Journal of Further and Higher Education

journal of further and higher education

Subject Area and Category

Publication type.

0309877X, 14699486

Information

How to publish in this journal

[email protected]

journal of further and higher education

The set of journals have been ranked according to their SJR and divided into four equal groups, four quartiles. Q1 (green) comprises the quarter of the journals with the highest values, Q2 (yellow) the second highest values, Q3 (orange) the third highest values and Q4 (red) the lowest values.

CategoryYearQuartile
Education2011Q4
Education2012Q3
Education2013Q2
Education2014Q2
Education2015Q2
Education2016Q2
Education2017Q2
Education2018Q2
Education2019Q2
Education2020Q2
Education2021Q1
Education2022Q1
Education2023Q1

The SJR is a size-independent prestige indicator that ranks journals by their 'average prestige per article'. It is based on the idea that 'all citations are not created equal'. SJR is a measure of scientific influence of journals that accounts for both the number of citations received by a journal and the importance or prestige of the journals where such citations come from It measures the scientific influence of the average article in a journal, it expresses how central to the global scientific discussion an average article of the journal is.

YearSJR
20110.120
20120.318
20130.592
20140.372
20150.505
20160.403
20170.553
20180.681
20190.610
20200.726
20210.785
20220.767
20230.911

Evolution of the number of published documents. All types of documents are considered, including citable and non citable documents.

YearDocuments
199929
200027
200128
200231
200332
200432
200529
200629
200732
200836
200939
201038
201130
201231
201347
201449
201545
201643
201762
201883
2019102
2020109
202193
2022100
2023100

This indicator counts the number of citations received by documents from a journal and divides them by the total number of documents published in that journal. The chart shows the evolution of the average number of times documents published in a journal in the past two, three and four years have been cited in the current year. The two years line is equivalent to journal impact factor ™ (Thomson Reuters) metric.

Cites per documentYearValue
Cites / Doc. (4 years)19990.315
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20000.381
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20010.447
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20020.434
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20030.600
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20040.669
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20050.862
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20061.000
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20071.000
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20081.115
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20091.365
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20100.978
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20111.207
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20121.098
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20131.130
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20140.788
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20150.873
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20161.198
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20171.359
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20181.407
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20191.695
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20202.152
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20212.337
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20222.811
Cites / Doc. (4 years)20233.644
Cites / Doc. (3 years)19990.315
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20000.425
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20010.482
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20020.429
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20030.628
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20040.615
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20050.895
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20061.011
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20070.956
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20080.878
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20091.330
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20101.009
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20110.858
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20120.897
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20130.990
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20140.685
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20150.843
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20161.156
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20171.409
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20181.560
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20191.670
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20202.109
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20212.381
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20222.905
Cites / Doc. (3 years)20233.762
Cites / Doc. (2 years)19990.293
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20000.362
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20010.482
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20020.345
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20030.559
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20040.635
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20050.719
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20060.902
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20070.707
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20080.852
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20091.294
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20100.773
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20110.740
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20120.809
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20130.754
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20140.679
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20150.781
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20160.979
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20171.466
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20181.495
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20191.531
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20202.092
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20212.389
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20222.871
Cites / Doc. (2 years)20233.580

Evolution of the total number of citations and journal's self-citations received by a journal's published documents during the three previous years. Journal Self-citation is defined as the number of citation from a journal citing article to articles published by the same journal.

CitesYearValue
Self Cites19994
Self Cites20004
Self Cites20012
Self Cites20027
Self Cites20039
Self Cites200419
Self Cites200513
Self Cites20069
Self Cites200717
Self Cites200819
Self Cites200918
Self Cites201017
Self Cites201117
Self Cites20123
Self Cites20138
Self Cites20147
Self Cites201515
Self Cites20166
Self Cites20178
Self Cites201819
Self Cites201946
Self Cites202062
Self Cites202170
Self Cites202252
Self Cites202346
Total Cites199928
Total Cites200037
Total Cites200141
Total Cites200236
Total Cites200354
Total Cites200456
Total Cites200585
Total Cites200694
Total Cites200786
Total Cites200879
Total Cites2009129
Total Cites2010108
Total Cites201197
Total Cites201296
Total Cites201398
Total Cites201474
Total Cites2015107
Total Cites2016163
Total Cites2017193
Total Cites2018234
Total Cites2019314
Total Cites2020521
Total Cites2021700
Total Cites2022883
Total Cites20231136

Evolution of the number of total citation per document and external citation per document (i.e. journal self-citations removed) received by a journal's published documents during the three previous years. External citations are calculated by subtracting the number of self-citations from the total number of citations received by the journal’s documents.

CitesYearValue
External Cites per document19990.270
External Cites per document20000.379
External Cites per document20010.459
External Cites per document20020.345
External Cites per document20030.523
External Cites per document20040.407
External Cites per document20050.758
External Cites per document20060.914
External Cites per document20070.767
External Cites per document20080.667
External Cites per document20091.144
External Cites per document20100.850
External Cites per document20110.708
External Cites per document20120.869
External Cites per document20130.909
External Cites per document20140.620
External Cites per document20150.724
External Cites per document20161.113
External Cites per document20171.350
External Cites per document20181.433
External Cites per document20191.426
External Cites per document20201.858
External Cites per document20212.143
External Cites per document20222.734
External Cites per document20233.609
Cites per document19990.315
Cites per document20000.425
Cites per document20010.482
Cites per document20020.429
Cites per document20030.628
Cites per document20040.615
Cites per document20050.895
Cites per document20061.011
Cites per document20070.956
Cites per document20080.878
Cites per document20091.330
Cites per document20101.009
Cites per document20110.858
Cites per document20120.897
Cites per document20130.990
Cites per document20140.685
Cites per document20150.843
Cites per document20161.156
Cites per document20171.409
Cites per document20181.560
Cites per document20191.670
Cites per document20202.109
Cites per document20212.381
Cites per document20222.905
Cites per document20233.762

International Collaboration accounts for the articles that have been produced by researchers from several countries. The chart shows the ratio of a journal's documents signed by researchers from more than one country; that is including more than one country address.

YearInternational Collaboration
19993.45
200011.11
20010.00
20023.23
20030.00
20040.00
20050.00
20060.00
20076.25
20088.33
20092.56
20105.26
20113.33
20126.45
201314.89
20142.04
20158.89
201618.60
20179.68
201813.25
201910.78
20209.17
202111.83
202214.00
202313.00

Not every article in a journal is considered primary research and therefore "citable", this chart shows the ratio of a journal's articles including substantial research (research articles, conference papers and reviews) in three year windows vs. those documents other than research articles, reviews and conference papers.

DocumentsYearValue
Non-citable documents19997
Non-citable documents20001
Non-citable documents20011
Non-citable documents20021
Non-citable documents20031
Non-citable documents20040
Non-citable documents20050
Non-citable documents20065
Non-citable documents20076
Non-citable documents20087
Non-citable documents20092
Non-citable documents20101
Non-citable documents20110
Non-citable documents20120
Non-citable documents20130
Non-citable documents20140
Non-citable documents20152
Non-citable documents20164
Non-citable documents20174
Non-citable documents20182
Non-citable documents20190
Non-citable documents20200
Non-citable documents20210
Non-citable documents20220
Non-citable documents20230
Citable documents199982
Citable documents200086
Citable documents200184
Citable documents200283
Citable documents200385
Citable documents200491
Citable documents200595
Citable documents200688
Citable documents200784
Citable documents200883
Citable documents200995
Citable documents2010106
Citable documents2011113
Citable documents2012107
Citable documents201399
Citable documents2014108
Citable documents2015125
Citable documents2016137
Citable documents2017133
Citable documents2018148
Citable documents2019188
Citable documents2020247
Citable documents2021294
Citable documents2022304
Citable documents2023302

Ratio of a journal's items, grouped in three years windows, that have been cited at least once vs. those not cited during the following year.

DocumentsYearValue
Uncited documents199971
Uncited documents200066
Uncited documents200154
Uncited documents200260
Uncited documents200352
Uncited documents200460
Uncited documents200557
Uncited documents200649
Uncited documents200744
Uncited documents200843
Uncited documents200935
Uncited documents201051
Uncited documents201159
Uncited documents201257
Uncited documents201344
Uncited documents201454
Uncited documents201569
Uncited documents201667
Uncited documents201754
Uncited documents201864
Uncited documents201959
Uncited documents202068
Uncited documents202174
Uncited documents202273
Uncited documents202356
Cited documents199918
Cited documents200021
Cited documents200131
Cited documents200224
Cited documents200334
Cited documents200431
Cited documents200538
Cited documents200644
Cited documents200746
Cited documents200847
Cited documents200962
Cited documents201056
Cited documents201154
Cited documents201250
Cited documents201355
Cited documents201454
Cited documents201558
Cited documents201674
Cited documents201783
Cited documents201886
Cited documents2019129
Cited documents2020179
Cited documents2021220
Cited documents2022231
Cited documents2023246

Evolution of the percentage of female authors.

YearFemale Percent
199942.55
200037.21
200138.46
200251.11
200346.67
200460.00
200545.65
200632.65
200750.94
200862.16
200956.16
201052.70
201155.36
201250.82
201352.13
201457.73
201559.18
201656.70
201752.67
201859.18
201967.42
202060.00
202162.23
202264.62
202361.69

Evolution of the number of documents cited by public policy documents according to Overton database.

DocumentsYearValue
Overton19992
Overton20006
Overton20014
Overton20028
Overton200310
Overton20044
Overton20059
Overton200615
Overton20079
Overton20087
Overton200912
Overton20106
Overton20110
Overton20120
Overton20130
Overton20140
Overton20150
Overton20160
Overton20170
Overton20180
Overton20190
Overton20200
Overton20210
Overton20220
Overton20230

Evoution of the number of documents related to Sustainable Development Goals defined by United Nations. Available from 2018 onwards.

DocumentsYearValue
SDG201830
SDG201939
SDG202029
SDG202129
SDG202233
SDG202336

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journal of further and higher education

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The Journal of Further and Higher Education

  • Key reports

4 June 2006

Published for UCU by Taylor and Francis, the Journal of Further & Higher Education is an international, peer-reviewed journal containing articles and book reviews representing the whole field of post-16 education and training.

The journal encourages debate on contemporary pedagogic issues and professional and policy concerns within the UK and abroad.

For example there have been recent articles on: barriers to learning for mature students studying HE in an FE college; social and cultural tensions international students experience having studied at British universities; social network sites and student-lecturer communication; further and higher education teachers' responses to diversity; sustainable leadership and the implication for the general further education college sector.

The Journal of Further and Higher Education is committed to:

  • promoting excellence by making a substantial contribution to teaching, management and policy development;
  • providing a forum for discussion on areas of management and administration, teacher education and training, curriculum, staff and institutional development, teaching, learning and assessment strategies and processes, and pedagogic research and the research-teaching interface;
  • an accessible, succinct style and format with contributions from staff across the spectrum of further and higher education and training.

Members with a subscription to the journal can activate online access .

Subscription offer A free online sample copy is available from the Taylor & Francis website . UCU members can benefit from an exclusive offer - £30 for four issues of this prestigious publication, well below half the normal subscription. Download a subscription form below.

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Identifiers

Linking ISSN (ISSN-L): 0309-877X

Incorrect ISSN: 0309-877X

URL http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/cjfh20/current

URL http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjfh20

URL http://firstsearch.oclc.org

URL http://firstsearch.oclc.org/journal=0309-877x;screen=info;ECOIP

URL http://journalsonline.tandf.co.uk/app/home/journal.asp?wasp=4268654f74ae41ebbfb551adcd30a8e7&referrer=parent&backto=searchpublicationsresults,1,1;homemain,1,1

KEEPERS link https://archive.org/details/pub_journal-of-further-and-higher-education

Google https://www.google.com/search?q=ISSN+%221469-9486%22

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Library of Congress https://catalog.loc.gov/vwebv/search?searchCode=STNO&searchArg=1469-9486&searchType=1&limitTo=none&fromYear=&toYear=&limitTo=LOCA%3Dall&limitTo=PLAC%3Dall&limitTo=TYPE%3Dall&limitTo=LANG%3Dall&recCount=25

Resource information

Archival status.

logo Keepers

Title proper: Journal of further and higher education.

Country: United Kingdom

Medium: Online

Status Publisher Keeper From To Updated Extent of archive
Preserved

Taylor & Francis

CLOCKSS Archive

1977

2024

19/08/2024

Preserved

Taylor & Francis Inc.

Internet Archive

1977

2007

26/04/2024

Preserved

Taylor & Francis

LOCKSS Archive

1977

2023

19/08/2024

In Progress

Taylor & Francis

LOCKSS Archive

2024

2024

19/08/2024

Preserved

Taylor & Francis

Library of Congress

2010

2024

02/08/2024

Preserved

Taylor & Francis

National Digital Preservation Program, China

1997

2024

17/07/2024

Preserved

Taylor & Francis

National Digital Preservation Program, China

1997

2024

09/04/2024

Preserved

Carfax

National Library of the Netherlands

1977

2008

20/10/2023

Preserved

Taylor & Francis Group

Portico

1977

2024

28/04/2024

Preserved

Taylor and Francis

Scholars Portal

1977

2024

02/04/2024

Record information

Last modification date: 06/02/2021

Type of record: Confirmed

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journal of further and higher education

The Torch Journal of Higher Education and Student Affairs

The Torch Journal of Higher Education and Student Affairs is an annual peer-reviewed journal that explores contemporary issues and current trends in the field of higher education with a particular focus on topics of interest to student affairs professionals. As a student-run publication, we aim to highlight research and scholarship of graduate students that further develop best practices within higher education.

The Torch is committed to showcasing our values in every publication.

Diversity in Knowledge and Practice

It is critical for higher education and student affairs professionals to research and understand the needs of different student subpopulations to provide the best support to their students.

Learning and Development

Our publication helps readers advance their professional development and learn about evolving practices. Also, graduate students that participate in our editing cycles are able to learn a wealth of knowledge about how academic journals are run.

We aim to give a publishing opportunity to students who typically are not able to be published in academic journals due to educational requirements or lack of research experience.

As we move into the twenty-first century and technology is more ingrained in the operations of higher education, professionals must be creative and innovative in their approaches to student support. The Journal of Student Affairs is an outlet for practitioners to share techniques, programs, and ideas that they have used to enhance the college student experience.

Click through the PLOS taxonomy to find articles in your field.

For more information about PLOS Subject Areas, click here .

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Open Access

Peer-reviewed

Research Article

Slaveholder ancestry and current net worth of members of the United States Congress

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Software, Validation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

* E-mail: [email protected]

Affiliation Department of Computer and Information Science, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States of America

ORCID logo

Roles Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Project administration, Software, Supervision, Validation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing

Affiliation Population Health and Equity Research Institute, Institute for HOPE, The MetroHealth System, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, United States of America

  • Neil K. R. Sehgal, 
  • Ashwini R. Sehgal

PLOS

  • Published: August 21, 2024
  • https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0308351
  • Reader Comments

Table 1

Whether and how much past slavery affects contemporary social and economic conditions in the United States is an area of active debate. Newly available data on which members of the United States Congress are descendants of slaveholders provides an opportunity to examine this topic. This study sought to determine the relationship between slaveholder ancestry and net worth among members of Congress.

Total assets and liabilities were collected from financial declarations of all members of Congress as of April 15, 2021. Net worth was estimated as the difference between total assets and liabilities. Information on slaveholder ancestry was obtained from a Reuters investigative series based on an extensive review of historical documents and verification by board-certified genealogists. Quantile regression was used to determine the association between net worth and slaveholder ancestry after adjustment for demographic factors.

The median net worth of the 535 members of Congress was $1.28 million (interquartile range $0.11–5.87 million). On univariate analysis, net worth was associated with increased age, White race, increased education, and number of individuals enslaved by ancestors. On multivariate analysis, net worth was independently associated with age, White race, and number enslaved. Legislators whose ancestors enslaved 16 or more individuals had a $3.93 million (95% confidence interval 2.39–5.46) higher net worth compared to legislators whose ancestors were not slave owners after adjustment for age, sex, race, ethnicity, and education.

Conclusions

Past slaveholding practices are independently associated with current wealth among members of Congress. Because members of Congress are a highly selected group, further work is needed to understand how slaveholder ancestry affects current wealth in the general population to inform efforts to reduce social and economic disparities.

Citation: Sehgal NKR, Sehgal AR (2024) Slaveholder ancestry and current net worth of members of the United States Congress. PLoS ONE 19(8): e0308351. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0308351

Editor: Joshua L. Rosenbloom, Iowa State University, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

Received: March 6, 2024; Accepted: July 19, 2024; Published: August 21, 2024

Copyright: © 2024 Sehgal, Sehgal. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.

Data Availability: Researchers interested in accessing the data can find it at osf.io/y57jc/ .

Funding: The author(s) received no specific funding for this work.

Competing interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Introduction

Whether and how much past slavery affects contemporary social and economic conditions in the United States is an active area of debate. Many slaveholders were able to recover financially despite emancipation of their slaves after the Civil War (1861–1865) [ 1 ]. They did this in part by replacing slavery with convict leasing and sharecropping, voting disenfranchisement, and legal discrimination (Jim Crow), all of which persisted into the 20th century. Most Americans believe slavery continues to influence the position of Black people in society today, although the proportion expressing this view differs greatly by race, ethnicity, and political affiliation [ 2 ]. Several ecological analyses have linked the intergenerational effects of slavery to a variety of outcomes, including inequality, poverty, education, voting behavior, and life expectancy [ 3 – 6 ]. However, no studies have determined the impact of having a slaveholder vs. a non-slaveholder ancestor on current wealth at an individual level.

Conducting an individual-level analysis would require the ability to trace ancestry from 1865 to the present, information on current wealth and relevant covariates, and an adequate sample size. A recent rigorous analysis by Reuters identified 100 members of the United States Congress who are descendants of slaveholders and quantified the number of individuals enslaved by their ancestors [ 7 ]. Connecting this information to financial reports that legislators file annually provides an opportunity to explore the current impact of past slaveholding practices. We therefore sought to determine the relationship between slaveholder ancestry and net worth among members of Congress.

We collected demographic, financial, and slaveholder ancestry information as of April 15, 2021 for all members of the 117th Congress. If a seat was vacant in April 2021, we used data for the previous office holder.

Demographic data

Demographic variables, including age, sex, race, ethnicity, and education, were obtained initially from Daily Kos’ 117th Congress Guide [ 8 ]. We then manually validated each member’s demographic information against their Congressional website. If any demographic data elements were not available, we reviewed each member’s Wikipedia page [ 9 ].

Financial data

Members of Congress are required to file publicly available financial disclosures annually. Specific assets and liabilities of legislators for the year 2020 were obtained initially from the “Conflicted Congress” project by Business Insider [ 10 ]. This database compiled publicly available financial disclosures, listing each member’s assets and liabilities in a machine-readable format. We manually validated this information by examining individual assets and liabilities for a randomly selected 10% of the sample. In addition, Business Insider did not collect information on several members who had lengthy handwritten disclosures. For these members, we manually reviewed these handwritten disclosures [ 11 , 12 ].

Net worth estimation followed the methodology laid out by OpenSecrets, a nonprofit campaign finance group [ 13 ]. Legislators report the value of each asset and liability within a specific range, such as $1,001 - $15,000 or $15,001 - $50,000. We summed the maximum and minimum values separately in order to calculate the maximum and minimum for total assets and liabilities. Maximum net worth was then calculated as the maximum total assets minus the minimum total liabilities, and vice versa for the minimum net worth. The midpoint of this range served as our primary estimate of each legislator’s net worth.

Slaveholder ancestry

Information on slaveholder ancestry was sourced from Reuters’ investigative series “Slavery’s Descendants” which covered members of Congress as of April 15, 2021 [ 7 ]. For each member, Reuters assessed direct descent from slaveholders through searches of census documents, genealogy websites, and publicly available records such as wills; birth, marriage and death certificates; grave and cemetery records; digitized state archives; news articles; biographical books; and public record requests. Reuters limited its investigation to direct lineal ancestors of members, and only considered evidence of slaveholding in the United States after 1776. As a result, neither slaveholding in the United States before 1776 nor slaveholding outside of the United States at any time were included. Each case was then verified by two board-certified genealogists. In instances where multiple slaveholding ancestors were identified, the reported number enslaved pertained to the ancestor with the highest number of enslaved individuals.

Statistical analysis

We used descriptive statistics (mean, standard deviation, percent, median, interquartile range) to summarize the data. We used the Mann-Whitney U-test, the Kruskal-Wallis test, and Kendall’s tau coefficient to examine the univariate relationship between net worth and dichotomous (sex), nominal (race/ethnicity), and continuous or ordinal (age, education, number enslaved by ancestor) predictor variables, respectively. Given the skewed distribution of net worth, we used median regression (quantile regression) to estimate the independent association between median net worth and slaveholder ancestry after controlling for age, sex, race/ethnicity, and education. To discern potential non-linear relationships, we categorized age, education, and number enslaved into discrete groups. We categorized members of Congress with slaveholder ancestry into three roughly equal sized groups based on number enslaved and created another category for members without slaveholder ancestry. Quantile regression standard errors were calculated using the Bofinger bandwidth method [ 14 ]. We also performed five ancillary analyses. First, wealthy families can provide more educational opportunities to their children, and higher education may lead to increased wealth. As a result, we conducted analyses that excluded education as a predictor variable. Second, virtually all legislators with slaveholder ancestors were White. As a result, we conducted separate analyses limited to White legislators. Third, we performed quantile regression at the 75th percentile to examine predictor variables associated with being in the top quartile of net worth among the entire sample. Fourth, we repeated analyses using maximum and minimum estimates of net worth. Fifth, we explored the sensitivity of our results to varying the cut point for the largest category of slave holders. All analyses were conducted using JMP version 17.0.0 (SAS Institute, Cary, North Carolina).

The characteristics of the 535 legislators (435 representatives, 100 senators) are listed in Table 1 . Their average age was 59.7 years, about three fourths were men, and about three fourths were White. Their median net worth was $1.28 million. Of all legislators, 131 (24.5%) had a net worth <$100,000 and 89 (16.6%) had a net worth >$10 million. A total of 100 legislators (18.7%) were descendants of slaveholders.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0308351.t001

On univariate analysis, net worth was associated with increased age, White race, increased education, and number of individuals enslaved by ancestors ( Table 2 ). For example, the median net worth was $0.52 million for legislators younger than 55 years old and $2.64 million for legislators 65 years and older. On multivariate analysis, net worth was independently associated with age, White race, and number enslaved ( Table 2 ). Legislators whose ancestors enslaved 16 or more individuals had $3.93 million higher net worth compared to legislators whose ancestors were not slave owners after adjustment for age, sex, race, ethnicity, and education.

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Bolded multivariate results are statistically significant.

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0308351.t002

Multivariate analysis results were similar if education was excluded as a predictor variable. Regression estimates were 0.20 (95% confidence interval -1.07 to 1.47) for 1–5 slaves, 0.94 (-.52 to 2.40) for 6–15 slaves, and 3.91 (2.36–5.47) for 16 or more slaves compared to no slaves. Analyses limited to White legislators ( Table 3 ) also had similar results. White legislators whose ancestors enslaved 16 or more individuals had $3.41 million higher net worth compared to White legislators whose ancestors were not slave owners after adjustment for age, sex, and education. Quantile regression estimates at the 75th percentile were -0.13 (-5.09 to 4.82) for 1–5 slaves, 1.76 (-3.92 to 7.45) for 6–15 slaves, and 4.41 (-1.65 to 10.46) for 16 or more slaves compared to no slaves. Multivariate analyses based on maximum or minimum net worth estimates yielded similar findings as analyses based on our primary midpoint estimate, i.e. that legislators whose ancestors enslaved 16 or more individuals had a statistically significantly higher net worth compared to legislators whose ancestors were not slave owners. Varying the cut point for the largest category of slaveholders across the range from 13 to 19 slaves also yielded similar findings. Multivariate regression estimates for the largest category of slaveholders were 3.62 (2.25, 5.00) for 13 or more slaves, 3.65 (2.22, 5.07) for 14 or more slaves, 3.65 (2.16, 5.14) for 15 or more slaves, 4.81 (3.24, 6.38) for 17 or more slaves, 4.31 (2.69, 5.94) for 18 or more slaves, and 4.80 (3.15, 6.45) for 19 or more slaves.

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https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0308351.t003

We found that members of the United States Congress whose ancestors had 16 or more slaves have a current net worth that is five-fold larger than legislators whose ancestors were not slave owners. This sizeable difference in net worth persisted even after adjustment for potential confounders such as age, sex, race, ethnicity, and education and in ancillary analyses limited to White legislators. To our knowledge, this study is the first to examine individual level associations between slaveholder ancestry and net worth in the present day. Other strengths of the study include availability of data on specific assets and liabilities, rigorous review of historical documents to identify slaveholder ancestry, and inclusion of data on the number of slaves owned in the past.

Our findings on the impact of slaveholder ancestry on wealth are consistent with previous research on the topic, much of which was done at the county level. For example, studies have found counties with higher rates of slavery in 1860 are associated with higher contemporary levels of racial inequality in education, as well as better socioeconomic outcomes (e.g. income, home ownership, food security) among Whites [ 3 , 4 ]. Other work finds counties with wealthier slaveowners before emancipation were associated with lower economic development that persisted through 1950. This association is attributed, in part, to the enduring political influence wielded by slaveowners and their reluctance to support widespread educational initiatives [ 15 ]. Recent advances in linking digitized census records have allowed analysis of data at the individual level. For instance, a study examined White Southern households with large numbers of slaves in 1860 and a comparison group of equally wealthy households that had few slaves and instead owned more land, livestock, buildings, and other assets. By 1900, the sons of larger slaveholders had almost recovered in occupation-based wealth, and by 1940, grandsons of larger slaveholders completely recovered in both annual earnings and educational attainment. Due to data limitations, the researchers were unable to examine grandsons’ wealth in 1940 [ 16 ]. In addition, the association we observed between legislators’ net worth and increased age, White race, and more education follows the pattern seen across the American population at large [ 17 , 18 ].

Wealth and privilege may be transmitted across multiple generations through a variety of mechanisms. Inheritance laws and related policies such as low estate taxes and mechanisms to create trusts allow for wealth perpetuation. Access to social networks of other wealthy individuals, opportunities to attend prestigious educational institutions, and entry into prominent occupations provide additional benefits [ 19 ]. Wealthy families are also able to hire professionals to manage their estates, trusts, and other investments. Moreover, wealthy individuals use their political influence and philanthropic giving to exert influence on regulations and tax policies and on public perceptions [ 19 ]. The study of White Southern households mentioned above found that social connections and marriages to other elite families explained larger slaveholding families’ rapid recovery, not their abilities or entrepreneurial skills [ 16 ]. In addition, the name recognition that results from being part of an established family can be helpful when competing in political elections [ 20 ]. Our results, over 150 years after emancipation, provide further evidence for the durability of wealth across generations. It is worth emphasizing that wealth from any source (whether slavery is involved or not) generally creates intergenerational benefits. Wealthy individuals accrue political power which they use to further enhance their wealth in a positive feedback loop [ 21 ].

Several limitations must be considered in interpreting the study results. First we focused on members of Congress because of the availability of reliable data on slaveholder ancestry and current net wealth for this group. But members of Congress are wealthier than the general population, so our analyses condition to some extent on the outcome variable of net wealth. This approach may introduce associations that do not exist in the general population and is referred to as endogenous selection bias or collider bias [ 22 – 25 ]. However, many members had a modest net wealth (about one-fourth with a net wealth <$100,000) and our findings are consistent with several previous studies in the United States and Europe about intergenerational transfer of wealth and privilege [ 16 , 19 , 26 – 32 ]. Nevertheless, we must exercise caution in extrapolating the results of our study to all Americans (or even to politicians who are not elected to Congress). Second, the Reuters analysis was restricted to slavery after the founding of the United States and excludes those who may be descendants of slaveholders prior to 1776. It is worth noting that no legislator has contested Reuters’ findings regarding their ancestral ties to slaveholders [ 7 ]. Third, there are several aspects of legislators’ personal financial disclosures which may impact our net worth calculation. Federal retirement accounts, personal residences that do not produce income, and some types of personal property are not reported [ 13 ]. Additionally, the reporting of large assets is provided in broad ranges, making it difficult to precisely assess net worth. Fourth, our modest sample size resulted in wide confidence intervals that may have limited our ability to identify a dose-response relationship between number of slaves and net worth. Due to the limited sample size, we are also unable to determine a precise threshold number of slaves owned by ancestors that correlates with an increase in current net wealth. Fifth, our data do not permit any mechanistic or causal interpretations. Additional work is needed in this area, e.g. to understand the role of political power and occupational paths in intergenerational wealth transfer. There may also be other channels that connect past and current wealth. For example, geographic locations in the southern United States where slavery was prevalent may have economic development trajectories that affect wealth transmission independent of slaveholding.

In conclusion, we find evidence which suggests that slaveholding in the past may continue to affect certain individuals today. While members of Congress do not bear personal responsibility for the actions of their ancestors, further work is needed to understand how slaveholder ancestry affects current wealth in the general population to inform efforts to reduce social and economic disparities.

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  • 17. Bennett N, Hays D, Sullivan B. Wealth inequality in the US by household type. Washington, DC: US Census Bureau. 2022. https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2022/08/wealth-inequality-by-household-type.html .
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journal of further and higher education

journal of further and higher education

Open Journal Systems



Barbara H. Tsverukayi
Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social and Gender Transformative Sciences, Women’s University in Africa, Harare, Zimbabwe

Leon Poshai
Department of Governance and Public Management, Faculty of Social Sciences, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe


Tsverukayi, B.H. & Poshai, L., 2024, ‘Commodification of Zimbabwe’s higher education amid funding decline: Impact on universal access’, 9(0), a399.

Special Collection: Neoliberal Turn in Higher Education.

29 Apr. 2024; 19 July 2024; 23 Aug. 2024

© 2024. The Author(s). Licensee: AOSIS.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

The volatile economic environment in Zimbabwe, which is characterised by persistent hyperinflation has exposed the education access inequalities in Zimbabwe’s public Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). The persisting harsh economic conditions in Zimbabwe have further worsened the decline in higher education funding in addition to the budgetary cuts and the removal of student financial support systems in the late 1980s. This study aims to examine the impact of these neoliberal approaches on inclusive education access in Zimbabwe’s HEIs. The study used the qualitative research approach. The study participants included purposefully selected university managers and students at a state university in Zimbabwe. Data were collected from university managers through interviews while a combination of interviews and focus group discussions was used to collect data from the students. The study revealed that the adoption of neoliberal approaches such as austerity measures in Zimbabwe created a domino effect in the higher education sector as HEIs started to introduce market-based approaches. The adoption of market-oriented approaches in HEIs denigrated universal access to higher education and incapacitated students financially as shown by the declining enrolments and soaring student debts in the studied HEI. Based on the study results, this article concludes that there is a glaring need for restoring financial support towards empowering Zimbabwe’s public HEIs to be responsive to the financial needs of students. This will contribute towards achieving inclusive and equitable education, which promotes universal lifelong learning opportunities as embedded in Sustainable Development Goal 4 and Sustainable Development Goal 10.

Through an in-depth account of the experiences of students and managers in HEIs, this study provides an empirical understanding of the challenges associated with the adoption of neoliberal approaches in Zimbabwe’s higher education institutions.

neoliberal approach in higher education; inclusive education access; austerity measures; decreased enrolments; SDG4; SDG10.

Higher education institutions (HEIs) in Zimbabwe are under pressure to mobilise financial resources to support their operations (Nhavira ). As a result, these institutions have embraced neoliberal approaches to raise funds. Neoliberal approaches in higher education involve the use of business, free market and trade approaches, treating education as a commodity and the learners as consumers (Riasat & Akkaya ). Public HEIs in Zimbabwe have adopted market-driven approaches through the introduction of non-tuition levies such as the introduction of non-refundable application fees, health insurance fees, examination fees, sports levies, technology levies and student union levies to raise funds. However, the commodification of education under neoliberalism creates inequalities in accessing education as it makes it difficult to reach students from vulnerable financial backgrounds. The commercialisation or marketisation of higher education in Zimbabwe comes at a time when the government has ceased to provide financial support to students in HEIs (Hove & Ndawana ). This situation has been compounded by the withdrawal of international donor funding to higher and tertiary education in 2001. Current students in Zimbabwe’s HEIs now face the dilemma of deferring their studies because exorbitant tuition fees at these institutions deter prospective students from enrolling.

The higher education system in Zimbabwe was once touted as a beacon of educational excellence in Africa. Yet, because of the substantive decline in funding, the country is now infamous for a beleaguered higher education system (Mukwambo ). The dwindling national coffers because of persistent economic stagnation have weakened Zimbabwe’s higher and tertiary education system as it is now typifying a pale shadow of the robust and vibrant system it was in the early 1990s (Kurasha & Gwarinda ). The financial predicaments faced by university and polytechnical college students who come from low-income and indigent families are testimony to the crisis that Zimbabwe’s higher education system faces (Shava ). This situation has been exacerbated by the persistent collapse of the formal economy as formal jobs are hard to come by for parents and guardians (Garwe & Thondhlana ). The complete withdrawal of student financial support systems in Zimbabwe’s higher and tertiary education institutions in 2014 was surely a harbinger of the current financial woes being experienced by public education institutions in Zimbabwe (Majoni ). Generally, the decline in funding higher and tertiary level education institutions in Zimbabwe has culminated in plummeting standards in education delivery as it has also widened inequalities in accessing higher education in the country. Thus, there has been a clarion call for the government to reinstate financial support to enable students in HEIs to complete their studies. From this backdrop, this study examines the challenges facing students in Zimbabwe’s HEIs as well as their coping mechanisms in the absence of loans and scholarships. Furthermore, the study examines how the adoption of neoliberal approaches is negatively impacting inclusive education access. The study concludes by recommending strategies towards promoting equality in access to Zimbabwe’s higher education.

The adoption of neoliberal approaches has had a daunting impact on universal access to higher education in Zimbabwe. The mixture of austerity measures and commodification of higher education in Zimbabwe’s HEIs have largely hindered the attainment of Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG4) that calls for quality education as well as Sustainable Development Goal 10 (SDG10), which pursues reduced inequalities. Resultantly, higher education is now beyond the reach of many students in tertiary institutions. Access limitations are reflected by the high dropout rates, high deferment rates and soaring student debts. Through a qualitative methodology, this study examines the detrimental impact of neoliberal approaches to universal access to higher education in Zimbabwe’s HEIs.

The objectives of this study are:

This study used a qualitative research approach to obtain an in-depth understanding of how neoliberal approaches adopted by HEIs in Zimbabwe have become a barrier towards equal access to higher education. The study adopts an exploratory case study research design in which a public university was used as the social laboratory to explore this issue in-depth. This university was chosen because, out of all the universities in Zimbabwe, it used to have the largest number of students. Its current student enrolment has been significantly declining because of financial difficulties faced by students. As a result, this university provided a suitable case study for our analysis of the impact of market-driven approaches on inclusive access to higher education in Zimbabwe.

From the selected university, the study purposefully sampled both students and managerial staff who participated in focus group discussions and interviews, respectively. The total sample comprised 30 participants, with 25 participants being students and 5 participants being managerial staff at the university.

Focus group discussions and in-depth interviews were conducted with the students while semi-structured interviews were conducted with the five managerial staff. The 25 students were sampled from five faculties within the university to enhance the representation of the sample. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. Six steps were followed in analysing the data thematically as proposed by Braun and Clarke ( ).

The first step was the familiarisation of the data, which involved re-reading the transcripts from focus group discussions and interviews to understand the narratives shared by the participants in light of the research objectives. The second step was the initial coding process, which involved the categorisation of the data for easier interpretation and to allow the development of labels of related data. The third step involved the search for preliminary themes from the code data, which helped to identify patterns of commonalities and relationships in the code data. This process was followed by the review of themes, a process that helped to check the extent to which the themes are related to the research purpose and if they were aligned to the coded data. After the review of themes, the final themes that would guide the presentation of the data were defined. The final step was to report the findings of the study guided by the defined themes as captured in the ‘Results’ section of this article. This six-step thematic analysis enabled the researchers to ensure that the findings were grounded in the lived experiences of the students and the management.

Given that ethical considerations form an integral part of any research process (Pirani ), this study was approved by the Women’s University in Africa’s Ethics Review Committee and institutional clearance was granted by the studied university. The research process was guided by ethical standards such as informed consent, privacy and confidentiality, avoiding harm and use of deception. Informed consent was sought in writing during the study where participants completed informed consent forms. Throughout the study, the researchers upheld the ethical values of privacy and confidentiality. The name of the HEI that was studied is not disclosed in any part of this research write-up. To promote the ethical value of privacy, the study makes use of pseudonyms, the names of the participants are not disclosed in any part of the study. The study ensured that the participants were not subjected to any form of physical or psychological harm. Thus, all interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in safe environments. To maintain the confidentiality of data, electronic data were secured through the use of passwords. Data obtained from the participants were not discussed with other participants during the data-gathering process. Reporting of the findings was performed accurately, honestly and transparently.

The principle of reflexivity guided the researchers in avoiding biased analysis of the research findings. In this study, the principle of reflexivity was applied through recording pre-conceived assumptions in a reflective journal before interacting with the participants. This strategy enabled the researchers to document their personal thoughts, insights, and beliefs regarding the impact of neoliberal approaches in HEIs. This approach helped ensure that their preconceived personal understandings would not lead to biased analysis of the data. This method helped to ensure that the data analysis process and results reflected the views of the participants and the assumptions of the researchers. The principle of reflexivity guided the researchers in avoiding biased analysis of the research findings. Reflexivity entails the measure of reducing biased analysis and interpretation of research findings (Von-Unger ).

Neoliberalism in higher education refers to the adoption of market-driven approaches in HEIs (Ingleby ). The justification for adopting neoliberal approaches in HEIs lies in the need to subject these institutions to market forces to make them more efficient (Brathwaite ). Proponents of higher education neoliberalism argue that large-scale funding of public HEIs is no longer sustainable as it places substantive strains on governments to support institutions that can mobilise their financial resources (Barr ; World Bank ). Slaughter and Leslie ( ) argue that neoliberalism has led to the monetisation of higher education as HEIs are now operating like private entities, which focus on profit-making at the expense of students. The adoption of neoliberalism in higher education provision has been examined by scholars in different contexts, with much interest resting on how HEIs have turned into profit-making entities (Altbach ). In particular, scholars have analysed how the value of universal access to education has been defeated by neoliberal stances adopted by HEIs in different parts of the world. For example, Levidow ( ) argues that globally, neoliberalism has resulted in the impact of the commodification of higher education, which creates access inequalities for students with unstable financial backgrounds.

Research has also shown that exposing public HEIs to market forces can be harmful to students who come from disadvantaged backgrounds as they cannot compete for the best universities in the open educational market (Harvey ). In addition, neoliberalism in higher education has been criticised for perpetuating inequalities by prioritising market-based solutions over and above the common good (Mintz ). Neoliberalism fosters the formulation of free market policies in HEIs and this allows the advantaged to progress academically while marginalising the disadvantaged students (Ball ; Johnstone ). Subsequently, neoliberal approaches widen the education access gap as it places education beyond the reach of many. Slaughter and Leslie ( ) argues that the neoliberal approaches in HEIs have resulted in hikes in the cost of learning as institutions of higher learning pursue profits regardless of the earning abilities of the students. The neoliberal approach has led to the marketisation of education services and because of this, students in tertiary institutions are struggling to make ends meet, particularly those from disadvantaged backgrounds as they have to pay rentals and meals (Baltodano ).

The rolling out of neoliberal approaches in higher education has led to a plethora of harmful socioeconomic consequences for students and these include a shortage of funds for food and rentals (Sakellariou ). Students affected by the challenges stemming from neoliberal approaches in universities experience social distress such as alienation and eventual drop in their academic performance (Collins & Woodhouse, ). This suggests that when students in HEIs are properly funded, they are more likely to focus on their studies and perform better. For example, in some countries such as South Africa, Higher Education funding instruments such as the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS) have been linked to improved student throughput rates (Masutha & Motala ). Neoliberal approaches are not only reflected in the marketisation and commodification of higher education but also in the withdrawal of government support to education provision. In particular, governments that embrace neoliberalism proceed to reduce budgetary spending on education and other funding instruments.

Higher education institutions in Zimbabwe just like in other African countries such as Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya, have embraced neoliberal approaches in different ways, with the most common method being the decline in student funding support systems (Kossey & Ishengoma ; Kyaligonza ). As will be discussed in this section, the adoption of neoliberal approaches in Zimbabwe’s HEIs has created a major dent in the post-independence effort to make higher education universal for all.

The Government of Zimbabwe introduced grants and student loans in HEIs in the 1980s as a policy strategy to bolster access to higher and tertiary education (Teferra ). The grants and student loans were provided under Section 14 of the Manpower Planning and Development Act, which states that the Minister of Higher Education may make a grant or loan to students for tuition, accommodation and upkeep (Shava ). However, grants for students in state institutions were stopped in the 1990s because of among other reasons, the implementation of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) and non-repayment by past beneficiaries (Shizha & Kariwo ). After this, the majority of students in HEIs became financially vulnerable as their families survive on meagre earnings, which are continuously eroded by the prevailing hyperinflationary environment in Zimbabwe (Mpofu, Chimhenga & Mafa ). In an extremely hyperinflationary environment, the parents and guardians of these students find it difficult to pool sufficient funds to sustain their educational expenses (Mupa et al. ). As a result, many students in Zimbabwean universities are forced to drop out or defer their studies as the universities do not allow them to sit for their exams if they do not settle their tuition (Garwe & Maganga ). Because of these precarious situations, some students end up engaging in unorthodox means of sustaining their continued stay at the university (Kadirire ). Higher Education Institutions in Zimbabwe demand full tuition payment as they cannot afford to provide free education because they have recurrent expenses.

In 2010, the government made an effort to restore higher education funding to address the plights faced by higher and tertiary-level students in accessing education through the introduction of the cadetship scheme (Chimhenga, Mafa & Mpofu ). This was a financing policy to broaden access to higher education for financially incapable students (Teferra ). The cadetship scheme in 2010 ended 4 years of non-funding of students in HEIs after the total scrapping of all student funding instruments in 2006 (Hove & Ndawana ). This scheme is a contract signed between an undergraduate student and the Government of Zimbabwe, paving the way for the government to pay a large portion of the student’s tuition fees (Mpofu et al. ). Students applied for the scheme through the cadetship office in their institution. The HEI would apply to the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education for vetting. Upon receiving the applications from HEIs, the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education verified the forms, checking for thorough verifications of citizenship status, completeness of the forms and academic results for those already studying (Chimhenga et al. ). After vetting, the government through the Ministry of Finance would then transfer a lump sum to respective HEIs to cover the tuition of the students who ‘qualify’ for the scheme (Hove & Ndawana ). In 2012 and 2013, the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education revealed that over 5000 students in tertiary institutions in Zimbabwe were registered on the cadetship programme (Shumba ).

Students who received funding under the cadetship scheme were required to work for the government for the same number of years that they received cadetship funding. This requirement was commonly referred to as being ‘bonded’ post-graduation (Teferra ). On graduation day, the bonded students were not given certificates as this was a precautionary measure to discourage them from breaching the cadetship scheme contract (Mpofu et al. ). By withholding their certificates, the government ensured that beneficiaries of the cadetship would not secure employment in the private sector or other countries. In case the student opts to work outside the country, the cadetship bonding obliged the student to remit a third of their salary in foreign currency until the government recovers the debt (Hove & Ndawana ). Some students avoided the cadetship scheme because they feared being bonded and working for the government for many years while earning a meagre salary.

The scheme was seen as a scapegoat measure to address the plights of students from poor backgrounds following the removal of education grants and loans (Chimhenga et al. ). The government argued that by introducing the cadetship scheme, it was promoting equitable access to higher education in the country (Garwe & Maganga ).

However, there were two main challenges associated with the cadetship scheme. Firstly, the scheme was somehow discriminatory as it did not cater for postgraduate students and students who were on part-time studies or block release programmes (Nhavira ). The assumption was that postgraduate students and those on block release were in full-time employment and did not require government assistance to pay their tuition. In terms of the student’s programmes of study, the cadetship scheme was not open to all students, as it was only open for all law and engineering students and accessible to limited students in the Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences (Teferra ).

Secondly, there were times when the government did not disburse the cadetship funds in time (Langa ). In some cases, the funds would be disbursed after several months and this resulted in some universities experiencing budget deficits. In 2014, there were signs that the cadetship scheme was descending towards a state of being defunct because of cashflow problems as the government was struggling to disburse funds to HEIs in time (Shumba ). For example, in 2014, the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education confirmed that the government owed state universities US$34 million, which was backdated to 2010 (Langa ). In 2015, it was revealed that the government still owes state universities over US$61 million in cadetship fees (Shumba ). In 2017, the government scrapped the cadetship scheme after state universities refused to register students in the cadetship programme citing outstanding payments from the Treasury (Kadirire ).

In 2019, there were efforts by the Government of Zimbabwe to re-introduce grants and student loans through a $375.8 million allocation to the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education, Science and Technology Development, but no disbursement was made to students (Shava ). Students in higher and tertiary education institutions had anticipated that this financial aid would help them to cover tuition fees, accommodation and educational materials. Instead, the government encouraged HEIs to accept the Eduloan facility, which is a funding instrument that connects parents, students and educational institutions with financial institutions such as banks by offering study loans (Shava ). To access the Eduloan facility, students must have collateral security to guarantee repayment of the loans with interest (Nhavira ). However, to date, the introduction of the Eduloan facility has not appealed to parents because of the high interest rates involved in repayment (Garwe & Thondhlana ). Given these challenges, access to higher education in Zimbabwe continues to evade many students who come from underprivileged backgrounds as will be discussed later in this article.

This study applies the neoliberal approach to analyse how the decline in government funding towards HEIs in Zimbabwe has created education access constraints for some students. The neoliberalism approach is based on principles such as market orientation to the allocation of resources, free trade, labour market flexibility, deregulation and a reduction in government spending (Knafo ). Harvey ( ) argues that the neoliberal principle of reduction in government spending towards higher education was adopted by the Government of Zimbabwe under the ESAP in the 1990s. This development shifted the imperatives of higher education from a liberal, openly accessible to a form of higher education that focusses on the commercialisation and marketisation of teaching and learning.

Contrary to the benefits associated with neo-liberalism, the approach has resulted in a public outcry among students in Zimbabwe’s HEIs as it resulted in the government cutting subsidies and grants. As a result, HEIs have shifted the burden on students as education has been turned into a commodity sold on the market. The theory of neoliberalism is broad and has many principles, but this article examines how the application of the principle of the reduction in government spending as a neoliberal stance in Zimbabwe’s HEIs has created inclusivity challenges to some of students who come from unstable financial backgrounds.

Ethical clearance to conduct this study was obtained from the Women’s University in Africa (Research Project No.: 16/2023).

This section presents findings from the study focussing on themes such as access to government grants and loans for students, challenges facing students in Zimbabwe’s HEIs in the absence of student grants and loans, coping mechanisms employed by students in HEIs in the absence of student grants and loans, work-study programme, challenges contributing towards soaring students’ debts and promotion of equality in access to Zimbabwe’s higher education. The themes that emerged from the study are presented in this section.

The study revealed that students enrolled at public HEIs acknowledge that student loans and grants support their financial needs during their academic journey. For example, the cadetship scheme and Edu Loan facilities allowed students from disadvantaged families to access higher education. Besides covering their tuition fees, the loans and grants accessed by students contribute towards their upkeep. Some participants explained that through these facilities students have funding towards meals, clothing, airtime, data, printing and stationery as well as transport.

A participant from the university management had this to say:

Another participant from the Senior Management Team highlighted that:

Moses, a student said:

The current shortage of student grants and loans against the exorbitant tuition fees in Zimbabwe’s HEIs has made it difficult for some students to afford access to higher education. This situation is worsened by the shortage of part-time jobs for the students. The main challenges faced by students in HEIs in Zimbabwe in the face of the dearth of vibrant student funding instruments are discussed here.

The study found that the prevailing macro-economic environment in Zimbabwe was contributing towards student’s debts. Participants highlighted their parents and guardians were struggling to pay tuition fees in full because they had other responsibilities, such as other children and in some cases the extended family to take care of. Other obligations included monthly rentals, food, medical and utility bills. Some participants indicated that part-time jobs were ideal for students who were struggling to pay their fees but it was not easy to secure a part-time job. Eva, a participant highlighted that:

James, a student stated that:

Oscar from the Management had this to say:

The study revealed that the absence of accommodation on campus to cater for the growing student population in Zimbabwe’s public HEIs was a major challenge. Costs associated with accommodation meant parents and guardians had to stretch their budgets further. Property owners were also taking advantage of the shortage of accommodation on campus and charging exorbitant rentals especially where their properties are nearer to the campus.

Abigail, a participant explained that:

Mr Alex from the Administration section highlighted that:

The study found that most students have their tuition fees paid by their parents and guardians. Students studying under parallel programmes or on a part-time basis pay fees from their salaries while others are on staff development programmes with their respective employers. Students who are non-recipients of funding support continue to find ways to supplement their finances through running small businesses. One of such students confirmed this by stating that:

Another Participant stated:

The study revealed that students were struggling to pay and clear their fees per semester as required by the university administration. As a result, arrears were accumulating on their accounts which affected access to end-of-semester results and registration for the following semester. The focus group discussions revealed that parents or guardians were finding it difficult to clear fees per semester given other obligations that they have as parents. Although public HEIs in Zimbabwe encourage students to pay their fees in full at the beginning of every semester, the study revealed that most students were paying fees through staggered payments. Some students have to negotiate payment plans through their parents or guardians. A participant stated that:

The study found that universities had rolled out a work-study programme. Under this programme, students are engaged to provide service to the institution in return for payment under a stipulated rate. The payment because of the student is then credited to their fees account. Under this programme, students are paid per hour. Findings revealed that students are engaged in the library, kitchen, cleaning or in the fields for those undertaking agricultural programmes. On the contrary, the responses show that while the programme is a good initiative, students feel the payment rates need to be revised. John, a participant had this to say:

Sharing similar sentiments, another participant stated that:

Furthermore, participants highlighted that public universities were giving short notice for the review of fees at the beginning of the semester. As a result, students fail to plan and raise sufficient fees on time. This was seen as a major contributing factor towards students’ debts as students ended up paying part of the fees to facilitate the registration process.

The study revealed that in most cases, access to higher education depends on one’s social status. The absence of government grants and loans is adversely affecting students from disadvantaged families. The recently introduced Modular Approach to teaching and learning has compounded the situation as students have a shorter time frame in which to clear fees to enable them to sit for examinations. Under the Modular Approach, the semester is divided into blocks and students are expected to sit for exams at the end of each block unlike in the past when examinations were administered at the end of the semester. A participant from the Administration section highlighted that:

A focus group participant stated that:

The decline in funding towards HEIs in Zimbabwe has created access constraints among students with limited financial capacity. The current commodification of higher education has resulted in declining enrolments, deferments and hikes in drop rates within HEIs in Zimbabwe. Based on the findings presented in the ‘Results’ section, it can be argued that students in Zimbabwe’s HEIs are students in HEIs in Zimbabwe are struggling financially without the provision of loans and grants. The provision of financial aid in the form of bursaries is key to the academic progression of students. In Zimbabwe, the focus has been strained by expansion and massification and its ability to meet multiple demands such as healthcare, housing and social welfare. There is a need for a more concerted effort from the government towards improving access to Zimbabwe’s higher education. As the study has shown, students from disadvantaged backgrounds are struggling to keep their tuition fee accounts up to date. This has contributed towards soaring students’ debts within public HEIs. While the Government is making commendable efforts towards assisting students through the Work Study programme, there are sentiments that the rates need to be reviewed. The earnings that students are receiving fail to make meaningful contributions towards payment of their tuition.

The study found that very few students are beneficiaries of scholarships such as the Higher Life Foundation Joshua Nkomo Scholarship and CAMFED. In particular, the Higher Life Foundation Scholarship benefits top excelling students with a perfect score of 15 advanced level points, with the rest not benefiting. In addition, the scholarship does not cover all age groups as it only supports students under the age of 21 at the time of applying. Moreover, the scholarship allocates 70% of the funding towards Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM) studies and 30% to other disciplines. Yet only 10% of the student population in Zimbabwean universities are pursuing STEM studies. As a result, the majority of students in Zimbabwean universities are not beneficiaries of the Higher Life Foundation Joshua Nkomo Scholarship. As the study has revealed, mindful of the challenges of affordability and the impact on students who have insufficient resources, it remains government concern as to how students in public HEIs can be supported.

Typically, all studies are prone to limitations. This study depended on the participants’ willingness to openly discuss their personal views and perceptions. Because of the sensitivity of the topic, some senior officials were reluctant to participate. However, the findings of this study provide a basis for broader studies to inform the government on the plight of students in Zimbabwe’s HEIs.

The study recommends the resuscitation of student loans and grants to enable students from marginalised backgrounds to have equal access to higher education. While the work-study programme is a good initiative by the government. There is a need for public HEIs to reconsider the rates paid to students under this programme to make it more lucrative. Currently, it takes long working hours for a student to earn meaningful income that can contribute towards payment of their tuition fees. Public HEIs should consider diversifying sources of funding for student loans to reduce dependency on the government. There is a need to explore private–public partnerships with potential funders such as banks and non-governmental organisations for student loan facilities and scholarships as well as the provision of student accommodation on campus.

In conclusion, the study revealed that the neoliberal approach negatively affects the administration of public HEIs. Furthermore, the approach negatively impacts the achievement of SDG10 and SDG4 which calls for equal education opportunities for all. Ideally, a democratic and socially just university should have the plight of students as a priority. Deeper austerity measures are not the only possible response to the challenges confronting contemporary public HEIs in Zimbabwe. There is a need to rethink the government’s role in promoting equal access and inclusivity in higher education. While proponents argue that neoliberalism can lead to higher standards by incentivising HEIs to compete, the study concludes that it may be harmful to social equality. Zimbabwe’s HEIs should consider drawing lessons from the country’s experience to promote inclusivity in access to higher education by constructing their ideas outside of neoliberal thinking.

The authors would like to acknowledge and express their appreciation to all the participants from the case university, including both administrative staff and students.

The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

B.H.T. conceptualised the theoretical framework of the study, participated in data collection and prepared the first draft of the study as well as providing the resources required to complete the project. L.P. developed the introductory and methodology sections of the study, collected data and was responsible for the final editing and production of the final article. All authors discussed the results and contributed towards the production of the final article.

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

The data that support the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author, B.H.T.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and are the product of professional research. It does not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency or that of the publisher. The authors are responsible for this article’s results, findings and content.

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