earth’s best gifts and heaven’s choicest bless­ings. Think today on your mercies. You have been born in the greatest and best land on the face of the globe under the best government known to men. Be thank­ful then that you are an American. Moreover you are the youngest child of a large family and have profited by the companionship of older brothers and sisters. . . . [W]hen you are fretted by the small things of life re­member that on this your birthday you heard a voice telling you to look up and out on the great things of life and beholding them say—surely they all are mine.”

From an early age, then, White was exhorted to think of America in the most reverential of ways. For all its faults, the nation was a place of particular merit, and a place worth defending. At 18, he debated whether to enlist in the Great War, but decided against it. (He also thought about joining the ambulance corps on the grounds that he “would rather save than destroy men.”) Instead, he headed for Cornell University, in Ithaca, New York, and became a writer who did indeed look up and out (as well as inward).

The founding of The New Yorker magazine in 1925 proved a turning point for White and for American letters. Brought into being by Harold Ross, the weekly was, like Ross himself, chaotic and brilliant.

“The cast of characters in those early days,” White recalled, “was as shifty as the characters in a floating poker game.” James Thurber was among them, as was Katharine Angell, who became Mrs. White in 1929. “During the day I saw her in operation at the office,” White recalled. “At the end of the day, I watched her bring the whole mess home with her in a cheap and bulging portfolio. The light burned late, our bed was lumpy with page proofs, and our home was alive with laughter and the pervasive spirit of her dedication and her industry.”

The year he married Katharine, White approvingly cited a dissenting opinion of Supreme Court justice Oli­ver Wendell Holmes, thus inaugurating, in a sense, the canon of his work on freedom and democracy. Reading reports of a commencement speech at West Point by the secretary of war, White wrote that he hoped the young graduates would heed a recent observation of Holmes’s: “All West Point graduates should read [Holmes’s] words, brighter than sword-thrusts: ‘… if there is any principle of the Constitution that more imperatively calls for attachment than any other it is the principle of free thought—not free thought for those who agree with us but freedom for the thought we hate.”‘

He was not a predictable party man. Musing about fashionable talk of a government-controlled economy in the middle of the Depression, White wrote, “Much as we hope that something can be done to adjust the State, reduce inequalities in fortune, and right wrong, we are yet skeptical about the abandonment of private enterprise . . . Cooperation and public spirit are, we do not doubt, increasingly necessary in the scheme of our economy; but we wonder how far they go in our blood, and whether great music will be written under the guidance of a central planning board whose duty it shall be to coordinate our several harmonics.” And when President Roosevelt proposed to pack the Su­preme Court after the 1936 presidential election in or­der to ensure rulings friendlier to the New Deal, White was having none of it. Americans, White wrote, should “decline to follow a leader, however high-minded, who proposes to take charge of affairs because he thinks he knows all the answers.”

In June 1940, as the Germans marched into Paris, White weighed in for The New Yorker . “To many Americans, war started (spiritually) years ago with the tor­ment of the Jews,” White wrote. “To millions of others, less sensitive to the overtones of history, war became actual only when Paris became German. We looked at the faces in the street today, and war is at last real, and the remaining step is merely the transformation of fear into resolve Democracy is now asked to mount its honor and decency on wheels, and to manufacture, with all the electric power at its command, a world which can make all people free and perhaps many peo­ple contented. We believe and shall continue to believe that even that is within the power of men.”

The common denominators in White’s thinking about democracy were a sense of fair play and a love of liberty. He was for that which defended and expanded freedom, and he was against that which did not. “If it is boyish to believe that a human being should live free,” he wrote in September 1940, “then I’ll gladly arrest my development and let the rest of the world grow up.”

And he was quite willing to call the rest of the world onto a rhetorical carpet if circumstances warranted it. Chatting with other New Yorkers in the fall of 1940, a time when isolationism remained strong in the United States despite the harrowing fall of France and the Battle of Britain, White was disappointed that one man, “discovering signs of zeal [about the war] creeping into my blood, berated me for having lost my detachment, my pure skeptical point of view. He an­nounced that he wasn’t going to be swept away by all this nonsense, but would prefer to remain in the role of innocent bystander, which he said was the duty of any intelligent person.”

At least one intelligent person, White, chose to dis­agree. “The least a man can do at such a time is to declare himself and tell where he stands,” he wrote. “I believe in freedom with the same burning delight, the same faith, the same intense abandon which attended its birth on this continent more than a century and a half ago. I am writing my declaration rapidly, much as though I were shaving to catch a train. Events abroad give a man a feeling of being pressed for time I just want to tell, before I get slowed down, that I am in love with freedom and that it is an affair of long standing and that it is a fine state to be in, and that I am deeply suspicious of people who are beginning to adjust to fas­cism and dictators merely because they are succeeding in war. From such adaptable natures a smell arises. I pinch my nose.”

Freedom was not optional; nor was it, in the first instance, political. Working within an ancient Western tradition that viewed liberty as an inherent right and free will as the oxygen of humanity, White traced free­dom to its intuitive origins:

[Freedom begins] with the haunting intimation (which I presume every child receives) of his mystical inner life; of God in man; of nature pub­lishing herself through the “I.” This elusive sensation is moving and memorable. It comes early in life; a boy, we’ll say, sitting on the front steps on a summer night, thinking of nothing in par­ticular, suddenly hearing as with a new percep­tion and as though for the first time the pulsing sound of crickets, overwhelmed with the novel sense of identification with the natural company of insects and grass and night, conscious of a faint answering cry to the universal perplexing question: “What is ‘I’?” Or a little girl, returning from the grave of a pet bird, leaning with her el­bows on the window sill, inhaling the unfamiliar draught of death, suddenly seeing herself as part of the complete story. Or to an older youth, en­countering for the first time a great teacher who by some chance or mood awakens something and the youth beginning to breathe as an individual and conscious of strength in his vitals. I think the sensation must develop in many men as a feeling of identity with God—an eruption of the spirit caused by allergies and the sense of divine existence as distinct from mere animal existence. This is the beginning of the affair with freedom.

As he often did with such grace and fluidity, White turned from the intimate to the general:

The United States, almost alone today, offers the liberties and the privileges and the tools of free­dom. In this land the citizens are still invited to write plays and books, to paint their pictures, to meet for discussion, to dissent as well as to agree, to mount soapboxes in the public square, to enjoy education in all subjects without censorship, to hold court and judge one another, to compose music, to talk politics with their neighbors without wondering whether the secret police are listen­ing, to exchange ideas as well as goods, to kid the government when it needs kidding, and to read real news of real events instead of phony news manufactured by a paid agent of the state . . . To be free, in a planetary sense, is to feel that you belong to earth. To be free, in a societal sense, is to feel at home in a democratic framework.

White’s writings are remarkably free of cant and of cliche, as one might expect from the coauthor of The Elements of Style . Bombast bored him, and he loved be­ing let alone. Writing in the Paris Review , Brendan Gill, a fellow New Yorker mainstay, once observed, “Andy White is small and wiry, with an unexpectedly large nose, speckled eyes, and an air of being just about to turn away, not on an errand of any importance but as a means of remaining free to cut and run without the nuisance of prolonged goodbyes.”

White’s patriotism is clear-eyed; his nationalism nonexistent. A case in point: in the aftermath of Pearl Harbor, he wrote warmly of American values, noting, “America has been at a great disadvantage in relation to the Axis. In this country we are used to the queer notion that any sort of sporting contest must be gov­erned by a set of rules. We think that the football can’t be kicked off until after the whistle is blown. We be­lieve the prize fighter can’t be socked until he has come out of his corner. . . . So it was quite to be expected that America grew purple and pink with rage and fury when the Japanese struck us without warning.”

And yet White simultaneously believed, and began to argue in the first week of December 1941, that the future belonged to the supranationalists—those who saw that national rivalries were perennial and fatal and had to give way to a broader system of global governance.

“The passionate love of Americans for their America will have a lot to do with winning the war,” White wrote. “It is an odd thing though: the very patriotism on which we now rely is the thing that must eventually be in part relinquished if the world is ever to find a lasting peace and an end to these butcheries.” Musing on the snow swirling outside his window in these final weeks of the year, White went on: “Already you can see the beginnings of the big post-war poker game, for trade, for air routes and airfields, for insular possessions, and for all the rest of it,” he wrote Harold Ross in the fall of 1944. “I hate to see millions of kids getting their guts blown out because all these things are made the prizes of nationality. Science is universal, music is universal, sex is universal, chow is universal, and by God government better be, too.”

He would make the case, unsuccessfully, for years, most explicitly in a 1946 book entitled  The Wild Flag . Whatever White’s (self-acknowledged) weaknesses as an architect of a kind of technocratic New Jerusalem, he remained an astute critic of democracy’s rivals. In a piece on fascism, he defined the phenomenon as “a nation founded on bloodlines, political expansion by surprise and war, murder or detention of unbelievers, transcendence of state over individual, obedience to one leader, contempt for parliamentary forms, plus some miscellaneous gymnastics for the young and a general feeling of elation. . . . Fascism is openly against people-in-general, in favor of people-in-particular.”

After World War II, he worried about fascistic tendencies in America, the very nation that had done so much to defeat the Axis. In 1947 he spoke out against the New York Herald   Tribune ‘s editorial support for blacklisting those who did not swear loyalty to the United States. The anticommunist campaign, White wrote in a letter to the editor of the paper, meant that employees had to “be required to state their beliefs in order to hold their jobs. The idea is inconsistent with our Constitutional theory and has been stubbornly opposed by watchful men since the early days of the Republic. . . . I hold that it would be improper for any committee or any employer to examine my conscience. They wouldn’t know how to get into it, they wouldn’t know what to do when they got in there, and I wouldn’t let them in anyway. Like other Americans, my acts and my words are open to inspection—not my thoughts or my political affiliation.”

His work touched on the central domestic struggle of the 20th century, too: the long battle against Jim Crow, the system of racial segregation that had grown out of the failures of Reconstruction in the wake of the Civil War. “The South,” he wrote in  The New Yorker in 1956, “is the land of the sustained sibilant. Everywhere, for the appreciative visitor, the letter S insinuates itself into the scene: the sound of sea and sand, in the singing shell, in the heat of sun and sky, in the sultriness of the gentle hours, in the siesta, in the stir of birds and insects.” But, White added, in contrast to the softness of its music, the South is also “hard and cruel and prickly.”

He was reporting about a visit to Jim Crow Florida, calling himself a “beachcomber from the North, which is my present status.” It had been two years since the U.S. Supreme Court had struck down school segregation, and not long before, a collection of legislators from the Old Confederacy had issued a defiant Southern Manifesto pledging to defy federal efforts to integrate the region. Writing from Florida, White described a conversation with his cook, a Finnish woman, about “the mysteries of bus travel in the American Southland.”

“When you get on the bus,” White told her, “I think you’d better sit in one of the front seats—the seats in the back are for colored people.”

The cook, who was white, saw through it all. “A look of great weariness came into her face, as it does when we use too many dishes, and she replied, ‘Oh, I know—isn’t it silly!'”

Then came a brief meditation by White that captured much about what W.E.B. Du Bois had called “the problem of the color-line”:

Her remark, coming as it did all the way from Finland and landing on this sandbar with a plunk, impressed me. The Supreme Court said nothing about silliness, but I suspect it may play more of a role than one might suppose. People are, if anything, more touchy about being thought silly than they are about being thought unjust. I note that one of the arguments in the recent manifesto of Southern congressmen in support of the doctrine of “separate but equal” was that it had been founded on “common sense.” The sense that is common to one generation is uncommon to the next. Probably the first slave ship, with Negroes lying in chains on its decks, seemed commonsensical to the owners who operated it and to the planters who patronized it. But such a vessel would not be in the realm of common sense today.

The pressures of the Cold War gave White plenty of opportunities to offer thoughts on democracy, and he took many of them. When universities were debating loyalty and “Americanism,” White wrote, “A healthy university in a healthy democracy is a free society, in miniature. The pesky nature of democratic life is that it has no comfortable rigidity; it always hangs by a thread, never quite submits to consolidation or solidification, is always being challenged, always being defended.”

The key thing—and White worried about this, volunteering his pen in the cause—is the nature and the fate of the defense in the face of those inevitable challenges. White anticipated the antidemocratic forces of our own era: political tribalism (“We doubt that there was ever a time in this country when so many people were trying to discredit so many other people,” he wrote—in 1952); media saturation (“This country is on the verge of getting news-drunk anyway; a democracy cannot survive merely by being well informed, it must also be contemplative, and wise,” he wrote—in 1954); and the need for a free and disputatious press (“There is safety in numbers: the papers expose each other’s follies and peccadillos, correct each other’s mistakes, and cancel out each other’s biases” he wrote—in 1976). He believed strongly, too, in the virtues of a diversity of ownership in the media, arguing that oligarchical and monopolistic tendencies in terms of the control of the means of information were bad for democracy, and therefore a threat to freedom.

White was always mindful about the mind itself, which he considered, with its cousins the imagination and the conscience, the wellspring of all good things. Amid the debates about the role of religious observance in the public arena in the 20th century, he brilliantly laid out an inspired test for those who would compel others to share their beliefs. “Democracy, if I understand it at all, is a society in which the unbeliever feels undisturbed and at home. . . . I believe that our political leaders should live by faith and should, by deeds and sometimes by prayer, demonstrate faith, but I doubt that they should advocate faith, if only because such advocacy renders a few people uncomfortable. The concern of a democracy is that no honest man shall feel uncomfortable, I don’t care who he is, or how nutty he is.”

At heart, White’s vision of democracy is about generosity of spirit and a kind of self-interested covenant—the best way to guarantee freedom and fair play for ourselves is to guarantee it for others. In this way, anyone who attempts to subvert the system or abridge another’s rights is instantly shown to be a hypocrite whose will to power threatens to hijack an ethos where no one kicks the ball until the whistle is blown, and no one can tell you what to think or whom to worship or what to do. In leaving us this understanding of how we have lived, and how we ought to go on living, White is a kind of conversational Thomas Jefferson, a 20th-century Benjamin Franklin, an accessible James Madison.

A final thought. In early 1942, White was summoned to Washington for several days of meetings about a wartime project: the production of a pamphlet, authored by several of the nation’s finest writers (Max Lerner and Reinhold Niebuhr among them), to expound on President Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms. A year earlier, in his January 1941 State of the Union address, FDR had first articulated his vision of a united front against the march of dictatorship. “I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace,” Roosevelt had told the Congress. After laying out a practical program for rearmement and aid to the Allied forces, the president broadened his sights. “In the future days, which we seek to make more secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms,” he said. He enumerated the freedom of speech and conscience and the freedom from want and from fear. “That is no vision of a distant millennium,” he added. “It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.”

Now, with the war upon America in the wake of Pearl Harbor, Archibald MacLeish, the poet and Librarian of Congress, wanted White to take charge of a Four Freedoms publication for wide distribution. The task was to expand on Roosevelt’s general themes, a job that White found daunting. In letters to Katharine, he was honest about his trepidation. After a series of conversations, including a lovely pasta-and-wine lunch at MacLeish’s Georgetown house, White had what he called “thousands of untranscribed notes—the kind of thing you scribble on your program in a dark theatre—and the burden of collecting these into a document which will suit the President and the Supreme Court justices and Mr. Churchill . . . and which will explain to a great man young men why they are about to get stuck in the stomach.” There was enough meandering in the debates about the project that White thought about, but did not mention, an obvious possibility. “Two or three times during the proceedings I was tempted to ask why, if the pamphlet was to be an extension and n interpretation of the President’s formula, we shouldn’t just go and ask him what he meant.” They never did, and neither can we. But we can ask E.B. White about freedom and democracy, and through his collected writings, he can answer.

__________________________________

This introduction is to On Democracy , by E.B. White, which is out on May 7, 2019 from Harper.

Jon Meacham

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Author E.B. White On 'The Meaning Of Democracy'

Melissa Block

In his victory speech Tuesday night, President Obama said that democracy in a nation of 300 million can be "noisy and messy and complicated." That sentence reminded Melissa Block of an anonymous editorial published in The New Yorker in 1943, written by E.B. White. Included in White's take on the subject: "Democracy is the recurrent suspicion that more than half of the people are right more than half of the time."

Copyright © 2012 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

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E.B. White’s essays argue eloquently against extremism

A new collection, put together by his granddaughter, demonstrates what made him such a pointed observer of representative government.

• By Danny Heitman Correspondent

Updated June 28, 2019, 9:26 a.m. ET

Elwyn Brooks White is best known as the author of children’s stories such as “Charlotte’s Web” and “Stuart Little” that remain reliable classics.

But White, who died in 1985, is also celebrated as a writer for adults. He divided his time between New York City and a farm in coastal Maine, crafting personal essays that, more than three decades after his passing, endure as exemplars of the form.

White was a master of conversational prose, excelling at sentences that seem perfectly balanced. To read his work is to feel balanced too. With their underlying tone of moderation, White’s essays resonate with a subtly political dimension even when they’re supposedly about nothing more than an afternoon on the farm or a morning in Manhattan. They constituted, in their own way, an abiding argument against the extremism of White’s times.

When “One Man’s Meat,” White’s collection of commentaries about rural New England, was published in a special edition for members of the Armed Forces in the 1940s, it became a favorite among those fighting World War II. White’s unassumingly democratic voice – sane, sensible, self-deprecating, suspicious of cant – reminded them what they were fighting for.

The only challenge with White’s essays is that not enough of them are in wide circulation. He was exacting with his prose, selecting only a relative handful of his pieces from The New Yorker, Harper’s, The Atlantic Monthly and other magazines to preserve in his books.

Martha White, his granddaughter and literary executor, has remained almost as judicious in drawing material from her grandfather’s archive for new book projects. Given the singularity of E.B. White’s literary art, the anthologies Martha White has brought out in recent years have been a cause for celebration. They include “E.B. White on Dogs,” an assortment of his prose on all things canine; and “In the Words of E.B. White,” a distillation of his pithiest observations.

Now comes "E.B. White On Democracy," in which Martha White surveys her grandfather’s thoughts on representative government. As with her previous anthologies, “On Democracy” is partly a curation of material from other White volumes, but it also includes items that haven’t been published in book form before.

White wasn’t a grand thinker about governance. “The Wild Flag,” his one attempt at a sustained political philosophy, was a forgettable argument for one-world government written near the close of World War II. White later dismissed the book as “dreamy and uninformed,” perhaps sensing that its vague theorizing worked against his natural gifts.

White was most eloquent when he grounded his ideas in the granular particularity of daily life, for he was, memorably, a reporter at heart.

The most persuasive selections in “On Democracy” riff on the headlines of White’s day, such as when he addressed the despotism of America’s opponents during World War II and the red baiting zealotry of U.S. Sen. Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s. This would seem, at first glance, to date “On Democracy” as a mere period piece. But in writing against fanaticism, White wrestled with challenges that seem, alas, still too much with us.

In “Freedom,” a 1940 essay included here, White dissects the tendency to gradually accommodate the erosion of democratic ideals, an ostensible exercise in pragmatism that inevitably proves corrupting. “Where I expected to find indignation,” he writes of his fellow Americans’ initial shrugging ambivalence about Adolf Hitler, “I found paralysis, or a sort of dim acquiescence, as in a child who is dully swallowing a distasteful pill.”

Against this sense of surrender, White offers his creed:

I just want to tell, before I get slowed down, that I am in love with freedom and that it is an affair of long standing and that it is a fine state to be in, and that I am deeply suspicious of people who are beginning to adjust to fascism and dictators merely because they are succeeding in war. From such adaptable natures a smell arises. I pinch my nose.

That passage points to White’s strengths as a stylist. The crowded first sentence seems to spill out its message, an analog to White’s ecstatic embrace of liberty. Then the next two sentences become progressively shorter, as if he’s descending from his soapbox to speak more intimately with his audience. At his best, White also emulates to good effect his hero Henry David Thoreau, who could use gripping physical imagery to make the theoretical more concrete. When White pinches his nose at extremism, he’s reminding his readers that such policies have tangible, real-world consequences.

In his introduction, journalist and author Jon Meacham takes pains to draw parallels between White’s cautions about autocratic values and our present-day concerns about political cults of personality. But it’s not really necessary for Meacham, however well-meaning, to connect the dots for us.

Although he left the scene a generation ago, White can still speak for himself, and he sounds thoroughly up to date. “Man’s curiosity, his relentlessness, his inventiveness, his ingenuity have led him into deep trouble,” he wrote in 1973. “We can only hope that these same traits will enable him to claw his way out.”

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Blogging on business, e.b. white on democracy: a book review by bob morris.

A patriot’s thoughts about freedom and justice whenever they are in greatest peril

Most peole associate E.B. White with his three children’s classics ( Charlottee’s Web , Stuart Little , and The Trumpet of the Swan) or with his essays published in The New Yorker .  What we have in this volume is a collection of other writings during a period that extends from January 28, 1928, until July 5, 1976, during which he  celebrates the meaning and affirms the value of freedom and justice when they were in great peril. The material was edited by his granddaughter, Martha White. In the brilliant introduction, Jon Meacham observes that the common denominators in White’s thinking about democracy “were a sense of fair play and love of liberty. He was for that which defended and expanded freedom, and he was against that which did not.”

For example, White was quite willing “to call the rest of the world on a rhetorical carpet if circumstances warranted it.” In 1940 when isolationism was at probably its greatest strength, when so many people preserved their neutrality (if not indifference) during the Fall of France and the the Battle of Britain, he had this response: “I just want to tell, before I get slowed down, that I am in love with freedom and that it is an affair of long standing and that it is a fine state to be in, and that I am deeply suspicious of people who are beginning to to adjust to fascism and dictators merely because they are succeeding in war.”

In or near the downtown area of most major cities, there is a farmer’s market at which merchants offer slices of fresh fruit as samples of their wares. In that spirit, I now offer a few brief excerpts from the book.

o From “Dissenting Supreme Court Justice” (1929): “All West Point graduates should read [Holmes’s] words, brighter than sword thrusts: ‘…if there is any principle of the Constitution that more imperatively calls for attachment than any other it is the principle of free thought — not free thought for those who agree with us but freedom for the thought we hate.'” (Page 2):

o From “Instructions to a Delegate” (1946): “Do not try to save the world by loving thy neighbor; it will only make him nervous. Save the world by respecting thy neighbor’s rights under law and insisting that he respect yours (under the same law). In short save the world.”  (61)

o From “Unity” (1960): “Democracy is harder to explain and harder to propound than Communism because it is subtler.  Its devotees tend to take it for granted. There is every evidence, though, that we should not take it for granted, or assume that it is is well understood or generally approved.”  (113)

For those in need of one, E.B. White offers a thoughtful as well as heartfelt reminder of why freedom and justice are so important to the health, happiness, and (yes) dignity of the human race.

Indeed, as he suggests in “Reverses of Fortune” (July 5, 1976),  “Bang the bell! Touch off the fuse! Send up the rocket! On to the next hundred years of melancholy scenes, splendid deeds and urgent business!”

On Democracy

by E. B. White, Jon Meacham

• On Sale: 06/30/2020

Price: $17.99

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• Book Overview
• Author Info

About the Book

A New York Times Book Review New & Noteworthy Title

"For democracy’s weary champions, White’s time-tested prose is a shot of adrenaline" (Madeleine Albright).

“I am a member of a party of one, and I live in an age of fear.”

These words were written by E. B. White in 1947.

Decades before our current political turmoil, White crafted eloquent yet practical political statements that continue to resonate. “There’s only one kind of press that’s any good—” he proclaimed, “a press free from any taint of the government.” He condemned the trend of defamation, arguing that “in doubtful, doubting days, national morality tends to slip and slide toward a condition in which the test of a man’s honor is his zeal for discovering dishonor in others.” And on the spread of fascism he lamented, “fascism enjoys at the moment an almost perfect climate for growth—a world of fear and hunger.”

Anchored by an introduction by Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Jon Meacham, this concise collection of essays, letters, and poems from one of this country’s most eminent literary voices offers much-needed historical context for our current state of the nation—and hope for the future of our society. Speaking to Americans at a time of uncertainty, when democracy itself has come under threat, he reminds us, “As long as there is one upright man, as long as there is one compassionate woman . . . the scene is not desolate.”

Critical Praise

“For democracy’s weary champions, White’s time-tested prose is a shot of adrenaline.” — Madeleine Albright

“The essayist and children’s book author White (best known for “Charlotte’s Web”) also thought eloquently about democracy and its demands, as this anthology shows.” — New York Times Book Review

“These pieces hold up well…The best thing about White’s essays on democracy, though, is the author’s simple honesty.” — Wall Street Journal

“[White’s essays] endure as exemplars of the form. White was a master of conversational prose, excelling at sentences that seem perfectly balanced. To read his work is to feel balanced too.” — Christian Science Monitor

“Admirers of White, as well as students of democracy, will find a wide range of riches within these pages.” — Columbus Dispatch

“This America: The Case for the Nation by historian and New Yorker writer Jill Lepore is a repudiation of the nationalism — white and otherwise — that has raised its ugly head in recent years. On Democracy, by the great E.B. White, can be read almost as a companion volume even though it came out in 1947.” — Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

“Some of the finest examples of contemporary, genuinely American prose. White’s style incorporates eloquence without affection, profundity without pomposity, and wit without frivolity or hostility. Like his predecessors Thoreau and Twain, White’s creative, humane, and graceful perceptions are an education for the sensibilities.” — Washington Post on Essays of E.B. White

“[E. B. White] had a knack for describing in the plainest detail what it meant to be alive... We all know White for the light his approach threw upon the animal kingdom. As these letters prove, he extended that grace to humans, too.” — Atlanta Journal-Constitution on Letters of E.B. White

“[E. B. White] had a knack for describing in the plainest detail what it meant to be alive... We all know White for the light his approach threw upon the animal kingdom. As these letters prove, he extended that grace to humans, too.” — Philadelphia Inquirer on Letters of E.B. White

“Anything written by E.B. White must be cherished by writers and readers.” — New York Times on Writings from The New Yorker 1925-1976

“[E. B. White’s] essays, his letters, his quips and his squibs are simply beautiful... The essays show him to have an eloquent and lifelong devotion for freedoms, the letters an eloquent and lifelong devotion to friends.” — Louisville Courier Journal on Letters of E.B. White

“My heart is at his feet. Time spent in his company—for that is what reading his letters is—will improve anyone’s view of the universe.” — Washington Star on Letters of E.B. White

Product Details

• ISBN: 9780062905451
• ISBN 10: 0062905457
• Imprint: Harper Perennial
• Trimsize: 5.310 in (w) x 8.000 in (h) x 0.540 in (d)
• List Price: $17.99
• BISAC1 : HISTORY / Europe / Russia & the Former Soviet Union
• BISAC2 : HISTORY / United States / 20th Century
• BISAC3 : HISTORY / Americas (North, Central, South, West Indies)
• BISAC4 : LITERARY COLLECTIONS / Essays
• BISAC5 : LITERARY COLLECTIONS / Letters
• BISAC6 : LITERARY COLLECTIONS / Women Authors
• BISAC7 : PHILOSOPHY / Religious
• BISAC8 : POETRY / Women Authors
• BISAC9 : POLITICAL SCIENCE / Political Ideologies / Democracy
• BISAC10 : POLITICAL SCIENCE / World / General
• BISAC11 : POLITICAL SCIENCE / Women in Politics
• BISAC12 : HISTORY / Women

Photo by Donald E. Johnson

E. B. White

E. B. White, the author of such beloved classics as Charlotte's Web , Stuart Little , and The Trumpet of the Swan , was born in Mount Vernon, New York. He graduated from Cornell University in 1921 and, five or six years later, joined the staff of The New Yorker magazine, then in its infancy. He died on October 1, 1985, and was survived by his son and three grandchildren.

Mr. White's essays have appeared in Harper's magazine, and some of his other books are: One Man's Meat , The Second Tree from the Corner , Letters of E. B. White , Essays of E. B. White , and Poems and Sketches of E. B. White . He won countless awards, including the 1971 National Medal for Literature and the Laura Ingalls Wilder Award, which commended him for making a ""substantial and lasting contribution to literature for children.""

During his lifetime, many young readers asked Mr. White if his stories were true. In a letter written to be sent to his fans, he answered, ""No, they are imaginary tales . . . But real life is only one kind of life—there is also the life of the imagination.""

Jon Meacham

JON MEACHAM received the Pulitzer Prize for his 2008 biography of Andrew Jackson, American Lion . He is also the author of the New York Times bestsellers Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Destiny and Power: The American Odyssey of George H.W. Bush, American Gospel, and Franklin and Winston . Meacham, who teaches at Vanderbilt University, is a fellow of the Society of American Historians. He lives in Nashville with his wife and children.

Democracy Paradox

Because Democracy is More than Elections

E.B. White – On Democracy

My kids know E.B. White as the author of Charlotte’s Web . Both of my kids were expected to read this classic on their own. Some books are written for children to read rather than their parents to read to them. I held off reading The Cat in the Hat and Green Eggs and Ham until my kids were able to read them to me. I have long believed it is wrong to take away the achievement from a child of reading a great book on their own.

So, my kids were surprised to find I was reading an E.B. White book about Democracy. They are both used to finding books around the house with titles they do not comprehend. Sometimes they ask me why I don’t read fiction anymore and I do not always have a good answer. But E.B. White is an author they finally recognize. And yet, there is a puzzlement when I tell them it is another book about democracy. I am sure my readers will find the same sense of curiosity, because I was puzzled when I discovered this new volume in an essay from William Dobson in the Journal of Democracy . He was inspired to quote E.B. White twice in the same article. Indeed, I have found White just as quotable.

There are three ways to read this slender volume. The reader can simply read it as it is. There is plenty of wisdom to learn from Mr. White. He offers a brilliant description of democracy as “an idea which hasn’t been disproved yet, a song the words of which have not gone bad.” Francis Fukuyama has spilled pages to get this simple idea across to his readers which E.B. White was able to encapsulate in a single sentence. His writings transform the current events of his day into thoughts which transcend political eras especially as “eras are growing shorter and shorter in America—some of them seem to last only a few days.”

But On Democracy can also be read as a window into the political thought of his time. It is no accident Jon Meacham wrote the introduction. Readers of presidential biographies will recognize Meacham from his works on Thomas Jefferson , George H.W. Bush, and Andrew Jackson . I am drawn to comparative politics and works from around the globe, but there are moments when I retreat into American political thought and history. E.B. White shares his thoughts on the American role in World War II and Roosevelt’s New Deal, but also the political repercussions over the thirty years that followed.

Let me jump ahead to the Eisenhower Presidency which has undergone a substantial revisionism in recent years. It is similar to the revisionism of George H.W. Bush as found in Meacham’s biography. The current era of polarization has brought about a nostalgia for the Presidents who worked to bridge the divide between the political right and left to capture the political center. There is a sense of loss in American politics for a time when elections felt less consequential. It is unimaginable to read this passage about both candidates in an American Presidential election, “In General Eisenhower and Governor Stevenson the country has a pair of candidates who have seldom been matched for distinction, for ability, and for probity, and that no matter which gets the job, we can thank our lucky stars as well as our secret booths.” And yet, these words could have been written not so long ago about Barak Obama and John McCain or even Barak Obama and Mitt Romney. It feels so long ago.

The genius of the Eisenhower Presidency was its ability to tame the more radical voices within his party. There is a false assumption among casual historians to equate the temperament of a political party with its political leadership. But its failure was in its inability to transform the party into a voice of political moderation. There was a desire among Republicans to roll back the New Deal, reduce the size of government, and cut taxes. The fact Eisenhower did not pursue a radical agenda was not a reflection of the Republican Party, but his leadership which transcended partisanship. While Eisenhower did not expand upon the New Deal, he allowed its programs to consolidate into broad acceptance. Uninformed intellectuals look upon Eisenhower simply as a general who became famous at the right political moment. But E.B. White allows us to recognize Eisenhower was respected for his ability to stand for the right principles during an era of McCarthyism. It is often forgotten how Eisenhower was well known as the President of Columbia University. It allowed him to speak freely in a manner which he was unable as a General. White explains how Eisenhower stood for academic freedom during the Red Scare. Eisenhower “has stated firmly that Columbia, while admiring one idea, will examine all ideas. He seems to us to have the best grasp of where the strength of America lies.”

I write so much about Eisenhower because political scientists use him as an example to demonstrate how the Republican Party has changed. Levitsky and Ziblatt argue political polarization emerged over time as the Southern Strategy reshaped the Republican Party and changed the political dynamics of American politics. But this account is a bit naïve. It describes a political golden age where Congress was able to address the issues of the day through bipartisanship. But it neglects to recognize how Roosevelt struggled to pass meaningful legislation after his failed effort to pack the courts. Robert A. Caro describes how the Senate was ridiculed for its inability to get business done due to its traditions which favored seniority and the filibuster. The failure to pass anti-lynching legislation is just one example where widespread popular support was unable to materialize into law.

The American South has been blamed for the inability of the United States to resolve its democratic deficiencies during this era. I am not going to refute this narrative. But E.B. White helps explain how the Republican Party was an inevitable ally of the South. Eisenhower reflects the liberalism of the Republicans during the fifties. It is often forgotten how his administration passed the first meaningful Civil Rights legislation since Reconstruction and was in support of the consequential Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision. But it was a “soft” liberalism. For example, he never pressed for the widespread implementation of the Brown decision. The liberalism of Eisenhower was a Conservative Liberalism.

But the Republican Party was never the party of Eisenhower. E.B. White shares another side of Republicans in his depiction of Barry Goldwater’s politics as “the classic pattern of authoritarianism and the police state: discrediting the court, intimidating the press… depicting the federal government as the enemy of the people, depicting social welfare as the contaminant in our lives, promising to use presidential power to end violence, arguing that the end justifies the means (catch the thief, never mind how), promising victory now in an age of delicate nuclear balance, slyly suggesting that those of opposite opinion are perhaps of questionable loyalty, and always insisting that freedom has gone down the drain.”

This was not the Barry Goldwater my father taught me. But it makes so much more sense because I was never able to reconcile Goldwater’s opposition to civil rights legislation. Indeed, Goldwater once relieved Strom Thurmond during a long filibuster of civil rights legislation so he was able to get a bite to eat. Goldwater is lionized by Libertarians as a friend of small government who defended personal liberties and state’s rights. But it was always the rights and privileges of his own class that caught his attention. He defended the rights of Southerners as though they were a persecuted minority while demonstrating a formal indifference to persecuted minorities like African Americans. E.B. White goes further to explain how “Senator Goldwater has occasionally used the phrase “obviously guilty,” referring to criminals. This is a very unsettling thing. Nobody is “obviously” guilty in this country—a man is innocent until the court decides otherwise. Goldwater appears to believe that it’s more important to catch a criminal than to preserve the principle of search and seizure, which is a bedrock of our jurisprudence, safeguarding our homes.” This casual indifference to injustice is reminiscent of the Republican Party of today especially in light of what Ibram Kendi describes as racist policies because they produce inequities between the races in their application.

This brings me to the third way I suggest to read On Democracy . It is perhaps best read when the historical moment is reinterpreted in light of our own times. This approach may take the words of White out of context but gives them new meaning. It allows history to serve as a lesson for the particular experiences we face today. E.B. White did not foresee a global pandemic in the twenty-first century, but he was prescient to note, “We have, lately, at least one large new group of people to whom the planet does come first. I mean scientists.” And he understood the Russian threat to democracy, “Russia’s greatest fear, apparently, is that Western democracies will act in a united and constructive way. Russia is constantly on the alert to divide us and drive the wedge that we read about every day in the papers.”

Sometimes I read the words of E.B. White and sensed he was speaking to me. But not as a human who transcends historical eras. No, he spoke to me as I am today. He understood the challenges we face right now. White understands us not simply for who we are but for who we have become. He understands how “all half-truths excite me.” He understood “democracy is itself a religious faith.” But most of all he understood what has become regarded as the populist moment. He recognized how democracy “can be destroyed by a single zealous man who holds aloft a freedom sign while quietly undermining all of freedom’s cherished institutions.”

The difference in E.B. White is there are no empty demands for freedom and liberty. Any moment when he approaches idealism, he turns back into a refreshing sense of realism. Liberty could not be imposed. For him, democratic governance is what gives freedom substance because those who “assume no personal responsibility for anything… will gain no personal rights.” Liberal democracy depends on the responsibility of its citizens and its leaders. It is vulnerable because the people can turn away at any time, but without political freedom, civil rights have no substance and become empty platitudes that are neither respected nor accepted. “Peace is expensive, and so are human rights and civil liberties; they have a price, and we the peoples have not yet offered to pay it.”

There are moments when feel a sense of nostalgia for what has been lost. Donald Trump is not the only one who wants to make America great again. There is a sense of loss among every American. There is a sense of loss throughout the world. Pessimism has dominated the political vocabulary for far too long. E.B. White reminds us to “be concerned with principles, not with results.” And it helps to recall the imperfections of bygone days and take stock of the progress which has been made. “We are perfectionist to the extent that we regard this world as an imperfect one.” It is not the past we want to bring back. It is elements of the past we can refashion into a more perfect future. “I wish the woods were more the way they used to be. I wish they were the way they could be.”

jmk, carmel, indiana, [email protected]

Follow me on Twitter @DemParadox

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9780062905451

E. B. White

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07 May 2019

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A New York Times Book Review New & Noteworthy Title

A collection of essays, letters and poems from E.B. White, "one of the country's great literary treasures" (New York Times), centered on the subject of freedom and democracy in America.

"I am a member of a party of one, and I live in an age of fear."

These words were written by E. B. White in 1947.

Decades before our current political turmoil, White crafted eloquent yet practical political statements that continue to resonate. "There's only one kind of press that's any good—" he proclaimed, "a press free from any taint of the government." He condemned the trend of defamation, arguing that "in doubtful, doubting days, national morality tends to slip and slide toward a condition in which the test of a man's honor is his zeal for discovering dishonor in others." And on the spread of fascism he lamented, "fascism enjoys at the moment an almost perfect climate for growth—a world of fear and hunger."

Anchored by an introduction by Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Jon Meacham, this concise collection of essays, letters, and poems from one of this country's most eminent literary voices offers much-needed historical context for our current state of the nation—and hope for the future of our society. Speaking to Americans at a time of uncertainty, when democracy itself has come under threat, he reminds us, "As long as there is one upright man, as long as there is one compassionate woman . . . the scene is not desolate."

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Best Defense: E.B. White’s definition of democracy

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E.B. White’s definition of democracy

I’ve read a lot of e.b. white, but i’d never before come across his interesting definition of democracy, written in june 1943: democracy is the recurrent suspicion that more than half of the people are right more than half of the time..

I've read a lot of E.B. White, but I'd never before come across his interesting definition of democracy, written in June 1943:

I’ve read a lot of E.B. White, but I’d never before come across his interesting definition of democracy, written in June 1943:

Democracy is the recurrent suspicion that more than half of the people are right more than half of the time.

Thomas E. Ricks is a former contributing editor to Foreign Policy. X:  @tomricks1

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E. b. white , the art of the essay no. 1, issue 48, fall 1969.

If it happens that your parents concern themselves so little with the workings of boys’ minds as to christen you Elwyn Brooks White, no doubt you decide as early as possible to identify yourself as E.B. White. If it also happens that you attend Cornell, whose first president was Andrew D. White, then, following a variant of the principle that everybody named Rhodes winds up being nicknamed “Dusty,” you wind up being nicknamed “Andy.” And so it has come about that for fifty of his seventy years Elwyn Brooks White has been known to his readers as E.B. White and to his friends as Andy. Andy White. Andy and Katharine White. The Whites. Andy and Katharine have been married for forty years, and in that time they have been separated so rarely that I find it impossible to think of one without the other. On the occasions when they have been obliged to be apart, Andy’s conversation is so likely to center on Katharine that she becomes all the more present for being absent.

The Whites have shared everything, from professional association on the same magazine to preoccupation with a joint ill health that many of their friends have been inclined to regard as imaginary. Years ago, in a Christmas doggerel, Edmund Wilson saluted them for possessing “ mens sana in corpore insano, ” and it was always wonderful to behold the intuitive seesaw adjustments by which one of them got well in time for the other to get sick. What a mountain of good work they have accumulated in that fashion! Certainly they have been the strongest and most productive unhealthy couple that I have ever encountered, but I no longer dare to make fun of their ailments. Now that age is bestowing on them a natural infirmity, they must be sorely tempted to say to the rest of us, “You see? What did we tell you?” (“Sorely,” by the way, has been a favorite adverb of Andy’s- a word that brims with bodily woe and that yet hints at the heroic: back of Andy, some dying knight out of Malory lifts his gleaming sword against the dusk.)

Andy White is small and wiry, with an unexpectedly large nose, speckled eyes, and an air of being just about to turn away, not on an errand of any importance but as a means of remaining free to cut and run without the nuisance of prolonged good-byes. Crossing the threshold of his eighth decade, his person is uncannily boyish-seeming. Though his hair is grey, I learn at this moment that I do not consent to the fact: away from him, I remember it as brown, therefore it is brown to me. Andy can no more lose his youthfulness by the tiresome accident of growing old than he could ever have been Elwyn by the tiresome un-necessary accident of baptism; his youth and his “Andy”-ness are intrinsic and inexpungeable. Katharine White is a woman so good-looking that nobody has taken it amiss when her husband has described in print as beautiful, but her beauty has a touch of blue-eyed augustness in it, and her manner is formal. It would never occur to me to go beyond calling her Katharine, and I have not found it surprising when her son, Roger Angell, an editor of  The New Yorker , refers to her within the office precincts as “Mrs. White.” (Roger Angell is the son of her marriage to a distinguished New York attorney, Ernest Angell; she and Andy have a son, Joe, who is a naval architect and whose boatyard is a thriving enterprise in the Whites’ hometown of Brooklin, Maine.)

At the risk of reducing a man’s life to a sort of Merck’s Manual, I may mention that Andy White’s personal physician, Dana Atchley- giving characteristically short shrift to a psychosomatic view of his old friend- has described him as having a Rolls Royce mind in a Model T body. With Andy, this would pass for a compliment, because in the tyranny of his modesty he would always choose to be a Ford instead of a Rolls, but it would be closer to the truth to describe him as a Rolls Royce mind in a Rolls Royce body that unaccountably keeps bumping to a stop and humming to itself, not without infinite pleasure to others along the way. What he achieves must cost him a considerable effort and appears to cost him very little. His speaking voice, like his writing voice, is clear, resonant, and invincibly debonair. He wanders over the pastures of his Maine farm or, for that matter, along the labyrinthine corridors of  The New Yorker  offices on West Forty-Third Street with the off-hand grace of a dancer making up a sequence of steps that the eye follows with delight and that defies any but his own notation. Clues to the bold and delicate nature of those steps are to be discovered in every line he writes, but the man and his work are so nearly one that, try as we will, we cannot tell the dancer from the dance.

  -Brendan Gill

INTERVIEWER

So many critics equate the success of a writer with an unhappy childhood. Can you say something of your own childhood in Mount Vernon?

As a child, I was frightened but not unhappy. My parents were loving and kind. We were a large family (six children) and were a small kingdom unto ourselves. Nobody ever came to dinner. My father was formal, conservative, successful, hardworking, and worried. My mother was loving, hardworking, and retiring. We lived in a large house in a leafy suburb, where there were backyards and stables and grape arbors. I lacked for nothing except confidence. I suffered nothing except the routine terrors of childhood: fear of the dark, fear of the future, fear of the return to school after a summer on a lake in Maine, fear of making an appearance on a platform, fear of the lavatory in the school basement where the slate urinals cascaded, fear that I was unknowing about things I should know about. I was, as a child, allergic to pollens and dusts, and still am. I was allergic to platforms, and still am. It may be, as some critics suggest, that it helps to have an unhappy childhood. If so, I have no knowledge of it. Perhaps it helps to have been scared or allergic to pollens—I don’t know.

At what age did you know you were going to follow a literary profession? Was there a particular incident, or moment?

I never knew for sure that I would follow a literary profession. I was twenty-seven or twenty-eight before anything happened that gave me any assurance that I could make a go of writing. I had  done  a great deal of writing, but I lacked confidence in my ability to put it to good use. I went abroad one summer and on my return to New York found an accumulation of mail at my apartment. I took the letters, unopened, and went to a Childs restaurant on Fourteenth Street, where I ordered dinner and began opening my mail. From one envelope, two or three checks dropped out, from  The New Yorker . I suppose they totaled a little under a hundred dollars, but it looked like a fortune to me. I can still remember the feeling that “this was it”—I was a pro at last. It was a good feeling and I enjoyed the meal.

What were those first pieces accepted by  The New Yorker ? Did you send them in with a covering letter, or through an agent?

They were short sketches—what Ross called “casuals.” One, I think, was a piece called “The Swell Steerage,” about the then new college cabin class on transatlantic ships. I never submitted a manuscript with a covering letter or through an agent. I used to put my manuscript in the mail, along with a stamped envelope for the rejection. This was a matter of high principle with me: I believed in the doctrine of immaculate rejection. I never used an agent and did not like the looks of a manuscript after an agent got through prettying it up and putting it between covers with brass clips. (I now have an agent for such mysteries as movie rights and foreign translations.)

A large part of all early contributions to  The New Yorker  arrived uninvited and unexpected. They arrived in the mail or under the arm of people who walked in with them. O’Hara’s “Afternoon Delphians” is one example out of hundreds. For a number of years,  The New Yorker  published an average of fifty new writers a year. Magazines that refuse unsolicited manuscripts strike me as lazy, incurious, self-assured, and self-important. I’m speaking of magazines of general circulation. There may be some justification for a technical journal to limit its list of contributors to persons who are known to be qualified. But if I were a publisher, I wouldn’t want to put out a magazine that failed to examine everything that turned up.

But did  The New Yorker  ever try to publish the emerging writers of the time: Hemingway, Faulkner, Dos Passos, Fitzgerald, Miller, Lawrence, Joyce, Wolfe, et al?

The New Yorker  had an interest in publishing any writer that could turn in a good piece. It read everything submitted. Hemingway, Faulkner, and the others were well established and well paid when  The New Yorker  came on the scene. The magazine would have been glad to publish them, but it didn’t have the money to pay them off, and for the most part they didn’t submit. They were selling to  The Saturday Evening Post  and other well-heeled publications, and in general were not inclined to contribute to the small, new, impecunious weekly. Also, some of them, I would guess, did not feel sympathetic to  The New Yorker ’s frivolity. Ross had no great urge to publish the big names; he was far more interested in turning up new and yet undiscovered talent, the Helen Hokinsons and the James Thurbers. We did publish some things by Wolfe—“Only the Dead Know Brooklyn” was one. I believe we published something by Fitzgerald. But Ross didn’t waste much time trying to corral “emerged” writers. He was looking for the ones that were found by turning over a stone.

What were the procedures in turning down a manuscript by a  New Yorker  regular? Was this done by Ross?

The manuscript of a  New Yorker  regular was turned down in the same manner as was the manuscript of a  New Yorker  irregular. It was simply rejected, usually by the subeditor who was handling the author in question. Ross did not deal directly with writers and artists, except in the case of a few old friends from an earlier day. He wouldn’t even take on Woollcott—regarded him as too difficult and fussy. Ross disliked rejecting pieces, and he disliked firing people—he ducked both tasks whenever he could.

Did feuds threaten the magazine?

Feuds did not threaten  The New Yorker . The only feud I recall was the running battle between the editorial department and the advertising department. This was largely a one-sided affair, with the editorial department lobbing an occasional grenade into the enemy’s lines just on general principles, to help them remember to stay out of sight. Ross was determined not to allow his magazine to be swayed, in the slightest degree, by the boys in advertising. As far as I know, he succeeded.

When did you first move to New York, and what were some of the things you did before joining  The New Yorker ? Were you ever a part of the Algonquin group?

After I got out of college, in 1921, I went to work in New York but did not live in New York. I lived at home, with my father and mother in Mount Vernon, and commuted to work. I held three jobs in about seven months—first with the United Press, then with a public relations man named Wheat, then with the American Legion News Service. I disliked them all, and in the spring of 1922 I headed west in a Model T Ford with a college mate, Howard Cushman, to seek my fortune and as a way of getting away from what I disliked. I landed in Seattle six months later, worked there as a reporter on the  Times  for a year, was fired, shipped to Alaska aboard a freighter, and then returned to New York. It was on my return that I became an advertising man—Frank Seaman & Co., J. H. Newmark. In the mid-twenties, I moved into a two-room apartment at 112 West Thirteenth Street with three other fellows, college mates of mine at Cornell: Burke Dowling Adams, Gustave Stubbs Lobrano, and Mitchell T. Galbreath. The rent was $110 a month. Split four ways it came to $27.50, which I could afford. My friends in those days were the fellows already mentioned. Also, Peter Vischer, Russell Lord, Joel Sayre, Frank Sullivan (he was older and more advanced but I met him and liked him), James Thurber, and others. I was never a part of the Algonquin group. After becoming connected with  The New Yorker,  I lunched once at the Round Table but didn’t care for it and was embarrassed in the presence of the great. I never was well acquainted with Benchley or Broun or Dorothy Parker or Woollcott. I did not know Don Marquis or Ring Lardner, both of whom I greatly admired. I was a younger man.

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“I like roses because I know what they are.”

The Art of Editing No. 4

By the time I arrived in New York in the late seventies, Lapham was established in the city’s editorial elite, up there with William Shawn at The New Yorker and Barbara Epstein and Bob Silvers at The New York Review of Books . He was a glamorous fixture at literary parties and a regular at Elaine’s. In 1988, he raised plutocratic hackles by publishing Money and Class in America , a mordant indictment of our obsession with wealth. For a brief but glorious couple of years, he hosted a literary chat show on public TV called Bookmark , trading repartee with guests such as Joyce Carol Oates, Gore Vidal, Alison Lurie, and Edward Said. All the while, a new issue of Harper’s would hit the newsstands every month, with a lead essay by Lapham that couched his erudite observations on American society and politics in Augustan prose.

Today Lapham is the rare surviving eminence from that literary world. But he has managed to keep a handsome bit of it alive—so I observed when I went to interview him last summer in the offices of Lapham’s , a book-filled, crepuscular warren on a high floor of an old building just off Union Square. There he presides over a compact but bustling editorial operation, with an improbably youthful crew of subeditors. One LQ intern, who had also done stints at other magazines, told me that Lapham was singular among top editors for the personal attention he showed to each member of his staff.

Our conversation took place over several sessions, each around ninety minutes. Despite the heat, he was always impeccably attired: well-tailored blue blazer, silk tie, cuff links, and elegant loafers with no socks. He speaks in a relaxed baritone, punctuated by an occasional cough of almost orchestral resonance—a product, perhaps, of the Parliaments he is always dashing outside to smoke. The frequency with which he chuckles attests to a vision of life that is essentially comic, in which the most pervasive evils are folly and pretension.

I was familiar with such aspects of the Lapham persona. But what surprised me was his candid revelation of the struggle and self-doubt that lay behind what I had imagined to be his effortlessness. Those essays, so coolly modulated and intellectually assured, are the outcome of a creative process filled with arduous redrafting, rejiggering, revision, and last-minute amendment in the teeth of the printing press. And it is a creative process that always begins—as it did with his model, Montaigne—not with a dogmatic axiom to be unpacked but in a state of skeptical self-questioning: What do I really know? If there a unifying core to Lapham’s dual career as an editor and an essayist, that may be it.

— Jim Holt

From the Archive, Issue 229

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Eighty-Five from the Archive: E. B. White

_This year is The New Yorker’s eighty-fifth anniversary. To celebrate, over eighty-five weekdays we will turn a spotlight on a notable article, story, or poem from the magazine’s history. The issue containing that day’s selected piece will be made freely available in our digital archive and will remain open until the next day’s selection is posted.

Today’s selection is E. B. White’s “ Comment ” from August 18, 1945.

In a 1969 Times interview , the American essayist and stylist E. B. White was asked what he cherished most in life: “I cherish the remembrance of the beauty I have seen. I cherish the grave, compulsive word.” Grave is not typically a term associated with White, who for fifty years was the whimsical, intellectual soul of The New Yorker . From 1925 to 1976 he crafted more than eighteen hundred pieces for the magazine and established, in the words of editor William Shawn, “a new literary form.” That form was the magazine’s Comment essay—a personal essay that was, in White’s hands, light in style yet often weighty in substance. As White noted in a 1969 Paris Review interview, > I do feel a responsibility to society because of going into print: a writer has the duty to be good, not lousy; true, not false; lively, not dull; accurate, not full of error. He should tend to lift people up, not lower them down. Writers do not merely reflect and interpret life, they inform and shape life.

White was born in Mount Vernon, New York, in 1899, the youngest of six children. After attending Cornell University, where he acquired the nickname Andy, he worked as a reporter for the United Press and then the Seattle Times , before returning to New York to work at an advertising agency. During this period, he sold a number of poems to Franklin P. Adams’s “The Conning Tower” column. In 1925, he submitted several pieces to The New Yorker , and the following year he took a job at the magazine editing newsbreaks. Ross soon approached White about writing Comment, and it was there that he quickly established the editorial voice of the magazine. As White’s good friend James Thurber observed , in 1938,> Harold Ross and Katharine Angell, his literary editor, were not slow to perceive that here were the perfect eye and ear, the authentic voice and accent for their struggling magazine…. His contributions to the Talk of the Town, particularly his Notes and Comment on the first page, struck the shining note that Ross had dreamed of striking.

In addition to Comment, White also contributed light verse, casuals, longer essays, and captions for cartoons (most famously, “ I say it’s spinach, and I say the hell with it! ”). His intimate essays, which his stepson, the New Yorker fiction editor Roger Angell, once said “took down the fences of manner … and pomposity in writing,” were remarkable examples of White’s ability to relate the quotidian to the topical. In a 1985 Postscript in this magazine, John Updike observed ,> The least pugnacious of editorialists, [White] was remarkably keen and quick in the defense of personal liberty and purity of expression, whether the threat was as overt as McCarthyism or totalitarianism or as seemingly innocuous as … Alexander Woollcott’s endorsement of a brand of whiskey. American freedom was not just a notion to him; it was an instinct, a current in the blood, expressed by his very style and his untrammelled thought, his cunning informality, his courteous skepticism, his boundless and gallant capacity for wonder.

White married Katharine Angell in 1929, the same year that he and Thurber published their satire on Freudianism, “Is Sex Necessary?” In 1938, White and Angell left New York and settled in Maine, where White wrote a monthly column, “One Man’s Meat,” for Harper ’ s magazine. White began writing Comment again for The New Yorker in the spring of 1943, and he also took up writing what would later become a children’s classic, “Stuart Little” (1945), which was soon followed by another classic, “Charlotte’s Web,” published in 1952. Of his children’s writing, White once said , “Anyone who writes down to children is simply wasting his time. You have to write up, not down.” White continued writing for the magazine until the late seventies, and he was awarded an honorary Pulitzer Prize in 1978. He died in Maine, on October 1, 1985, at the age of eighty-six.

Today we highlight a Comment that ran in the issue of August 18, 1945. The essay examines White’s visceral skepticism about the beginnings of the atomic age. In this excerpt , White questions just how far man is willing to go in his pursuit of victory:> We thought back over the whole long war, trying to remember the terrible distances and the terrible decisions, the setbacks, the filth and the horror, the bugs, the open wounds, the fellows on the flight decks and on the beaches and in the huts and holes, the resolution and the extra bravery—and all for what? Why, for liberty. “Liberty, the first of blessings, the aspiration of every human soul … every abridgment of it demands an excuse, and the only good excuse is the necessity of preserving it. Whatever tends to preseve this is right, all else is wrong.” And we tried to imagine what it will mean to a soldier, having gone out to fight a war to preserve the world as he knew it, now to return to a world he never dreamt about, a world of atomic designs and portents. Some say this is the beginning of a great time of peace and plenty, because atomic energy is so fearsome no nation will dare unleash it. The argument is fragile. One nation (our own) has already dared take the atom off its leash, has dared crowd its luck, and not for the purpose of conquering the world, merely to preserve liberty.

In England the other day a philosopher and a crystallographer held a debate. The question was whether a halt should be called on science. The discussion was academic, since there is no possibility of doing any such thing. Nevertheless, it was a nice debate. Professor Bernal, the crystallographer, argued that children should be allowed to play with dangerous toys in order that they may learn to use them properly. Joad, the philosopher, said no—science changes our environment faster than we have the ability to adjust ourselves to it. The words were hardly out of his mouth when a blind girl in Albuquerque, noticing a strange brightness in the room, looked up and said, “What was that?” A bomb had exploded a hundred and twenty miles away in the New Mexican desert. And people all over the world were soon to be adjusting themselves to their new environment. For the first time in our lives, we can feel the disturbing vibrations of complete human readjustment. Usually the vibrations are so faint as to go unnoticed. This time, they are so strong that even the ending of a war is overshadowed. Today it is not so much the fact of the end of a war which engages us. It is the limitless power of the victor. The quest for a substitute for God ended suddenly. The substitute turned up. And who do you suppose it was? It was man himself, stealing God’s stuff.

Any favorite New Yorker articles come to mind? Send us an e-mail .

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On Democracy

by E. B. White , Jon Meacham

Description

A New York Times Book Review New & Noteworthy Title A collection of essays, letters and poems from E.B. White, "one of the country's great literary treasures" (New York Times), centered on the subject of freedom and democracy in America. "I am a member of a party of one, and I live in an age of fear." These words were written by E. B. White in 1947. Decades before our current political turmoil, White crafted eloquent yet practical political statements that continue to resonate. "There's only one kind of press that's any good -- " he proclaimed, "a press free from any taint of the government." He condemned the trend of defamation, arguing that "in doubtful, doubting days, national morality tends to slip and slide toward a condition in which the test of a man's honor is his zeal for discovering dishonor in others." And on the spread of fascism he lamented, "fascism enjoys at the moment an almost perfect climate for growth -- a world of fear and hunger." Anchored by an introduction by Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Jon Meacham, this concise collection of essays, letters, and poems from one of this country's most eminent literary voices offers much-needed historical context for our current state of the nation -- and hope for the future of our society. Speaking to Americans at a time of uncertainty, when democracy itself has come under threat, he reminds us, "As long as there is one upright man, as long as there is one compassionate woman... the scene is not desolate."

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On Democracy Paperback – Large Print, May 7, 2019

A New York Times Book Review New & Noteworthy Title

A collection of essays, letters and poems from E.B. White, “one of the country’s great literary treasures” ( New York Times) , centered on the subject of freedom and democracy in America.

“I am a member of a party of one, and I live in an age of fear.”

These words were written by E. B. White in 1947.

Decades before our current political turmoil, White crafted eloquent yet practical political statements that continue to resonate. “There’s only one kind of press that’s any good—” he proclaimed, “a press free from any taint of the government.” He condemned the trend of defamation, arguing that “in doubtful, doubting days, national morality tends to slip and slide toward a condition in which the test of a man’s honor is his zeal for discovering dishonor in others.” And on the spread of fascism he lamented, “fascism enjoys at the moment an almost perfect climate for growth—a world of fear and hunger.”

Anchored by an introduction by Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Jon Meacham, this concise collection of essays, letters, and poems from one of this country’s most eminent literary voices offers much-needed historical context for our current state of the nation—and hope for the future of our society. Speaking to Americans at a time of uncertainty, when democracy itself has come under threat, he reminds us, “As long as there is one upright man, as long as there is one compassionate woman . . . the scene is not desolate.”

• Print length 272 pages
• Language English
• Publisher Harper Large Print
• Publication date May 7, 2019
• Dimensions 6 x 0.61 x 9 inches
• ISBN-10 0062912062
• ISBN-13 978-0062912060
• See all details

Editorial Reviews

“For democracy’s weary champions, White’s time-tested prose is a shot of adrenaline.” — Madeleine Albright

“The essayist and children’s book author White (best known for “Charlotte’s Web”) also thought eloquently about democracy and its demands, as this anthology shows.” — New York Times Book Review

“These pieces hold up well…The best thing about White’s essays on democracy, though, is the author’s simple honesty.” — Wall Street Journal

“[White’s essays] endure as exemplars of the form. White was a master of conversational prose, excelling at sentences that seem perfectly balanced. To read his work is to feel balanced too.” — Christian Science Monitor

“Admirers of White, as well as students of democracy, will find a wide range of riches within these pages.” — Columbus Dispatch

“This America: The Case for the Nation by historian and New Yorker writer Jill Lepore is a repudiation of the nationalism — white and otherwise — that has raised its ugly head in recent years. On Democracy, by the great E.B. White, can be read almost as a companion volume even though it came out in 1947.” — Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

“Some of the finest examples of contemporary, genuinely American prose. White’s style incorporates eloquence without affection, profundity without pomposity, and wit without frivolity or hostility. Like his predecessors Thoreau and Twain, White’s creative, humane, and graceful perceptions are an education for the sensibilities.” — Washington Post on Essays of E.B. White

“[E. B. White] had a knack for describing in the plainest detail what it meant to be alive... We all know White for the light his approach threw upon the animal kingdom. As these letters prove, he extended that grace to humans, too.” — Atlanta Journal-Constitution on Letters of E.B. White

“[E. B. White] had a knack for describing in the plainest detail what it meant to be alive... We all know White for the light his approach threw upon the animal kingdom. As these letters prove, he extended that grace to humans, too.” — Philadelphia Inquirer on Letters of E.B. White

“Anything written by E.B. White must be cherished by writers and readers.” — New York Times on Writings from The New Yorker 1925-1976

“[E. B. White’s] essays, his letters, his quips and his squibs are simply beautiful... The essays show him to have an eloquent and lifelong devotion for freedoms, the letters an eloquent and lifelong devotion to friends.” — Louisville Courier Journal on Letters of E.B. White

“My heart is at his feet. Time spent in his company—for that is what reading his letters is—will improve anyone’s view of the universe.” — Washington Star on Letters of E.B. White

From the Back Cover

Decades before our current political turmoil, White crafted eloquent yet practical political statements that continue to resonate. “There’s only one kind of press that’s any good—” he proclaimed, “a press free from any taint of government control.” He condemned the trend of defamation, arguing, “In doubtful, doubting days, national morality tends to slip and slide toward a condition in which the test of a man’s honor is his zeal for discovering dishonor in another.” And defending his staunch opposition to tyranny he maintained, “If it is boyish to believe that a human being should live free, then I’ll gladly arrest my development and let the rest of the world grow up.”

About the Author

E. B. White, the author of such beloved classics as Charlotte's Web , Stuart Little , and The Trumpet of the Swan , was born in Mount Vernon, New York. He graduated from Cornell University in 1921 and, five or six years later, joined the staff of The New Yorker magazine, then in its infancy. He died on October 1, 1985, and was survived by his son and three grandchildren.

Mr. White's essays have appeared in Harper's magazine, and some of his other books are: One Man's Meat , The Second Tree from the Corner , Letters of E. B. White , Essays of E. B. White , and Poems and Sketches of E. B. White . He won countless awards, including the 1971 National Medal for Literature and the Laura Ingalls Wilder Award, which commended him for making a "substantial and lasting contribution to literature for children."

During his lifetime, many young readers asked Mr. White if his stories were true. In a letter written to be sent to his fans, he answered, "No, they are imaginary tales . . . But real life is only one kind of life—there is also the life of the imagination."

JON MEACHAM received the Pulitzer Prize for his 2008 biography of Andrew Jackson, American Lion . He is also the author of the New York Times bestsellers Thomas Jefferson: The Art of Power, Destiny and Power: The American Odyssey of George H.W. Bush, American Gospel, and Franklin and Winston . Meacham, who teaches at Vanderbilt University, is a fellow of the Society of American Historians. He lives in Nashville with his wife and children.

Product details

• Publisher ‏ : ‎ Harper Large Print; Large type / Large print edition (May 7, 2019)
• Language ‏ : ‎ English
• Paperback ‏ : ‎ 272 pages
• ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0062912062
• ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0062912060
• Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 9 ounces
• Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 6 x 0.61 x 9 inches
• #4,271 in Literary Letters
• #7,199 in Democracy (Books)
• #17,844 in Essays (Books)

About the author

E. b. white.

E.B. White, the author of twenty books of prose and poetry, was awarded the 1970 Laura Ingalls Wilder Medal for his children's books, Stuart Little and Charlotte's Web. This award is now given every three years "to an author or illustrator whose books, published in the United States, have, over a period of years, make a substantial and lasting contribution to literature for children." The year 1970 also marked the publication of Mr. White's third book for children, The Trumpet of the Swan, honored by The International Board on Books for Young People as an outstanding example of literature with international importance. In 1973, it received the Sequoyah Award (Oklahoma) and the William Allen White Award (Kansas), voted by the school children of those states as their "favorite book" of the year.

Born in Mount Vernon, New York, Mr. White attended public schools there. He was graduated from Cornell University in 1921, worked in New York for a year, then traveled about. After five or six years of trying many sorts of jobs, he joined the staff of The New Yorker magazine, then in its infancy. The connection proved a happy one and resulted in a steady output of satirical sketches, poems, essays, and editorials. His essays have also appeared in Harper's Magazine, and his books include One Man's Meat, The Second Tree from the Corner, Letters of E.B. White, The Essays of E.B. White and Poems and Sketches of E.B. White. In 1938 Mr. White moved to the country. On his farm in Maine he kept animals, and some of these creatures got into his stories and books. Mr. White said he found writing difficult and bad for one's disposition, but he kept at it. He began Stuart Little in the hope of amusing a six-year-old niece of his, but before he finished it, she had grown up.

For his total contribution to American letters, Mr. White was awarded the 1971 National Medal for Literature. In 1963, President John F. Kennedy named Mr. White as one of thirty-one Americans to receive the Presidential Medal for Freedom. Mr. White also received the National Institute of Arts and Letters' Gold Medal for Essays and Criticism, and in 1973 the members of the Institute elected him to the American Academy of Arts and Letters, a society of fifty members. He also received honorary degrees from seven colleges and universities. Mr. White died on October 1, 1985.

Photo by White Literary LLC [CC BY-SA 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons.

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Customers say

Customers find the writing a joy to read and the themes give great insight into the core values held by White.

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Customers find the writing in the book a joy to read.

"White expresses himself with such simple yet unique language that he is a joy to read...." Read more

"...Of course, his writing is still a joy to read , but you forget that everything in the good old days wasn't so good all the time...." Read more

"...” will restore your faith in democracy, and in the art of compact and compelling writing ." Read more

" Great writing ...." Read more

Customers find the themes in the book give great insight into the core values held by White and their applicability.

"...This collection gives great insight into the core values held by White and their applicability from the Great Depression to the Cold War...." Read more

"I have long been an admirer of E.B.White's crystal clear, fresh insights and reflections ...." Read more

"This is a much needed, informative work . Don't despair, get informed and act." Read more

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An Essay on E. B. White’s The Meaning of Democracy

• Word count: 359
• Category: Democracy

A limited time offer! Get a custom sample essay written according to your requirements urgent 3h delivery guaranteed

In 1943, just as World War II was reaching its most intense and violent period, the War Board asked writer E. B. White to write something about democracy which would be used to reassure Americans that the war was a necessary activity during that time. In response, White writes a short but touching and thought-provoking definition of the word “democracy”.  Using various images, in twelve sentences, White makes the reader understand what he thinks democracy is and should mean.

            According to White, democracy belongs to the people and not relegated to a few who want to control the country. Leaders are chosen to represent the people and not for them to impose their views on the people. The government will never be perfect but democracy itself is the reason why people trust their government officials, knowing that they will represent the best interests of everyone in spite its possible flaws in judgment.

 Democracy is being allowed to express an opinion, whether privately or as an organized group, without fear or recrimination. The most ironic definition of all is White’s reference to the fact that a War Board, the few people who decides how the war is going to be fought and what other destructions to inflict on the enemy, is asking a private citizen what democracy is.  This is, however, consistent to White’s assertion that a powerful government office as the War Board was placed there because the people have entrusted them to make the right decisions regarding the War.

            The essay presents ideal scenarios of real democracy in practice and makes the reader compare White’s imageries more than 60 years ago with the present and ask questions in the process. For example, can the people still criticize the government without fear today? Is the majority vote still respected during elections? Are the new Homeland Security measures violating the people’s rights to privacy? When a President insists on a war in spite the fact that the majority of the people does not, is democracy being practiced? These are just some of the questions that White’s essay would evoke from its readers today.

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