i have a dream'' speech rhetorical devices quizlet

I Have a Dream Speech Rhetorical Analysis

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4 Ways to Analyze Rhetorical Devices in MLK’s “I Have a Dream”

Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. is known for his powerful speeches – in particular, his “I Have a Dream” speech. Ripe for rhetorical devices analysis and inspired by seminal documents such as the Declaration of Independence and the US Constitution, this speech has become a staple in many ELA classrooms. 

Observant teachers of American literature courses should note some similarities between King’s “I Have a Dream” speech and another famous speech on the rights of blacks – Frederick Douglass’ “What to the Slave is the Fourth July?”. It is certainly worth noting that the speeches, written almost 100 years apart, address many of the same issues.

With Martin Luther King day just around the corner, and Black History Month following soon after, many teachers are turning to this revered speech for analysis, particularly of MLK’s rhetorical devices. This is the approach I’ve taken in my own classroom in years past (although earlier in the year due to district curriculum maps).

Looking for some structure for your dive into King’s rhetorical devices? Search no further.

rhetorical devices

All good lessons and units begin with ensuring that students are familiar with the vocabulary and terminology (both general and domain-specific) that will be used. At its most basic level, a rhetorical device is “any language that helps an author or speaker achieve a particular purpose”. This purpose is usually persuasion since rhetoric is often referred to as the art of persuasion.

When you hear the words  rhetorical devices , many of us automatically picture what I think of as the big three – ethos, pathos, and logos. During my lessons with my students, we start by reviewing the definitions of these terms and several examples of each. We then view several commercials and/or ads and determine which of the devices (also often called appeals) is being used AND how it impacts the commercial and/or ad.

A little deeper

Once your students have mastered the art of these three, then it’s time to move on to some other devices. Some of these devices will be familiar to your students as they are often taught as literary devices while others may be completely foreign. The devices you choose to cover will depend on the focus of your unit and your anchor text(s). Commonly taught devices include:

• alliteration
• anaphora – repetition of a word or expression at the beginning of successive clauses (“… we cannot dedicate – we cannot consecrate – we cannot hallow – this ground.” The Gettysburg Address)
• epistrophe – repetition of a word or expression at the end of successive clauses (“of the people, by the people, for the people” – The Gettsyburg Address)
• hyperbole – extravagant exaggeration
• synecdoche – a figure of speech by which a part is put for the whole ( creature  for  man )

Merriam-Webster has a list of the 31 most common rhetorical devices that can be found here.

rhetorical devices in MLK's "I have a dream" speech

Once students have a grasp of the different types of rhetorical devices, it’s time to apply that knowledge to King’s speech. First, have the students annotate for the different devices. Depending on your students’ level, you can assign them specific devices to look for or turn them loose and see what they find. I personally like to color-code all of my annotations. Here’s what my master copy looks like:

Devices and their frequency are easily seen with this method.

From here, students can begin to break down and analyze the devices. There are four ways to do this.

Rhetorical Devices Chart

The easiest way to collect and analyze the devices is a simple chart. Students can list the device in one column, the quote from the text in the second, and an explanation of the device’s effect in the third.

Rhetorical pyramid

The second way to analyze King’s use of devices is to create a rhetorical pyramid. For this activity, students simply draw a large triangle in the middle of their page and label each point with a different rhetorical device. I’ve used the tried and true ethos, pathos, and logos, but you can choose any three. Or, let the students choose and have them justify why they chose those three devices. From there, students provide examples of each of the devices. A rhetorical pyramid is especially helpful for visual students by helping them see connections between the devices.

Rhetorical Precis

A rhetorical precis is a type of writing that summarizes a text or speech. It includes not only the summary of the text or speech but also an analysis of its content and delivery. A rhetorical precis has four parts:

• 1st sentence – presents author’s name, title, and genre of work. Uses verbs such as “argue”, “claim”, or “assert”
• 2nd sentence – explains development and evidence of thesis. Done chronologically
• 3rd sentence – state author’s purpose and WHY the author composed the text
• 4th sentence – tell about intended audience

SOAPSTone/SPACE CAT Analysis

The final option is for students to complete a SOAPSTone analysis of the speech. SOAPSTone stands for

Examine the speech in light of these different areas. 

An alternate to SOAPSTone would be SPACE CAT, which stands for: 

So there you have it. Four ways to analyze “I Have a Dream” rhetorical devices. What’s your go-to rhetorical analysis strategy? Reply below. 

Want to incorporate all these activities? Check out my “I Have a Dream” Rhetorical Devices Mini Flipbook.  

Looking for more American lit teaching ideas? Check out 7 Units for a Complete American Literature Curriculum. 

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Rhetorical Devices found in "I Have a Dr...

Rhetorical Devices found in "I Have a Dream" Speech

20 questions

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Repeating an grammatical form or the way phrases are worded such as "manacles of segregation" and "chains of discrimination" is an example of what rhetorical device?

prepositional phrase

parallel structure (parallelism)

Why is the location of King's famous "I Have a Dream" speech significant?

The Washington Mall has plenty of room for everyone there.

The steps provided a natural platform, so he could be seen by the crowd.

Lincoln is referenced in the speech, and he is a hero to the African-Americans in the crowd.

It was convenient, but not necessarily significant in any way.

As the speech comes to a close, Dr. King makes a significant change in his tone. Which tone words best describe that change in tone from the beginning of the speech to the end.

from lighthearted to serious

from defiant to righteous

from serious to uplifting and hopeful

from confident to aggrieved

At the end of the speech King lists states from across the country. Then, he lists Tennessee, Mississippi, and Georgia. What was his purpose in listing those states in particular to "Let Freedom Ring?"

Many in the audience were from Mississippi, itself.

He didn't want to offend Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio by saying they wouldn't let freedom ring.

Georgia, Tennessee, and Mississippi have more mountains.

Those states were examples of those states that practiced segregation.

Using the words, d ark and d esolate valley, high plane of d ignity and d iscipline... are examples of what literary aspect?

alliteration

rhetorical question

In paragraph 9, King states, "When will you be satisfied?" What rhetorical device is being used?

In paragraph two, King makes this statement, "This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope..." This is an example of what?

In paragraph two, King states, "Five score years ago..." what type of rhetorical or literary device is this?

In paragraph three, King states, "On hundred years later... One hundred years later... One hundred years later..." and then in paragraph five, King states, " Now is the time... Now is the time... Now is the time..." What rhetorical and literary device is being used?

allusion and repetition

repetition and parallel structure

parallel structure and allusion

metaphor and parallel structure

In paragraph five, King compares the struggle for freedom to cashing a check marked "insufficient funds" what literary device is he using?

In paragraph nine, King states, " ... we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream." This is an example of what type of figurative language?

Using phrases like "insufficient funds" and "every valley shall be filled...the rough places made plain" are examples of what type of rhetorical device?

In paragraph sixteen, King states, "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died..." this is an example of a(n)

parallel structure

A reference to a well-known literary work, religious writings, mythology, etc. is called a(n)

Dr. King is introduced to the crowd as the moral leader of the nation.

"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character."

When was the "I Have a Dream" speech given?

August, 1973

August, 1963

August, 1969

August, 1953

Where was the speech given?

New York City

Washington, DC

Why was the "I Have a Dream" speech given?

To end segregation in the nation's schools

To call attention to civil rights for all people

To have people vote for better candidates

To encourage everyone to be educated

What was Martin Luther King, Jr's occupation in life?

He was a teacher.

He was a preacher.

He was a lawyer.

He was a shop owner.

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Read Martin Luther King Jr.'s 'I Have a Dream' speech in its entirety

Civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. addresses the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., where he gave his "I Have a Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963, as part of the March on Washington. AFP via Getty Images hide caption

Civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. addresses the crowd at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., where he gave his "I Have a Dream" speech on Aug. 28, 1963, as part of the March on Washington.

Monday marks Martin Luther King, Jr. Day. Below is a transcript of his celebrated "I Have a Dream" speech, delivered on Aug. 28, 1963, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. NPR's Talk of the Nation aired the speech in 2010 — listen to that broadcast at the audio link above.

Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders gather before a rally at the Lincoln Memorial on Aug. 28, 1963, in Washington. National Archives/Hulton Archive via Getty Images hide caption

Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.: Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But 100 years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself in exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check.

Code Switch

The power of martin luther king jr.'s anger.

When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men — yes, Black men as well as white men — would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked insufficient funds.

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.

Martin Luther King is not your mascot

We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.

Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

Civil rights protesters march from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial for the March on Washington on Aug. 28, 1963. Kurt Severin/Three Lions/Hulton Archive/Getty Images hide caption

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. 1963 is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.

There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

Throughline

Bayard rustin: the man behind the march on washington (2021).

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.

And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, when will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.

We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: for whites only.

We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.

No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

How The Voting Rights Act Came To Be And How It's Changed

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our Northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

So even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.

People clap and sing along to a freedom song between speeches at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in 1963. Express Newspapers via Getty Images hide caption

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little Black boys and Black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

Nikole Hannah-Jones on the power of collective memory

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This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrims' pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that, let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, Black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last. Free at last. Thank God almighty, we are free at last.

Correction Jan. 15, 2024

A previous version of this transcript included the line, "We have also come to his hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now." The correct wording is "We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now."