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• Black Americans Have a Clear Vision for Reducing Racism but Little Hope It Will Happen

Many say key U.S. institutions should be rebuilt to ensure fair treatment

Table of contents.

• Black Americans see little improvement in their lives despite increased national attention to racial issues
• Few Black adults expect equality for Black people in the U.S.
• Black adults say racism and police brutality are extremely big problems for Black people in the U.S.
• Personal experiences with discrimination are widespread among Black Americans
• Black adults see voting as the most effective strategy for moving toward equality in the U.S.
• Some Black adults see Black businesses and communities as effective remedies for inequality
• Black Americans say race matters little when choosing political allies
• The legacy of slavery affects Black Americans today
• Most Black adults agree the descendants of enslaved people should be repaid
• The types of repayment Black adults think would be most helpful
• Responsibility for reparations and the likelihood repayment will occur
• Black adults say the criminal justice system needs to be completely rebuilt
• Black adults say political, economic and health care systems need major changes to ensure fair treatment
• Most Black adults say funding for police departments should stay the same or increase
• Acknowledgments
• Appendix: Supplemental tables
• The American Trends Panel survey methodology

Pew Research Center conducted this analysis to understand the nuances among Black people on issues of racial inequality and social change in the United States. This in-depth survey explores differences among Black Americans in their views on the social status of the Black population in the U.S.; their assessments of racial inequality; their visions for institutional and social change; and their outlook on the chances that these improvements will be made. The analysis is the latest in the Center’s series of in-depth surveys of public opinion among Black Americans (read the first, “ Faith Among Black Americans ” and “ Race Is Central to Identity for Black Americans and Affects How They Connect With Each Other ”).

The online survey of 3,912 Black U.S. adults was conducted Oct. 4-17, 2021. Black U.S. adults include those who are single-race, non-Hispanic Black Americans; multiracial non-Hispanic Black Americans; and adults who indicate they are Black and Hispanic. The survey includes 1,025 Black adults on Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP) and 2,887 Black adults on Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel. Respondents on both panels are recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

Recruiting panelists by phone or mail ensures that nearly all U.S. Black adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling). Here are the questions used for the survey of Black adults, along with its responses and methodology .

The terms “Black Americans,” “Black people” and “Black adults” are used interchangeably throughout this report to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Black, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

Throughout this report, “Black, non-Hispanic” respondents are those who identify as single-race Black and say they have no Hispanic background. “Black Hispanic” respondents are those who identify as Black and say they have Hispanic background. We use the terms “Black Hispanic” and “Hispanic Black” interchangeably. “Multiracial” respondents are those who indicate two or more racial backgrounds (one of which is Black) and say they are not Hispanic.

Respondents were asked a question about how important being Black was to how they think about themselves. In this report, we use the term “being Black” when referencing responses to this question.

In this report, “immigrant” refers to people who were not U.S. citizens at birth – in other words, those born outside the U.S., Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories to parents who were not U.S. citizens. We use the terms “immigrant,” “born abroad” and “foreign-born” interchangeably.

Throughout this report, “Democrats and Democratic leaners” and just “Democrats” both refer to respondents who identify politically with the Democratic Party or who are independent or some other party but lean toward the Democratic Party. “Republicans and Republican leaners” and just “Republicans” both refer to respondents who identify politically with the Republican Party or are independent or some other party but lean toward the Republican Party.

Respondents were asked a question about their voter registration status. In this report, respondents are considered registered to vote if they self-report being absolutely certain they are registered at their current address. Respondents are considered not registered to vote if they report not being registered or express uncertainty about their registration.

To create the upper-, middle- and lower-income tiers, respondents’ 2020 family incomes were adjusted for differences in purchasing power by geographic region and household size. Respondents were then placed into income tiers: “Middle income” is defined as two-thirds to double the median annual income for the entire survey sample. “Lower income” falls below that range, and “upper income” lies above it. For more information about how the income tiers were created, read the methodology .

More than a year after the murder of George Floyd and the national protests, debate and political promises that ensued, 65% of Black Americans say the increased national attention on racial inequality has not led to changes that improved their lives. 1 And 44% say equality for Black people in the United States is not likely to be achieved, according to newly released findings from an October 2021 survey of Black Americans by Pew Research Center.

This is somewhat of a reversal in views from September 2020, when half of Black adults said the increased national focus on issues of race would lead to major policy changes to address racial inequality in the country and 56% expected changes that would make their lives better.

At the same time, many Black Americans are concerned about racial discrimination and its impact. Roughly eight-in-ten say they have personally experienced discrimination because of their race or ethnicity (79%), and most also say discrimination is the main reason many Black people cannot get ahead (68%).  

Even so, Black Americans have a clear vision for how to achieve change when it comes to racial inequality. This includes support for significant reforms to or complete overhauls of several U.S. institutions to ensure fair treatment, particularly the criminal justice system; political engagement, primarily in the form of voting; support for Black businesses to advance Black communities; and reparations in the forms of educational, business and homeownership assistance. Yet alongside their assessments of inequality and ideas about progress exists pessimism about whether U.S. society and its institutions will change in ways that would reduce racism.

These findings emerge from an extensive Pew Research Center survey of 3,912 Black Americans conducted online Oct. 4-17, 2021. The survey explores how Black Americans assess their position in U.S. society and their ideas about social change. Overall, Black Americans are clear on what they think the problems are facing the country and how to remedy them. However, they are skeptical that meaningful changes will take place in their lifetime.

Black Americans see racism in our laws as a big problem and discrimination as a roadblock to progress

Black adults were asked in the survey to assess the current nature of racism in the United States and whether structural or individual sources of this racism are a bigger problem for Black people. About half of Black adults (52%) say racism in our laws is a bigger problem than racism by individual people, while four-in-ten (43%) say acts of racism committed by individual people is the bigger problem. Only 3% of Black adults say that Black people do not experience discrimination in the U.S. today.

In assessing the magnitude of problems that they face, the majority of Black Americans say racism (63%), police brutality (60%) and economic inequality (54%) are extremely or very big problems for Black people living in the U.S. Slightly smaller shares say the same about the affordability of health care (47%), limitations on voting (46%), and the quality of K-12 schools (40%).

Aside from their critiques of U.S. institutions, Black adults also feel the impact of racial inequality personally. Most Black adults say they occasionally or frequently experience unfair treatment because of their race or ethnicity (79%), and two-thirds (68%) cite racial discrimination as the main reason many Black people cannot get ahead today.

Black Americans’ views on reducing racial inequality

Black Americans are clear on the challenges they face because of racism. They are also clear on the solutions. These range from overhauls of policing practices and the criminal justice system to civic engagement and reparations to descendants of people enslaved in the United States.

Changing U.S. institutions such as policing, courts and prison systems

About nine-in-ten Black adults say multiple aspects of the criminal justice system need some kind of change (minor, major or a complete overhaul) to ensure fair treatment, with nearly all saying so about policing (95%), the courts and judicial process (95%), and the prison system (94%).

Roughly half of Black adults say policing (49%), the courts and judicial process (48%), and the prison system (54%) need to be completely rebuilt for Black people to be treated fairly. Smaller shares say the same about the political system (42%), the economic system (37%) and the health care system (34%), according to the October survey.

While Black Americans are in favor of significant changes to policing, most want spending on police departments in their communities to stay the same (39%) or increase (35%). A little more than one-in-five (23%) think spending on police departments in their area should be decreased.

Black adults who favor decreases in police spending are most likely to name medical, mental health and social services (40%) as the top priority for those reappropriated funds. Smaller shares say K-12 schools (25%), roads, water systems and other infrastructure (12%), and reducing taxes (13%) should be the top priority.

Voting and ‘buying Black’ viewed as important strategies for Black community advancement

Black Americans also have clear views on the types of political and civic engagement they believe will move Black communities forward. About six-in-ten Black adults say voting (63%) and supporting Black businesses or “buying Black” (58%) are extremely or very effective strategies for moving Black people toward equality in the U.S. Smaller though still significant shares say the same about volunteering with organizations dedicated to Black equality (48%), protesting (42%) and contacting elected officials (40%).

Black adults were also asked about the effectiveness of Black economic and political independence in moving them toward equality. About four-in-ten (39%) say Black ownership of all businesses in Black neighborhoods would be an extremely or very effective strategy for moving toward racial equality, while roughly three-in-ten (31%) say the same about establishing a national Black political party. And about a quarter of Black adults (27%) say having Black neighborhoods governed entirely by Black elected officials would be extremely or very effective in moving Black people toward equality.

Most Black Americans support repayment for slavery

Discussions about atonement for slavery predate the founding of the United States. As early as 1672 , Quaker abolitionists advocated for enslaved people to be paid for their labor once they were free. And in recent years, some U.S. cities and institutions have implemented reparations policies to do just that.

Most Black Americans say the legacy of slavery affects the position of Black people in the U.S. either a great deal (55%) or a fair amount (30%), according to the survey. And roughly three-quarters (77%) say descendants of people enslaved in the U.S. should be repaid in some way.

Black adults who say descendants of the enslaved should be repaid support doing so in different ways. About eight-in-ten say repayment in the forms of educational scholarships (80%), financial assistance for starting or improving a business (77%), and financial assistance for buying or remodeling a home (76%) would be extremely or very helpful. A slightly smaller share (69%) say cash payments would be extremely or very helpful forms of repayment for the descendants of enslaved people.

Where the responsibility for repayment lies is also clear for Black Americans. Among those who say the descendants of enslaved people should be repaid, 81% say the U.S. federal government should have all or most of the responsibility for repayment. About three-quarters (76%) say businesses and banks that profited from slavery should bear all or most of the responsibility for repayment. And roughly six-in-ten say the same about colleges and universities that benefited from slavery (63%) and descendants of families who engaged in the slave trade (60%).

Black Americans are skeptical change will happen

Even though Black Americans’ visions for social change are clear, very few expect them to be implemented. Overall, 44% of Black adults say equality for Black people in the U.S. is a little or not at all likely. A little over a third (38%) say it is somewhat likely and only 13% say it is extremely or very likely.

They also do not think specific institutions will change. Two-thirds of Black adults say changes to the prison system (67%) and the courts and judicial process (65%) that would ensure fair treatment for Black people are a little or not at all likely in their lifetime. About six-in-ten (58%) say the same about policing. Only about one-in-ten say changes to policing (13%), the courts and judicial process (12%), and the prison system (11%) are extremely or very likely.

This pessimism is not only about the criminal justice system. The majority of Black adults say the political (63%), economic (62%) and health care (51%) systems are also unlikely to change in their lifetime.

Black Americans’ vision for social change includes reparations. However, much like their pessimism about institutional change, very few think they will see reparations in their lifetime. Among Black adults who say the descendants of people enslaved in the U.S. should be repaid, 82% say reparations for slavery are unlikely to occur in their lifetime. About one-in-ten (11%) say repayment is somewhat likely, while only 7% say repayment is extremely or very likely to happen in their lifetime.

Black Democrats, Republicans differ on assessments of inequality and visions for social change

Party affiliation is one key point of difference among Black Americans in their assessments of racial inequality and their visions for social change. Black Republicans and Republican leaners are more likely than Black Democrats and Democratic leaners to focus on the acts of individuals. For example, when summarizing the nature of racism against Black people in the U.S., the majority of Black Republicans (59%) say racist acts committed by individual people is a bigger problem for Black people than racism in our laws. Black Democrats (41%) are less likely to hold this view.

Black Republicans (45%) are also more likely than Black Democrats (21%) to say that Black people who cannot get ahead in the U.S. are mostly responsible for their own condition. And while similar shares of Black Republicans (79%) and Democrats (80%) say they experience racial discrimination on a regular basis, Republicans (64%) are more likely than Democrats (36%) to say that most Black people who want to get ahead can make it if they are willing to work hard.

On the other hand, Black Democrats are more likely than Black Republicans to focus on the impact that racial inequality has on Black Americans. Seven-in-ten Black Democrats (73%) say racial discrimination is the main reason many Black people cannot get ahead in the U.S, while about four-in-ten Black Republicans (44%) say the same. And Black Democrats are more likely than Black Republicans to say racism (67% vs. 46%) and police brutality (65% vs. 44%) are extremely big problems for Black people today.

Black Democrats are also more critical of U.S. institutions than Black Republicans are. For example, Black Democrats are more likely than Black Republicans to say the prison system (57% vs. 35%), policing (52% vs. 29%) and the courts and judicial process (50% vs. 35%) should be completely rebuilt for Black people to be treated fairly.

While the share of Black Democrats who want to see large-scale changes to the criminal justice system exceeds that of Black Republicans, they share similar views on police funding. Four-in-ten each of Black Democrats and Black Republicans say funding for police departments in their communities should remain the same, while around a third of each partisan coalition (36% and 37%, respectively) says funding should increase. Only about one-in-four Black Democrats (24%) and one-in-five Black Republicans (21%) say funding for police departments in their communities should decrease.

Among the survey’s other findings:

Black adults differ by age in their views on political strategies. Black adults ages 65 and older (77%) are most likely to say voting is an extremely or very effective strategy for moving Black people toward equality. They are significantly more likely than Black adults ages 18 to 29 (48%) and 30 to 49 (60%) to say this. Black adults 65 and older (48%) are also more likely than those ages 30 to 49 (38%) and 50 to 64 (42%) to say protesting is an extremely or very effective strategy. Roughly four-in-ten Black adults ages 18 to 29 say this (44%).

Gender plays a role in how Black adults view policing. Though majorities of Black women (65%) and men (56%) say police brutality is an extremely big problem for Black people living in the U.S. today, Black women are more likely than Black men to hold this view. When it comes to criminal justice, Black women (56%) and men (51%) are about equally likely to share the view that the prison system should be completely rebuilt to ensure fair treatment of Black people. However, Black women (52%) are slightly more likely than Black men (45%) to say this about policing. On the matter of police funding, Black women (39%) are slightly more likely than Black men (31%) to say police funding in their communities should be increased. On the other hand, Black men are more likely than Black women to prefer that funding stay the same (44% vs. 36%). Smaller shares of both Black men (23%) and women (22%) would like to see police funding decreased.

Income impacts Black adults’ views on reparations. Roughly eight-in-ten Black adults with lower (78%), middle (77%) and upper incomes (79%) say the descendants of people enslaved in the U.S. should receive reparations. Among those who support reparations, Black adults with upper and middle incomes (both 84%) are more likely than those with lower incomes (75%) to say educational scholarships would be an extremely or very helpful form of repayment. However, of those who support reparations, Black adults with lower (72%) and middle incomes (68%) are more likely than those with higher incomes (57%) to say cash payments would be an extremely or very helpful form of repayment for slavery.

• Black adults in the September 2020 survey only include those who say their race is Black alone and are non-Hispanic. The same is true only for the questions of improvements to Black people’s lives and equality in the United States in the October 2021 survey. Throughout the rest of this report, Black adults include those who say their race is Black alone and non-Hispanic; those who say their race is Black and at least one other race and non-Hispanic; or Black and Hispanic, unless otherwise noted. ↩

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Racial Discrimination — A Report On Racial Inequality

A Report on Racial Inequality

• Categories: Racial Discrimination

About this sample

Words: 1006 |

Published: Dec 12, 2018

Words: 1006 | Pages: 2 | 6 min read

Table of contents

What do we mean by inequality, works cited, who to blame, what can be done about racial inequality.

• Alexander, M. (2012). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press.
• Anderson, C. J. (2010). The End of the Black White Paradigm? Black-White Multiracial Americans in Contemporary Politics. University of California Press.
• Bonilla-Silva, E. (2017). Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
• DiAngelo, R. (2018). White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism. Beacon Press.
• Du Bois, W. E. B. (1903). The Souls of Black Folk. Oxford University Press.
• Kendi, I. X. (2019). How to Be an Antiracist. One World.
• Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2014). Racial Formation in the United States. Routledge.
• Rothstein, R. (2017). The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America. Liveright.
• Smith, R. A. (2015). Race, Class, and Power: Intersectionality and the Politics of Exclusion. Princeton University Press.
• Tatum, B. D. (2017). Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? And Other Conversations About Race. Basic Books.

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Two Opposing Developments That Changed American Politics

By Thomas B. Edsall

Mr. Edsall contributes a weekly column from Washington on politics, demographics and inequality.

A pair of major developments in recent years — the ascendance of Donald Trump and the emergence of Black Lives Matter protests — have decisively altered the nation’s two political parties.

One key measure of this phenomenon is the growing disparity between the views of Democrats and Republicans on a wide range of groups — from the police to feminists to transgender people — as documented by American National Election Studies surveys.

The surveys asked voters to use a thermometer scale running from 0 (coldest) to 50 (neutral) to 100 (warmest) to rate different groups.

The researchers found, for example, that from 2012 to 2020, Democratic voters’ ratings of “feminists” rose from 59.9 to 70.9 while Republican ratings of feminists fell from 47.9 to 43.8. Over the same period, Democrats’ ratings of “Christian fundamentalists” fell from 49.7 to 39.3, while Republican voters’ ratings of this cohort increased slightly, from 80.3 to 81.9.

The sharpest difference emerged on partisan views of the Black Lives Matter movement. From 2016, when the survey first polled attitudes toward Black Lives Matter, to 2020, Democrats’ favorable rating rose from 66.3 to 76.9 while Republicans’ views fell from 30.2 in 2016 to 26.2 over the same time span. Put another way, the spread between Democrats and Republicans grew from 34.1 points to 50.7 points in four years.

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Economic prospects brighten for children of low-income black americans, study finds.

Opportunity Insights also finds gap widening between whites at top, bottom

Christy DeSmith

Harvard Staff Writer

Illustration by Roy Scott/Ikon Images

Economic prospects have improved in recent years for Black Americans born poor, according to new research from Opportunity Insights . At the same time, earnings have fallen for white Americans from low-income families.

The analysis, drawn from 40 years of tax and Census records, finds a dramatic narrowing of the economic divide between the poorest Black and white Americans. But it also reveals a widening gap between low- and high-income white people, driven by shifts in the geography of employment.

“This is the first big data study to look at recent changes in economic opportunity within the same place over time,” said study co-author Benny Goldman , M.A. ’21, Ph.D. ’24, a research affiliate with Opportunity Insights. “And what we see are shrinking race gaps and growing class gaps.”

The research, published last week, follows what Goldman called “a long history of folks studying intergenerational mobility.” That includes Opportunity Insights co-founder and director Raj Chetty , the William A. Ackman Professor of Public Economics and one of the study’s five co-authors. For more than a decade, Chetty has built an influential body of work demonstrating how access to the American Dream varies by region, race, and history.

Changes in economic mobility of Black Americans

U.S. heat maps compare mean household income percentile at age 27 of Black Americans born in 1978 (left) vs. 1992.

“Changing Opportunity: Sociological Mechanisms Underlying Growing Class Gaps and Shrinking Race Gaps in Economic Mobility”

Social scientists have found the patterns he uncovered to be persistent. For example, a Swedish demographer compared findings from a 2014 study co-authored by Chetty on upward mobility across generations in the U.S. to the prevalence of slavery from the 1860 census. Counties with high rates of bondage at the outbreak of the Civil War showed less mobility for residents born more than 100 years later.

With the new study, Chetty et al. set out to investigate whether these dynamics are changing. Anonymized records provided by the federal government were used to compare earnings at age 27 with socioeconomic factors from childhood. The sample included 57 million Americans born in 1978 or 1992.

Across the country, the sample’s Black millennials fared better than its Black Gen Xers. Individuals born in 1978 to low-income families (with earnings in the 25th percentile or lower) averaged $19,420 per year in early adulthood compared to an inflation-adjusted $21,030 for poorer members of the 1992 cohort. Outcomes also improved slightly for children born to high-income Black families, though researchers noted “noisier,” or less reliable, estimates for this population due to a small sample size.

“What we see are shrinking race gaps and growing class gaps.”

Outcomes showed wide variation by region, with Black Americans making the biggest strides in the Southeast and Midwest — areas traditionally associated with high rates of Black poverty.

“Take where I grew up in Kalamazoo, Michigan,” offered co-author Will Dobbie , a professor of public policy at Harvard Kennedy School and faculty research fellow at the National Bureau of Economic Research. “Poor Black kids born there in 1992 were earning $4,700 more at age 27 than poor Black kids born there in 1978, an incredible improvement in just a few years.”

Meanwhile, white Gen Xers from poorer families averaged $27,680 per year versus $26,150 for millennial peers. The gap between the poorest and richest white people ballooned by 28 percent over the same period, as those born at the top watched their fortunes climb.

Results were particularly stark in a few regions of the country known for prosperity. “Outcomes for low-income white children born in the ’90s from parts of Massachusetts, Connecticut, rural New York, and California started to look like Appalachia, the Southeast, and the industrial Midwest did for low-income white children born in the late ’70s,” noted Goldman, now a newly installed assistant professor of economics and public policy at Cornell University.

“This work reinforces the importance of childhood communities for outcomes in adulthood, consistent with our prior findings,” Chetty wrote in an email. “But it shows that it is possible for these communities to change rapidly — within a decade — in a way that has significant causal effects on children’s long-term outcomes.”

$21,030 Inflation-adjusted average income for Black millennials at age 27 (vs. $19,420 for Black Gen Xers at same age)

To be sure, vast racial disparities persisted. For Gen Xers who grew up poor, the racial earnings gap between Black and white Americans was $12,994. For millennials, it fell 27 percent to $9,521. In a research summary , modest changes in economic mobility were noted for Hispanic, Asian, and Native American children.

But Black Americans in the younger set had a far better shot at moving out of poverty. Those born in 1978 to families in the bottom income quintile were 14.7 percent more likely to remain in poverty than similarly situated whites. For those born in 1992, the gap fell to 4.1 percent.

As an additional aspect of their analysis, the researchers check their findings against historic rates of parental employment at the neighborhood level. This approach was inspired by the work of Harvard sociologist William Julius Wilson , author of “When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor ” (1996). “It was used as a broad way to measure the health of any given community where kids grew up,” Goldman explained.

The researchers saw that neighborhood employment tracked neatly with emerging race and class differences. “We found a sharp decline in employment rates among lower-income white parents relative to low-income Black families and higher-income white families,” Goldman said.

Declining earnings were hardly the only negative associated with growing up amid low parental employment. In a testament to the power of social connections, places with fewer working parents also saw rising mortality and falling rates of marriage.

Yet this wasn’t a case of opportunity moving from one group to another, since neighborhoods with higher rates of adult employment saw better outcomes for people of all races. “In areas where Black kids did best, low-income white kids and their parents also did better,” Goldman said.

What’s more, the researchers found that moving to areas with strong parental employment was associated with higher earnings in early adulthood. According to Goldman, this was especially true for those who landed in the new neighborhood before the age of 10. “Growing class gaps and shrinking race gaps did not result from unequal access to a booming economy,” he said. “Instead, what matters is how many years of childhood were spent in a thriving environment.”

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Racial inequality in the united states.

By: Counselor for Racial Equity Janis Bowdler and Assistant Secretary for Economic Policy Benjamin Harris  

Racial inequality is the unequal distribution of resources, power, and economic opportunity across race in a society. While the discussion of racial inequality in the United States is often focused on economic inequality, racial inequality also manifests itself in a multitude of ways that alone and together impact the well-being of all Americans. This includes racial disparities in wealth, education, employment, housing, mobility, health, rates of incarceration, and more. 1

In her January 2022 remarks at the 2022 ‘Virtual Davos Agenda’ hosted by the World Economic Forum, Secretary of the Treasury Janet Yellen stated, “A country’s long-term growth potential depends on the size of its labor force, the productivity of its workers, the renewability of its resources, and the stability of its political systems.” This concept underpins the Biden Administration’s economic growth strategy, which Secretary Yellen has coined “modern supply side economics.” According to Secretary Yellen, modern supply side economics “prioritizes labor supply, human capital, R&D, and investments in a sustainable environment. These focus areas are all aimed at increasing economic growth and addressing longer-term structural problems, particularly inequality.” 2  This reflects a recognition that despite an aim to advance economic growth, many policies in areas such as access to the labor market, housing, and infrastructure have not benefited all Americans. This has impacted the ability of communities of color, rural communities, and other historically marginalized people to fully participate in and benefit from the nation’s prosperity. Our economy as a whole cannot be as productive as possible unless all individuals are given the opportunity to be as productive as possible. As a result, the legacies of structural racism continue to hamper economic growth for everyone. Furthermore, some economic policies that would directly benefit Americans of all races and ethnicities have been undermined by zero-sum arguments that play to fears that one group will benefit at the expense of another. 

There are, of course, moral, legal, microeconomic, and other reasons to promote a more just and equitable society. In a series of blog posts over the coming months, we will focus on the economic argument for reducing racial inequality. The economic cost of racial inequality is borne not just by the individuals directly faced with limited opportunities, but also has spillovers to the entire U.S. economy. Especially as the country becomes more racially diverse (see Figure 1), inequality poses an ongoing threat to our individual and collective economic welfare.  

Figure 1: Changing Racial and Ethnic Composition of the U.S. Population

Notes: Hispanic refers to anyone of Hispanic ethnicity, regardless of race. The remaining groups exclude anyone of Hispanic ethnicity. Prior to the 1980 decennial census, individuals were not directly asked about whether they were of Hispanic origins. For data before the 1980 decennial census, Hispanic is imputed by IPUMS.  Source: Treasury calculations using U.S. Census Bureau data from IPUMS. Steven Ruggles, Sarah Flood, Sophia Foster, Ronald Goeken, Jose Pacas, Megan Schouweiler and Matthew Sobek. IPUMS USA: Version 11.0 [dataset]. Minneapolis, MN: IPUMS, 2021. https://doi.org/10.18128/D010.V11.0  

Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo emphasized this argument in his September 2021 blog post: “The exclusion of communities of color from the ladder of economic opportunity holds back economic growth for the entire country. Pursuing racial equity is a vital opportunity to drive innovation and boost growth across the U.S. economy.” 3  When people gain access to the resources they need to build their economic future and withstand financial shocks, it is not just good for individuals and their families, but it also benefits the communities where they live, work, and invest, with beneficial spillovers to the economy as a whole. Likewise, when investments are made that allow millions of people who have been held back economically to reach their full economic potential, it gives the United States an important advantage in an increasingly competitive global economy. We cannot afford to leave talent and opportunity on the table.

Below we briefly discuss the origins and persistence of inequality in the United States, highlight some of the key economic indicators of its impact, and give an overview of the issues we will explore in more depth in future posts.

Origins and Persistence of Racial Inequality in the United States

Racial inequality in the United States today is rooted in longstanding behaviors, beliefs, and public and private policies that resulted in the appropriation of the physical, financial, labor, and other resources of non-white people. While a review of the origins of racial inequity is beyond the scope of this blog, it is important to note the prominent role of inequitable and harmful policies—dating back to before the country’s founding. These include attacks on Native Americans’ political status and expropriation of their land, the reliance on slavery to underpin a significant portion of the colonial and then U.S. economy, and the Jim Crow laws and other formal and informal policies that enforced segregation and severely limited opportunities for non-white Americans. The millions of African Americans who left the southern United States to escape Jim Crow laws faced formal and informal employment, housing, and educational discrimination in destination cities in the North and West. 4  Native Americans who survived the military conquests of the mid-19th century were subject to policies that disenfranchised them, forced their assimilation and relocation, and removed Native children from their households. Anti-Latino sentiment, which grew in the 19th century as emigration from Mexico to the United States increased in the years following the Mexican-American War, grew further following the Great Depression due to concerns that Mexican Americans were taking jobs from European-Americans. 5  Similarly, anti-Asian sentiment grew following the arrival of Chinese immigrants during the California Gold Rush, which was manifested in the Chinese Exclusion Act prohibiting the immigration of Chinese laborers beginning in 1882, and was ignited again after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, with the establishment of Japanese internment camps by executive order, which resulted in the forced relocation and internment of about 120,000 Japanese Americans. 6

While the most targeted racist laws and policies have been repealed or otherwise abandoned, subsequent policies, uneven enforcement of equal protections, and a failure to invest in individuals harmed by de jure and de facto discrimination has resulted in vastly limited opportunities and stark inequities between white and non-white Americans that have continued to this day. For example, maps drawn by the Home Owners Loan Corporation, a now defunct federal agency, to portray the relative riskiness of lending across neighborhoods in the 1930s were used by banks to deny access to credit to residents of the lowest-rated neighborhoods, who were often racial and ethnic minorities, though these policies also hurt poor white individuals. 7  Moreover, this conduct depressed home ownership rates, house values, and rents and increased racial segregation in low-rated neighborhoods in subsequent decades, highlighting the lasting, negative economic consequences of racism on the community and on future residents of these neighborhoods, regardless of race. 8   These and other policies and actions not only led to continued racial disparities in access to resources and opportunities, they also led to differences in the extent to which people of different races benefit from the resources and opportunities they already possess. 9

These disparities are evident in the persistent over-representation of Black and Hispanic Americans among the population in poverty in the United States and in the widening of the racial wealth gap in recent decades. 10   While the poverty rates for all racial and ethnic groups had been declining prior to the COVID-19 pandemic (see Figure 2), the gaps between the rates for Black and Hispanic Americans and non-Hispanic white Americans has remained relatively constant since the early 2000s. At the same time, the gap in average net wealth between Black and Hispanic households and non-Hispanic white households has widened significantly (see Figure 3).

Figure 2. Poverty Rate by Race and Hispanic Origin: 1959 to 2019

Figure 3. Household Net Worth by Race and Hispanic Origin: 1989 to 2019

Source: Federal Reserve Board, https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/wealth-inequality-and-the-racial-wealth-gap-20211022.htm  

Racial disparities in outcomes predictive of future success appear early in life. In 2010, math skills at kindergarten entry were over half a standard deviation higher for white students than for Black or Hispanic students, with similar disparities in reading skills. 11  These disparities in educational outcomes continue into higher education. In 2019, 40 percent of white adults had earned a bachelor’s degree compared to just 26, 19, and 17 percent of Black, Hispanic, and American Indian or Alaska Native adults, respectively. 12

Large educational disparities, coupled with racial discrimination in the labor market and other factors, lead to pronounced differences in economic security across racial groups. In 2019, the unemployment rate was 6.1 percent for both Black and American Indian or Alaska Native adults, compared to just 3.3 and 2.7 percent for white and Asian adults, respectively. Similarly, the rate for Hispanic adults was 4.3 percent and only 3.5 percent for non-Hispanics. 13

In addition, Black and Hispanic adults continue to have considerably lower earnings than White or Asian adults. Median household income in 2020 was roughly $46,000 and $55,500 for Black and Hispanic workers, respectively, compared to $75,000 and $95,000 for white and Asian households, as shown in Figure 4. These earnings differences have changed little since 1970 and are one of the primary contributors to the persistence of the racial wealth gap. In 2019, the median white family had $184,000 in family wealth compared to just $23,000 and $38,000 for the median Black and Hispanic families, respectively. 14

Racial disparities in educational and economic outcomes not only impact the economic well-being of racial and ethnic minorities, they have also been shown to inhibit economic growth for the U.S. economy as a whole, which affects the economic security of every American, regardless of race. For example, recent research by economists Chang-Tai Hsieh, Erik Hurst, Charles I. Jones, and Peter J. Klenow shows that up to 40 percent of growth in U.S. GDP per capita between 1960 and 2010 can be attributed to increases in the shares of women and Black men working in highly skilled occupations, likely due to changes in social norms that previously hindered talented women and Black men from pursuing their comparative advantage. 15  This research suggests that sexist and racist social norms prevented the U.S. economy from reaching its full potential and that working to ensure that every American has an equal opportunity to pursue the career he or she chooses should improve economic outcomes for all.

Figure 4. Real Median Household Income by Race and Hispanic Origin: 1967 to 2020

Racial gaps in well-being extend beyond educational attainment and economic security. Health disparities, for example, also begin early in life and persist over the lifespan. Black and Hispanic Americans face higher rates of child abuse, 16  lead exposure, 17  obesity in childhood, 18  and chronic illness in adulthood than white Americans. 19  These groups often experience restricted access to quality health care, an issue further illuminated by the recent global pandemic. Compared to white non-Hispanic Americans, Hispanic, Black non-Hispanic, and American Indian or Alaska Native non-Hispanic Americans are 1.8, 1.7, and 2.1 times more likely to die from COVID-19. 20   Moreover, as the COVID-19 pandemic has shown, the inequitable distribution of healthcare in the United States can negatively impact the health of all Americans, including those with access to high-quality services.

In addition, people of color in the United States are over-represented in neighborhoods with high poverty rates. In 2019, nearly a quarter of American Indians or Alaska Natives, 21 percent of non-Hispanic Black people, and 17 percent of Hispanic people lived in high-poverty neighborhoods, defined as Census tracts with a poverty rate of 30 percent or higher. In contrast, only 4 percent and 6 percent of white and Asian or Pacific Islander people lived in high-poverty neighborhoods. 21  High-poverty neighborhoods often lack vital resources and amenities like good schools, large and affordable grocery stores, reliable public transportation, and safe and clean community spaces that enable residents to succeed in the classroom and on the job.

It is important to note that while we have reliable measures and data sources to define the differences in many outcomes between racial and ethnic groups over the past forty years, our ability to trace racial inequality back further and examine the country’s progress since the end of slavery is limited by the quality and quantity of data available. For example, greater disparities exist within the Asian American and Pacific Islander group than are often evident in aggregate data, and data on Native communities in the United States is usually inadequate for any in depth analyses. Moreover, for some outcomes such as wealth, our ability to measure contemporary differences is also limited by data availability.

Roadmap for this Blog Series

Upcoming posts will discuss in greater depth the extent of racial inequality in economic security and explain how differences in in educational opportunity and attainment, neighborhoods and environmental factors, health and access to healthcare, and employment and job quality, contribute to and are caused by the persistence of racial disparities in economic well-being. Each post will highlight important facts, discuss how key outcomes have evolved over time, and emphasize the connections with other components of economic inequality, with the goal of calling attention to areas where more work is needed to advance racial equity. In addition, we will discuss issues related to data quality and coverage that affect our ability to truly understand the trajectory of racial inequality in the United States.

[1] Shapiro, Thomas M. The Hidden Cost of Being African American: How Wealth Perpetuates Inequality . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.

[2] https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/jy0565

[3] https://home.treasury.gov/system/files/136/American-Rescue-Plan-Centering-Equity-in-Policymaking.pdf

[4] Derenoncourt, Ellora. 2022. “Can You Move to Opportunity? Evidence from the Great Migration.” American Economic Review 11 (2): 369-408.

[5] https://www.history.com/news/the-brutal-history-of-anti-latino-discrimination-in-america

[6] https://www.britannica.com/event/Japanese-American-internment. For additional details on the economic impacts of inequitable government policy, see:

• Aaronson, Daniel, Daniel Hartley, and Bhashkar Mazumder. 2021. “The Effects of the 1930s HOLC ‘Redlining’ Maps.” American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 13 (4): 355-92.
• Carruthers, Celeste K., and Marianne H. Wanamaker. 2017. “Separate and Unequal in the Labor Market: Human Capital and the Jim Crow Wage Gap.” Journal of Labor Economics 35 (3): 655-696.
• Jones, Maggie E.C. 2021. “The Intergenerational Legacy of Indian Residential Schools.” Unpublished working paper. Available at: https://maggieecjones.files.wordpress.com/2021/02/intergenerationalrs.pdf
• Rothstein, Richard. The color of law: A forgotten history of how our government segregated America . Liveright Publishing, 2017.

[7] https://www.britannica.com/topic/redlining

[8] Aaronson, Daniel, Daniel Hartley, and Bhashkar Mazumder. 2021. “The Effects of the 1930s HOLC ‘Redlining’ Maps.” American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 13 (4): 355-92.

[9] Pfeffer, Fabian T., and Alexandra Killewald. 2018. “Generations of Advantage: Multigenerational Correlations in Family Wealth.” Social Forces 96 (4): 1411-42.

[10] Wealth is the total financial value of what an individual or household owns (assets) minus all debts (liabilities), representing the sum of financial resources available to an individual or household at a point in time. Assets include the value of a home, retirement savings, stocks, bonds, money in the bank, and other items of value, while liabilities include home mortgages, auto loans, credit card debt, and student debt. The racial wealth gap is the difference in wealth held by different racial and ethnic groups.

[11] Reardon, Sean F., and Ximena A. Portilla. 2016. “Recent Trends in Income, Racial, and Ethnic School Readiness Gaps at Kindergarten Entry.” AERA Open 2(3): 1-18. https://doi.org/10.1177/2332858416657343.

[12] https://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d20/tables/dt20_104.10.asp

[13] https://www.bls.gov/opub/reports/race-and-ethnicity/2019/home.htm

[14] https://www.stlouisfed.org/open-vault/2020/december/has-wealth-inequality-changed-over-time-key-statistics

[15] Hsieh, Chang-Tai, Erik Hurst, Charles I. Jones, and Peter J. Klenow. 2019. “The Allocation of Talent and U.S. Growth.” Econometrica , 87 (5): 1439-1474.

[16] Dakil, Suzanne R., Matthew Cox, Hua Lin, and Glenn Flores. “Racial and Ethnic Disparities in    Physical Abuse Reporting and Child Protective Services Interventions in the United States.” Journal of the National Medical Association 103(9-10): 926-931.

[17] Teye, Simisola O., Jeff D. Yanosky, Yendelea Cuffee, Xingran Weng, Raffy Luquis, Elana Farace, and Li Wang. 2021. “Exploring Persistent Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Lead Exposure among American Children Aged 1-5 Years: Results from NHANES 1999-2016.” International Archives of Occupational and Environmental Health 94: 723-730.

[18] Anderson, Sarah E., and Robert C. Whitaker. 2009. “Prevalence of Obesity Among US Preschool Children in Different Racial and Ethnic Groups.” Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 163(4):344–348. doi:10.1001/archpediatrics.2009.18

[19] Quiñones, Ana R., Anda Botoseneanu, Sheila Markwardt, Corey L. Nagel, Jason T. Newsom, David A. Dorr, Heather G. Allore. 2019. “Racial/Ethnic Differences in Multimorbidity Development and Chronic Disease Accumulation for Middle-Aged Adults.” PLoS ONE 14(6): e0218462. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0218462

[20] https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-data/investigations-discovery/hospitalization-death-by-race-ethnicity.html

[21] https://nationalequityatlas.org/indicators/Neighborhood_poverty#/?geo=01000000000000000

What is Racial Inequality?

How it works

Racial inequality is systematically different from racial discrimination and racism. Racial discrimination involves the treatment of racial inequality while racial inequality involves the consequences of inequality such as, income, education, health, etc. Racism often involves these two processes, but modern forms of racial inequality and discrimination are not necessarily the direct consequences of modern racism (Pager and Shepherd, 2008). Racist sociology studies that relationships between these three phenomena when, how, why and to what extent? In the post-civil rights era “open” racism is widely criticized, so one of the challenges facing social scientists is their more subtle, decentralized symptoms and persistence conceptualize and measure the social effects.

Currently racism is a major social paradigm for tolerance, acceptance and strengthening of racial inequalities and is associated with the opportunity for children to learn and thrive on going through such inequalities. Racial inequality obviously leads to discriminatory treatment of minorities. For example, individuals from historically alienated ethnic groups may be considered less valuable or less intelligent than most cultural groups. At the same time, most cultural children and communities are allowed to maintain established privileges and importance. This privilege can provide better treatment and/or opportunity than other people in educational systems and other social systems. The presence of racism in the educational setting is really hurting everyone but has the most negative and long-lasting income on ethnic minorities (Pollock, 2008). Racial bias is a group’s attitude or direction regarding the status of different ethnic groups in social order (Bobo, 1999). Most groups and minorities can adapt to these attitudes. Racial inequality involves the direct and indirect, public or subtle behavior of the majority group and limits minority economic, political, educational and social opportunities.

[image: ]If we take a look at the Black Wealth/ White Wealth it mostly provides a strong portrait of racial inequality based on an analysis of private wealth. For those who point out the growing black middle class as evidence of racial inequality, Black wealth/ White Fortune shows how to analyze assets and liabilities as well as the income you’ll find various stories. Authors Oliver and Shapiro conducted a comprehensive survey of the creation, expansion and preservation of physical assets revealing a sustained and serious economic gap between blacks and whites (Oliver, M.L., & Shapiro T.M., 1995)

In some ways, wealth is more important for our understanding to social inequality. Because wealth does generate income inequality in part depends on wealth inequality. Studies on racial inequalities have shown that most of the inequalities between African Americans and whites are due to discrimination against African Americans in wealth differences and access to wealth, especially housing. The gap between the rich and the poor has not yet been resolved. Raising children in a family of two parents does not make up for the gap between rich and poor people. Full time work does not eliminate the gap, or even using less money. It clearly seems as if nothing will offset the gap between the rich and the poor. (McGirt, Ellen.)

The consequences of racial disparities in 2011 were serious in the united states in 1967. Although you consider America as a racially discrimination and racially discriminatory, it has worsened in the region just three years after congress passed the Civil Rights Act in 1967. However, in 2011 the income difference between back and white households increased to $8,000. This is more than 40% and the relationship between these two concepts is not wrong reducing racial discrimination. Till this day, it is unsure that the only way to get white support to promote advanced social policy is doubtful.

Another theory is that racial inequalities in the U.S criminal justice system are mainly due to racial inequalities in criminal petitions that must be passed a minimal judgment, resulting in imprisonment I think that there is a big racial difference. (Abrams, Abigail). Ending police racial profiling is essential to promote justice, equality, effective law enforcement and to execute mass sentences. Racial characterization perpetuates racial inequalities in the criminal justice by describing constitutional violations, unfairly monitoring, quoting, and arresting people of color.

Racial discrimination has been increasing in the United States, in addition to the harsh issues related to racial discrimination in law enforcement and criminal justice systems, the main issues related to inequalities and disparities are highlighted. Indicators can not determine the preservation and promotion of discrimination based on nationality, ethnicity and/or racial background. According to consumer finance survey, the average white family had a net worth of $13 per dollar held in average persons of color households in 2013.

Public debate focuses on racial inequality, but it is not a particularly useful argument. We need to give up the racial inequality vocabulary, but instead focus on ethnic refocusing. The idiom of racial reorganization not only helps to eliminate the notion of “whiteness” as a reference point for measuring formal equality, but also the stigma’s “often poor culture” prevents behavioral debates.

There are various ways to end racism one of them would be by promoting and defending human rights. Racism and discrimination in the united states will come to a potential stop, and distinguishing personal bias from institutionalized discrimination. It has been proven that the level of cultural change resulted to decrease in prejudice and discrimination since the part of the 20th century, also as the remaining importance of racial discrimination in the lives of people of color. People have suggested different ways of reducing or stopping prejudice and discrimination. For example: Increased multicultural education, reforms to the judicial system, and revolutionary cultural change. They also consider the statement that eliminating prejudice and racial inequality in the united states is impossible and unrealistic, too as the debate that eliminating racial inequalities is unnecessary.

Do you seem overwhelmed by all of this damaging and harmful prejudice, but unsure what to do about it? The good news is, while the extent of discrimination in America might be a huge problem, progress is likely, step-by-step and piece-by-piece, it has been suggested that we must profoundly study to stop this problem of racial inequities. But to begin we must really understand what racial discrimination truly is. Firstly, we must briefly examine how sociologists see discrimination so that way we’ll be able to consider ways that each of us will get to change it. Sociologists define discrimination in America as systemic it is embedded in every facet of our cultural facet of our cultural structure. This systemic discrimination is characterized by unfair enrichment of whites, unfair impoverishments of people of color, and the overall unfair system of resources across racial lines (wealth, safe space, education, political power and food, for example). Systemic racism is made up of racial ideologies and attitudes, including unconscious and implied things that might still be well-meaning. It constitutes the method that allows privileges and benefits to whites in the cost of others; the alienating racial cultural relations perpetuated by whites with racial world-views at stances of power (police and news media) are some. While people of color subordinated, oppressed, and marginalized by these forces.

[image: ]Racial inequalities or discrimination is clearly the domination of one race at another, which frequently results in favoritism and bias towards people from their race or ethnicity. Nowadays, the usage of the term “discrimination” does not well come under a single definition (Garner, Steve, 2009). As all of the above suggests, the prejudice and discrimination practices in all countries like race, sex, age, status and disability are growing. Despite these beliefs that discrimination is ending, statistics suggest that it is growing.

This change is alarming because it not in smaller amounts, rather it is quickly growing and in the near future, it has been anticipated that discrimination could continue to grow in the workplace. This is where discrimination is majorly experienced by two sorts of people females and those minorities. Women are normally treated differently than males (Hersh, 2007). Due to the fact that women are weaker that men they don’t get paid enough or as much as men would. Plus, they do easier duties. Besides these concepts they are treated different and not like equals.

Like mentioned before its all up to us to stop discrimination and restructure the system the way we would like, and to finally get the world we desire and demand, this history of this unfairness and uneven distribution of wealth in America is the history of discrimination – I would love to believe that its possible to put this to an end but unfortunately, it is impossible to separate these two. If we have the commitment to stopping discrimination and running towards racial justice and perhaps join programs that want to end racial profiling.

Nowadays it’s all about: color, race, religion or status. Many of us may not believe this is discrimination, but it is. Many people wish someone would just end all of this harsh treatment in the world, and many people in the past have attempted to put an end and, in some ways, we’ve improved, but it seems as if as time goes by racism has gotten worse. We are living in a time where forms of discrimination are seen everywhere and every second. Racial inequality, racial profiling and discrimination is like a disgusting illness, being passed down from generation to generation by evil racists. Unfortunately, most us can encounter discrimination and its effects can influence us on a daily. This racial attitude in the American system from the periods of slavery. Where Africans were supposed to be inferior to whites. Throughout history, the orientation of race and prejudice has evolved and produced some other meanings. Today we will see the destructive effects of racial inequality on people of color, also whites, “discrimination”, like other forms of oppression, is extremely harmful and violent.

Every year, Americans observe what they mostly glorify as the ending of racial inequality within “Black History Month.” students wonder and pondering how legalized discrimination would always have taken place in the land of supposed “freedom” and the “available”, some might understand that discrimination even exists – it has just changed into the label of “criminal” instead of “dark.” Mass incarceration has forced millions of black males into the job not similar to Jim Crow, where they are wrongfully excluded from incorporating into mainstream society.

Therefore, the impacts of racial discrimination and difference involves more than moral bravery. People of color face obstacles in all facets of life, in education, income, welfare, occupation or rights to administration. (Kramer, Mark) In all racism can be said to identify the status in society at which the superior racial group benefits from the hard work or pursuits of others, whether the group needs such benefits or not. (Blay, Zeba, 26 aug 2015) Foucauldian student Ladelle McWhorter at her 2009 novel prejudice and sexual persecution at Anglo-America: The kindred concludes that modern racism similarly, focusing on the notion of a higher group (usually whites), competing for racial purity and progress, rather than an obvious ideology focused on the oppression of non-Caucasians. (McWhorter, Ladelle, 2009)

The idea that race is a social construct has been widely accepted by scholars throughout history, and the belief in the domination of one race at another, which frequently results in favoritism and bias towards people from their race or ethnicity (Garner, steve, 2009). Another concept proposes that racial differences in the American criminal justice system is largely caused by racial imbalance in decisions to direct illegal suspects with offences involving the required minimum prison sentence, leading to large racial disparities in incarceration. (Rahavi and Starr) In the United States, there is a heritage of racial inequality formed by the enslavement of millions of colored people. During this period of slavery, terrorism and racial domination most dramatically manifested by lynching. This social movement of the 1950s and decades disputed the legality of some of these most prejudiced exercises and constructions that maintained racist domination. Consequently, this legacy of racial inequality has persisted, leaving us vulnerable to a range of problems that continue to reveal racial disparities along with injustice.

Stopping racial identification in policing is a major problem and can be crucial to promoting justice, equality and efficient enforcement and to once and for all end mass incarceration. Racial identification violates this law and preserves racial inequalities at the criminal justice system by unfairly subjecting nonwhites to police surveillance, references, and apprehensions.

Works Cited

• Abrams, Abigail. “Google gives $11.5 M to groups fighting racial inequality.” Fortune,Feb. 17,
• http//fortune.com/2017/02/23/google-racial-justice-groups/. Accessed 03 Apr. 2019.
• Blay, Zeba (26 August 2015). “Reverse Racism:’ 4 myths that need to stop.” Huffpost voices.
• Retrieved 28 Feb, 2016. Accessed Apr. 10 2019
• Garner, Steve (2009). Racisms: an introduction sage Accessed Apr. 10, 2019
• Jones, Joseph. “Talking the lead: Income inequality in America through Baltimore’s lens.”
• Forbes, Apr. 2018, https://www.forbes.com/sites/gradsoflife/2018/04.03/taking-the-lead-income-inequality-in -america-through-baltimores-lens/. Accessed 03 Apr. 2019
• Kramer, Mark. “Don’t CEOs Understand that racial inequality is bad for business?” Fortune,
• Oct. 2017 http:// fortune. Com/2017/ 10/02/corporate-diversity-fsg-policylink/. Accessed Apr. 19
• McGirt, Ellen. “The racial wealth gap is not going to improve.” Fortune, Feb. 2017,
• http://fortune.com/2017/02/06/the-racial-wealth-gap-is-not-going-to-improve/. Accessed 03 Apr. 2019
• Oliver, M.L & Shapiro, T.M (1995). Black wealth/white wealth: A new perspective on racial Inequality. Accessed 03 Apr. 2019.
• Ozimek, Adam. “No easy answer on racial inequality.” Forbes, Mar. 2018 Accessed 03/04/19
• Rehavi and Starr. “Racial disparity in federal criminal charging and its sentencing
• consequences.” Working paper series no. 12-002 (Univ. of Michigan Law & Economics, Empirical Legal studies center), 2012. Accessed 03 Apr. 19

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Racial Inequality - Free Essay Examples And Topic Ideas

Racial inequality is the state where individuals get better opportunities than others due to their race. The Declaration of Independence, clearly states that ‘life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness’ are fundamental rights who concern all people.

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How to Write a Racial Inequality Essay – BEST Guide

The essay on racial inequality is a challenging topic. The reason for this is that it implies a certain degree of personal involvement in the topic and not only from your own side, but also from the side of the audience. You need to be aware of the fact that you can’t approach this kind of essay with a simple formula for writing a good essay about racism in modern society.

In order to write an effective essay on racial inequality, you need to take into account all aspects of the problem and explain how they affect each other in practice.

You may have your own opinion on this issue, but it’s important to remember that your writing should be objective and unbiased because it will help people understand what you are trying to say without any bias or prejudice towards any side of the issue.

ause of something someone else said during the event or because of something that happened afterward.

Racial disparities in prison

What is Racial Inequality?

Racial inequality is the differences in opportunities, wealth, and treatment that people of color face compared to white people.

It can be measured by the lack of representation in the media, lack of access to quality education, and even a lack of legal rights.

For example, let’s take a look at the history of racial inequality in America. In the 1800s, there was an enormous amount of racial inequality because black people were not allowed to do anything (like vote) and they were treated very poorly by white people. Then Martin Luther King Jr. came along and started a movement called “Black Lives Matter” which focused on ending police brutality against black people.

Another example is when there was a group called “The KKK” who wanted all blacks out of America because they thought they weren’t good enough to live here. There were many riots during this time between blacks and whites which resulted in many deaths and injuries on both sides; however, eventually things got better as time went on through legislation such as The Voting Rights Act signed into law by President Lyndon B Johnson in 1965 which prohibited racial discrimination in voting practices throughout America.

How to Choose Topic For My Life Experience Essay?

Choosing a topic for your life experience essay can be difficult, but there are some things you can do to make it easier.

First, you should consider the type of essay you’re writing. If it’s a narrative essay or an autobiography, the topic is going to be more personal and unique to you, so it’s up to you what experiences you want to share. If it’s a persuasive essay, on the other hand, then your topic should be something that has happened recently and that people will relate to.

Next, think about what kind of information you want your readers to know about yourself. If it’s something that happened in school or at work, for example, then other people may have similar experiences and would want to read about them too!

Finally, think about whether or not this experience has changed your life in any way—and if so, how? This could be because of something someone else said during the event or because of something that happened afterward.

Essay on Racial Inequality: Structure

In order to write an essay on racial inequality, you need to organize your ideas and arguments in an effective way. This can be done by following these steps:

• Introduction: In this section, you should provide some background information about racial inequality and its causes. This will help set up your main argument later on in the essay.
• Body Paragraphs: In this portion of the paper, you should outline how racial inequality is manifested in society today. You should also provide evidence for why it exists and how it effects people’s lives negatively.
• Conclusion: In this part of your paper, summarize what you’ve said throughout your essay with new information about how we can solve this problem together as a community or country as well as any recommendations or solutions that were proposed throughout your paper that could help reduce racial inequality even further than what it currently stands at today (if possible).

Obstacles for black people

Tips on How to Write a Perfect Racial Inequality Essay

• Do not forget to include a thesis statement in your essay. This statement should be an introduction to your essay and should clearly state the main idea of your paper. It should also be as specific as possible so that it does not leave room for misinterpretation or confusion, especially if you are writing on a controversial subject.
• Make sure that your introduction is written in such a way that it grabs the reader’s attention and makes them want to read further into your paper. In other words, make sure it grabs their attention by being interesting and/or surprising!
• Make sure that each paragraph contains at least one sentence that serves as evidence for what you are saying in that paragraph (i.e., shows why what you said is true). This will help convince readers who are skeptical about what you have written so far that what you are saying is true!

Income inequality in the U.S.

Need Help To Write Your Racial Inequality Essay?

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Racial Inequality, Essay Example

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Racial inequality is an important topic to be addressed through legal and economic means in the current era of increased cultural diversity. In some communities, people from the minority populations or communities are neglected in the distribution of opportunities, economic resources, and power. Regarding the above, the majority population within the community tends to enjoy all the resources and opportunities, which further widens the gap between the wealthy and the unprivileged. Scott et al. state that racial inequality ranges from disparities in bankruptcy, unemployment rates, educational opportunities, wealth, housing patterns, poverty rates, and incarceration rates (713).

The above definition clearly describes a situation I encountered during my childhood. In my middle school, the school administration divided us into two groups based on our parents’ ability to pay increased school fees. The above practice denied me a chance to access excellent education. This is a form of racial disparity. People need to understand that racial inequality is not solely based on color but other factors such as unemployment rates, educational opportunities, wealth, and poverty rates. In nations like the United States, racial inequality is systemic. The above statement means that racial disparities are embedded in the nation’s laws and regulations.

The main reason why I chose racial inequality is to advocate for the elimination of existing institutional racism that promotes disparities in society through legal means. President Trump once tweeted that Democratic Congresswomen who were Latino, Black, and South Asian should head back to the corrupt nations they came from (Moore and Brooks 1). The above illustrates how the system has given rise to racial discrimination even in the public domain. Additionally, during the distribution of COVID-19 vaccines, the United States’ biased governmental actions impacted millions of people, more so the Blacks. The above further supports my agenda for using the law to fight systemic racism.

In societies with system racism that promote racial disparities, the criminal justice system should promote systemic equality. Systemic equality is possible by forming and enforcing policies and laws that fight any form of racism, from education to employment. For example, since corruption entertained in the voting exercise results in the election of racist leaders, different administrations should enforce a judicial lead on voting rights violations to streamline the process. Additionally, the criminal justice system should embed anti-racism into its values, actions, and training. The above will lead to the reduction of disparities in most settings. Weak policies that promote racism should be abolished and replaced with directives that promote ethical practices in all government offices.

Disparities in education should also be eliminated by forming strict policies administered by the justice department. Moore and Brooks state that in the United States, Black students who borrow education loans pay approximately $7,400 more in debt than their white peers for similar degrees (1). Additionally, Moore and Brooks add that postal banking services have a 50% chance more likely to close in Black communities than in white neighborhoods (1). The above can be eliminated or controlled if the criminal justice system is self-regulating and fully executes its role in encouraging equality and impartiality in societies. Since the civil rights era, much has not changed in combating institutional racism, irrespective of multiple procedures that fight racism in all forms.

Through the participation of the criminal justice system, societies, where every individual can realize their maximum potential without being hampered by institutional and structural racism will be achieved.

Works Cited

Moore, ReNika, and Rakim Brooks. “To End Systemic Racism, Ensure Systemic Equality.”  American Civil Liberties Union , 2021, https://www.aclu.org/news/racial-justice/ending-systemic-racism-requires-ensuring-systemic-equality/

Scott, Kendra, et al. “A social scientific approach toward understanding racial disparities in police shooting: Data from the Department of Justice (1980–2000).”  Journal of Social Issues  73.4 (2017): 701-722.

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DISMANTLING RACISM. REIMAGINING RICHMOND.

The Richmond Racial Equity Essays project is an effort to bring out the experiences and visions of equity from advocates, community leaders, planners, educators, and people who are doing the work to make a Richmond where everyone is equal.

CHANGE STARTS WITH CONVERSATION

The Richmond Racial Equity Essays (RREE) is a multimedia project focused on advancing racial equity in Richmond, Virginia and beyond. The first edition asked 50 leaders from all walks of life to share their vision for racial equity and their thoughts on how we get there. The result is a 24-essay e-book, an 8-episode podcast and 7 video interviews. The 2023 edition, RREE 2.0., is focused on the questions of “what now, what next?” in our collective journey towards journey.

RREE 2.0. New essays. New voices.

Discover thought-provoking perspectives on racial equity with the release of 15 captivating essays from the esteemed Richmond Racial Equity Essays collection. RREE 2.0 will be focused on two questions answered by community leaders from Richmond and beyond- What now? What next? Nearly three years after the “racial reckoning” in our nation, essayists will be exploring what we need to do to continue to move towards a more just and equitable society.

Featured Work

Read our original publication

Read our original publication, "24 Visions of Racial Equity in Richmond," first published in 2021, which delves into the unique insights on race and equity in Richmond.

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Watch our captivating video interview series featuring insightful conversations with experts, thought leaders, and innovators, as we explore a wide range of compelling topics.

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Download our comprehensive discussion guide to facilitate engaging conversations, provide thought-provoking questions, and deepen your understanding of the subject matter.

TUNE IN FOR "THE INTERSECTION," A PODCAST BY RREE

We are excited to bring you a new podcast produced by Ebony Walden, "The Intersection." This podcast from Richmond Racial Equity Essays is a Discussion with those working at the intersection of race, place, and space. Join Ebony as she discusses the work of advocates and educators in the field on how the work is being done at the intersections of our world.

Racial and Ethnic Inequality Essay

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Introduction

Article summary, article analysis, works cited.

This essay examines racial and ethnic inequality based on an article by Erlanger Steven. The article indicates that racial profiling by the police in Paris is still a sticky issue that has to be addressed.

Basing on different sociological perspectives, the article is analyzed towards understanding the phenomenon and recommending a policy framework. Good policy and grounded initiatives are the only sure way of dealing with racial and ethnic inequality.

An article by Erlanger reports that police in Paris harass black and Arab men more than their white counterparts. A research done by the “open society justice Initiative” on “ethnic Profiling in Paris” indicates that police in Paris stop and do identity checks on black and Arab men more prevalently than is the case for white Paris men. This study confirms the wide spread accusations or racial profiling leveled against the police. For one white man checked, at least six blacks and 7 Arabs are checked.

Secondly, the study also established that clothing was a major factor used in profiling individuals. Out of the total population checked, those found wearing cloth that is representative of French youth culture formed 47% (Erlanger 1). Thirdly, out of those stopped, blacks and Arabs were more susceptible to police frisking and detention. From interviewees in the study, it is clear that police target youths on a purely racial line.

Racial and ethnic inequality has been a big challenge or stumbling block in the way people interact around the world. Different sociological perspectives have been proffered to explain the phenomenon of racial and ethnic inequality or discrimination. There are four main sociological schools of thought i.e. the functional theorists, the conflict school, the interactional theorists and the labeling school of thought (Arrighi 105).

The functional perspective focuses on how ethnic and racial inequality advances the interests of different groups in society (Arrighi 107). Theorists in this school of thought although acknowledging the fact that racism or ethnic discrimination cannot be admired, they point out that this phenomenon is sustained by the function it plays (Schaefer 253).

In most cases, racial or ethnic discrimination is sustained by the purpose or role it fulfills especially for the dominant group. In the case of Paris, as presented in the article, discrimination against minority blacks and Arabs serves as a way of asserting dominance of the white majority in society.

Secondly, through discrimination, the dominant group manages to keep the minority checked i.e. it denies them the freedom necessary for self actualization and enjoyment of life in Paris. Largely, discrimination gives the discriminating group a good feeling or airs. The airs that come with understanding the perceived competitor is subdued sustains racial and ethnic inequality and discrimination.

On the other hand, functional theorist points out that racial and ethnic discrimination makes society dysfunctional in many ways (Schaefer 253). The only way of ending racial and ethnic inequality and discrimination is to help people realize how dysfunctional such attitudes and dispositions are. For example, police in Paris belief that much crime is committed by black and Arab youths.

This may be true; however, the major reason why these minority groups resort to crime or delinquency is the frustration from not being able to live in peace like the majority. As the frustration due to denied opportunities and harassment increases, phenomenon like the violent riots that were witnessed in Paris in 2005 cannot be avoided.

The second sociological perspective on ethnic and racial inequality is the conflict perspective. Conflict theorists look into the phenomenon of racial and ethnic inequality in terms of conflict between different classes in society. In line with Marxist thinking, the economically dominant do not want the less privileged to become empowered (Schaefer 253). The bourgeois cannot allow the enlightenment and empowerment of the proletariat.

According to the exploitation theory, proffered by conflict theorists, economic competition and related conflict is the major explanation as to why discrimination persists. The herd mentality and close identification with race or ethnic group results from a self preservation instinct. In the mind of many in society, the other poses an economic threat.

In the case of Paris, many Arabs and blacks are considered largely as unwanted aliens on sorts. As indicated in the article, those perceived as immigrants especially from Africa are targeted most. One reason why they are targeted would be to ensure they do not assimilate and rise within the economic echelons (Arrighi 110).

As the conflict theorists explain, racial discrimination does not serve society. It basically leads to acrimony and dissatisfaction in society. The actions of police make Arabs and blacks see them as enemies. As a result, the two groups cannot work harmoniously for the good of society.

The blacks and Arabs continue seeing whites as oppressors while the whites see the others as unwanted and unworthy competition of sorts. Such like conflicts have precipitated into xenophobic attacks.

However, racial and ethnic discrimination can not conclusively be explained by the conflict perspective. The exploitation and minority is not entirely about them being an economic threat. The findings presented in the article point more towards a labeling perspective or explanation of ethnic and racial discrimination. The blacks and Arabs are not discriminated because they are a threat to the economic well being of the whites but rather because they have been labeled as more likely to do criminal acts.

The authorities, after following historical data, are convinced of prevalence of crime or given characteristics among a given group. This then becomes the label and all members of the group become suspects of sorts. As the study presented in the article indicates, labeling does not help much as it only creates an angry lot. Many black and young Arabs are angry because they feel targeted on the basis of color.

The final perspective on racial and ethnic inequality is the interactional view. Interactional theorists indicate that level of interaction and mode of interaction either fuels or stops racial and ethnic discrimination. As reported by (254), the contact hypothesis, proffered by interactional theorists posits that racial discrimination is lowered by increased interaction between people of different racial groups that are of relatively equal social or economic status.

Interaction with others helps individuals to appreciate that beyond the color difference, human beings are largely the same or similar. Race or ethnicity is a mere accident. As people interact, they are able to challenge their own leaned stereotypes and prejudices leading to acceptance of others.

In conclusion, authorities have to look at the issue of racial and ethnic discrimination a little more carefully. If it is not checked, it leads to conflicts that can turn violent as witnessed in Paris in 2005. Policy guiding police interaction with populace has to be geared towards fairness in the way the treat all citizens. As an official indicated in the report, training can play an important way in changing outlook.

Police and other citizens have to be helped to understand how other groups are functionally important, how the groups contribute in the economy, why the labels against them are prejudicial and stereotypical. Finally, forums and ways of facilitating interaction between police and Arab or black youths can help dissipate the prejudices.

Arrighi, Barbara, A., Understanding Inequality: the Intersection of Race/Ethnicity, Class, and Gender . Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007.

Erlanger, Steven. Study Says Blacks and Arabs Face Bias from Paris Police . New York Times. 2009. Web.

Schaefer, Richard, T. Sociology. 12 th Ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2009.

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IvyPanda. (2018, May 10). Racial and Ethnic Inequality. https://ivypanda.com/essays/racial-and-ethnic-inequality/

"Racial and Ethnic Inequality." IvyPanda , 10 May 2018, ivypanda.com/essays/racial-and-ethnic-inequality/.

IvyPanda . (2018) 'Racial and Ethnic Inequality'. 10 May.

IvyPanda . 2018. "Racial and Ethnic Inequality." May 10, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/racial-and-ethnic-inequality/.

1. IvyPanda . "Racial and Ethnic Inequality." May 10, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/racial-and-ethnic-inequality/.

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IvyPanda . "Racial and Ethnic Inequality." May 10, 2018. https://ivypanda.com/essays/racial-and-ethnic-inequality/.

Racial Inequality and Social Change

A social movement is an organized, continuous collective action done by relatively powerless people with an aim to promote or enhance change in society. Social movements are inspired by material factors like political and economic factors or ideas that need to be implemented to bring change (Cooper, 2021). Several issues like racism, discrimination, political competition, and wars have brought social movements that have had an impact worldwide. These social movements mostly involve the minority who feel that their rights are being violated and that a certain change should happen. However, there is always an urge to include the dominant majority to consolidate more support and foster unity. The involvement of the dominant majority mostly results in conflict because of power dynamics, the risk of assimilation, and differing perspectives. This essay discusses the reasons for conflict emergence in minority social movements due to the involvement of the dominant majority, gives other people’s experiences, and my personal opinion on this issue.

The first reason for this conflict is because of the power imbalances brought by the involvement of the dominant majority. The dominant majority may overshadow the minority in the social movement. This overshadowing of the minority may also disadvantage the minority or the vulnerable by ignoring their issues, which led to the formation of the social movement (Cooper, 2021). Most social movements use democracy to choose their leaders or pass their agendas. The dominant majority may hold a key influential position in the movement since large numbers vote for them. This power imbalance brings conflict within the movement since the initial goals of the movement are diverted by the majority, disadvantaging the vulnerable or the minority.

The second reason is the differing perspectives. The dominant majority may not be suffering from the same issues the minority is suffering. Additionally, the dominant majority may also be more exposed or educated than the minority. These differences may make the majority have some difficulties understanding the problems facing the minority and the change being championed. This disparity in thought, exposure, and education between the minority and majority in the movement leads to conflict because of differing perspectives and priorities (Della Porta, 2020). This conflict renders the social movement ineffective since there is limited unity and trust between members from both sides.

The third reason this conflict can emerge is because of the risk of being assimilated. Some of the issues the minority social movements aim to solve disadvantage the majority. For example, minority social movements may seek to eliminate racial discrimination to allow people from all races, especially immigrants, to be given the same opportunities as the dominant people (Della Porta, 2020). The elimination of racial discrimination may also affect the employability of people from different races. This elimination may limit the job opportunities available for the dominant majority. In addition, people from different races may also interact with the dominant majority and even intermarry if the social movements achieve liberation. This freedom may pose a risk of assimilation of the dominant majority, who may be forced to copy or change according to the lifestyle of the immigrants.

Conflicts in social movements due to the involvement of the dominant majority have been experienced in various parts of the world. These conflicts have made some of these movements irrelevant or unproductive because of the diversion from the main agenda. A good example of a social movement that has suffered internal conflicts due to the involvement of the dominant majority in the feminist’ social movement. This movement involved white women who believed in the same agenda. However, there have been reports of white women sidelining the women of color in the movement (Mohajan, 2022). Women of color have been perceived and treated as unqualified to handle feminist issues. This discrimination has led to conflicts among members, which have made the movement less effective across the globe.

Another example of conflict in social movements due to the involvement of the dominant majority is the case of the ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement in the United States. The movement was formed after the brutal killing of George Floyd by police. George Floyd was a black American, and the brutal killing was connected to racial discrimination (Parker et al., 2020). This movement aimed to champion the rights of Black Americans. The movement strategically involved the whites, who are perceived as the majority, with an aim to consolidate more base support and make the movement more effective. However, the involvement of the whites has brought major conflicts in the movement. The whites have been accused of diverting the original agenda of the movement and pursuing other self-interest goals. The whites have also been accused of miscommunication with the blacks. The involvement of the dominant majority has led to the emergence of conflicts between blacks, who feel threatened, and whites, who feel safer in their country. The achievement of this movement has been tremendous but not as expected, even with the involvement of the dominant majority.

My opinion on the involvement of the dominant majority in the minority social movement is that this involvement is bound to cause some conflicts in the movements; hence, it should be avoided or guided by the movements’ social involvement guidelines. The main cause of conflict between these two groups is that the majority find it hard to understand the issues facing the minority since they are not affected by the same issues (Parker, 2020). Additionally, the majority do not prioritize the issues raised by the minority since they do not have experience with these issues. The majority is most likely to divert the real agenda of the movement to serve their self-interested goals. Besides, the majority may even end up endorsing the same issues that the movement is campaigning against. There should be a clear procedure of operation to guide all members and leaders of the movement and the code of conduct. The minority who initiated the movement should also install one of their own in various key strategic positions in the movement. This move will ensure that the minority remains in control of the movement despite the dominant majority joining.

In conclusion, a social movement is a collective action of change initiated by inflicted people. The main agenda of the social movement is to campaign for change. The conflicts observed in the movement due to the involvement of the dominant majority are because of the power imbalances, diverse perspectives, and the perceived risk of assimilation. The dominant majority feels threatened by the empowerment of the minority through social movements since most of the dominant majority will be assimilated into the minority’s way of thinking and living (Della Porta, 2020). Power imbalances are observed since the majority are more likely to overshadow the pressing issues of the minority. Diverse perspectives are observed because of the difference in education level, exposure, and experiences between the majority and minority groups. Several incidences of conflicts observed in famous movements should serve as a warning to avoid involving the dominant majority in a social movement with an aim to make it more effective. These incidences prove that this involvement leads to the misplacement of the movement’s goals and vision.

Cooper, C. (2021).  Fat activism: A radical social movement . Intellect. https://intellectdiscover.com/content/books/9781910849309

Della Porta, D. (2020). Building bridges: Social movements and civil society in times of crisis.  VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations ,  31 (5), 938-948. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11266-020-00199-5

Mohajan, H. (2022). An Overview of the Feminism and Its Categories. https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/114625/

Parker, K., Horowitz, J. M., & Anderson, M. (2020). Amid protests, majorities across racial and ethnic groups express support for the Black Lives Matter movement. https://policycommons.net/artifacts/616390/amid-protests-majorities-across-racial-and-ethnic-groups-express-support-for-the-black-lives-matter-movement/1597028/

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Essay on Racial Inequality In America

Students are often asked to write an essay on Racial Inequality In America in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Racial Inequality In America

Introduction.

Racial inequality in America is a serious issue. It means that people from different races do not have the same chances in life because of their color. This is not fair and can cause a lot of problems.

History of Racial Inequality

Effects of racial inequality.

Racial inequality affects people in many ways. It can limit the jobs they can get, the schools they can go to, and the places they can live. This can make it hard for people of color to achieve their dreams.

Racial Inequality Today

Even today, racial inequality is still a big problem in America. People of color are often treated unfairly by the police and the justice system. They are also more likely to be poor and have less access to good healthcare.

Working Towards Equality

250 words essay on racial inequality in america.

Racial inequality is a big problem in America. It means that people of different races do not have equal rights or opportunities. This problem has been around for a long time.

The History

Racial inequality in America started with slavery. Black people were brought from Africa to work for white people. They were not treated as equals. Even after slavery ended, black people still faced many challenges.

Modern Times

Today, racial inequality is still present. It can be seen in many areas like education, work, and housing. For example, black students often go to lower-quality schools compared to white students. This can affect their future jobs and income.

Police and Justice System

Racial inequality is also seen in the police and justice system. Black people are often treated more harshly by the police and courts. This leads to higher rates of imprisonment for black people.

Racial inequality is a serious issue in America. It affects many aspects of life and is a barrier to equal opportunities. We all need to work together to fight against it, to make America a fair place for everyone.

500 Words Essay on Racial Inequality In America

Racial inequality in America has a long history. It started when the first African people were brought to America as slaves. Even after slavery ended, black people were not treated the same as white people. They were not allowed to go to the same schools, eat at the same restaurants, or use the same bathrooms. This was called segregation.

Racial inequality has many bad effects. It can make it hard for people to find good jobs, get a good education, or live in a safe place. It can also make people feel sad, angry, or scared. These feelings can lead to problems like violence and crime.

Efforts to End Racial Inequality

Remember, it is important to treat everyone with kindness and respect, no matter what their race is. We are all human beings and we all deserve to be treated fairly.

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