Teaching Text Rhetorically

Integrating Reading and Writing Instruction by John R. Edlund

the declaration of independence argumentative essay

The Declaration of Independence as an Argumentative Essay

The first paragraph of the Declaration of Independence (hereafter called the “Declaration”) is the hook that announces to the reader what the document will do. It argues that “when in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another,” responsible people will explain why. This is an interesting way to establish ethos at the very beginning, as the writers have been called “the ringleaders of the American revolt” and “a few ambitious, interested, and designing men,” and worse, by such figures as George Campbell , who also called their supporters “deluded fellow subjects.” If responsible people who have “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind” should explain their causes, and they are explaining their causes, they must be responsible people. It is only logical.

It is the second paragraph, however, that is most famous, and deservedly so. It introduces what Aristotle would call an “enthymeme” with five tightly linked assumed premises. However, while assumed premises are often tacit and hidden, in this case the assumptions are overtly and boldly admitted with the phrase, “We hold these truths to be self-evident,” simultaneously acknowledging that they are not going to try to prove these claims, but also challenging the reader to dispute them. These assumptions are

  • that all men are created equal
  • that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights
  • that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness
  • that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed
  • that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government

These are pretty grand assumptions. If we accept them, it follows that what they have to do is show that the British government is destroying the unalienable rights of the colonists to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. And this is exactly what they try to do, in 29 paragraphs that read like the whereas clauses of a committee resolution. Though most of the disagreement is with the British parliament, the writers and signers of the Declaration choose to focus their anger on the king, George III. They document a multitude of grievances, including

  • refusing to pass necessary laws
  • dissolving legislative bodies that don’t agree with him, or causing them to meet in difficult, inaccessible places
  • preventing population increase by obstructing the naturalization of foreigners
  • appointing judges and other officers that work for him instead of the people
  • keeping a standing army in the colonies in peacetime and making the colonists provide food and lodging for soldiers
  • preventing the colonies from trading with whomever they want to
  • taxing the colonies without their consent
  • depriving the colonists of jury trials and sending them to England for trial on false charges
  • forcibly recruiting American sailors into the Royal Navy

Blaming George III for all this is clearly a rhetorical move. The king becomes a convenient scapegoat for all this misery, whereas parliament is a more diverse and complex foe. Another reason is that the American revolution pits Enlightenment values against feudal monarchy. In Britain, the parliament provides aspects of democratic rule, but the system still includes the House of Lords and a monarch. The Enlightenment and feudal trappings coexist. The Americans, however, are declaring themselves no longer to be subjects of the king, as well as declaring that “all men are equal,” denying nobility as a concept. This is a big deal.

Having made these arguments, the Declaration concludes that the united colonies are absolved of any allegiance to the British crown and henceforth have all the rights and responsibilities of free and independent states.

Strictly speaking, the argument is perhaps proven, but the initial premises are not. Of course, Englishmen immediately asked how men who owned slaves could believe that all men were created equal. However, charging hypocrisy is not the same as arguing against the premise. One can also argue in favor of tradition and preserving the monarchy, but even at the time, that sounds like arguing against progress and history. Stating that the premises are “self-evident,” which initially looks like an argumentative weakness, turns out to be a rhetorical trap and a brilliant move. It is a very interesting document.

Update: Here is a much more detailed rhetorical analysis of the Declaration with lots of historical context:

The Stylistic Artistry of the Declaration of Independence by Stephen E. Lucas

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Good read. It was a reminder of the existence of the DoI and a great argument.

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American History Central

Declaration of Independence — Summary, Facts, and Text

July 4, 1776

Drafted by Thomas Jefferson, and edited by luminaries such as Benjamin Franklin and John Adams, the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Second Continental Congress on July 4, 1776.

Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson, Pyle, GAC

This painting by Howard Pyle depicts Thomas Jefferson working on the Declaration of Independence. Image Source: Google Arts & Culture .

Declaration of Independence Summary

Nearly 250 years since it was signed, the Declaration of Independence remains one of the most seminal political documents ever written. The Declaration consists of three major parts.

The preamble employs the enlightened reasoning of Locke, Rousseau, and Thomas Paine , to establish a philosophical justification for a split with Great Britain.

The main body lists numerous grievances and examples of crimes of the King against the people of the colonies, making him “unfit to be the ruler of a free people.” This section also challenges the legitimacy of legislation enacted by Parliament and chastises the people of England for remaining “deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity.” In the conclusion, the climax of the document, Congress announces to the world that “the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States.”

On the morning of July 5, Congress sent copies of the Declaration of Independence to various assemblies, conventions, and committees of safety, as well as to the commanders of Continental troops. The die had been cast. Ideas presented in the preamble remained to be earned on the battlefield, but the seeds of a new nation founded upon unalienable rights and the consent of the governed were sown in the Declaration of Independence.

Declaration of Independence Facts

On May 15, 1776, the Virginia Convention passed a resolution that “the delegates appointed to represent this colony in General Congress be instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the United Colonies free and independent states.”

On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee of Virginia presented to Congress a motion , “Resolved, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.”

Richard Henry Lee, Illustration

On June 11, 1776, Congress created a Committee of Five to draft a statement presenting to the world the colonies’ case for independence.

The members of the Committee of Five included Thomas Jefferson of Virginia, John Adams of Massachusetts, Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Robert R. Livingston of New York, and Roger Sherman of Connecticut.

The Committee of Five assigned the task of drafting the Declaration of Independence to Thomas Jefferson.

Thomas Jefferson drafted the Declaration of Independence between June 11 and June 28, 1776. The draft is most famous for Jefferson’s criticism of King George III for Great Britain’s involvement in the Transatlantic Slave Trade .

On Friday, June 28, 1776, the Committee of Five presented to Congress the document entitled “A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States Of America in General Congress assembled.”

On July 2, 1776, the Second Continental Congress approved Richard Henry Lee’s proposed resolution of June 7, thereby declaring independence from Great Britain.

On July 4, 1776, after two days of debate and editing, the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence submitted by the Committee of Five.

The Declaration of Independence is made up of three major parts: the preamble; the body, and the conclusion.

The preamble of the Declaration of Independence establishes a philosophical justification for a split with Britain — all men have rights, the government is established to secure those rights, if and when such government becomes a hindrance to those rights, it should be abolished – or ties to it broken.

The main body of the Declaration lists numerous grievances and examples of crimes of the King against the people of the colonies, making him “; unfit to be the ruler of a free people.”

The main body also challenges the legitimacy of legislation enacted by Parliament and chastises the people of England for remaining “deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity.”

In the conclusion, the climax of the document, Congress announces to the world that “the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States.”

The first printed copies of the Declaration of Independence were turned out from the shop of John Dunlap, the official printer to the Congress.

The exact number of broadsides printed at John Dunlap’s shop on the evening of July 4 and the morning of July 5 is undetermined but estimated to be between one and two hundred copies.

On the morning of July 5, members of Congress sent copies to various assemblies, conventions, and committees of safety as well as to the commanders of Continental troops.

On July 5, a copy of the printed version of the approved Declaration was inserted into the “rough journal” of the Continental Congress for July 4.

The July 5 copies included the names of only John Hancock and Charles Thompson, Secretary of the Continental Congress.

There are 24 copies known to exist of what is commonly referred to as “ the Dunlap broadside,” 17 owned by American institutions, 2 by British institutions, and 5 by private owners.

On July 9, the Declaration was officially approved by the New York Convention, completing the approval of all 13 colonies.

On July 19, Congress was able to order that the Declaration be “fairly engrossed on parchment, with the title and stile [sic] of ‘The unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America’ and that the same, when engrossed, be signed by every member of Congress.”

Timothy Matlack was probably the person who wrote — or engrossed — the text of the Declaration on the document that was signed. He is known as the “Scribe of the Declaration of Independence.”

Delegates began signing the Declaration of Independence on August 2, 1776, after it was engrossed on parchment.

John Hancock, the President of the Congress, was the first to sign the Declaration of Independence.

Other than John Hancock and Charles Thompson, whose names appeared on the original printed versions of the Declaration, the names of the other signers were kept secret until 1777 for fear of British reprisals.

On January 18, 1777, Congress ordered the second official printing of the document, including the names of all of the signers.

The original parchment version of the Declaration of Independence is held by the National Archives and Records Administration, in Washington, D.C.

Declaration of Independence Text

In Congress, July 4, 1776.

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,  When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, –That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.–Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

King George III, Painting

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

Signers of the Declaration of Independence

Connecticut

  • Roger Sherman
  • Samuel Huntington
  • William Williams
  • Oliver Wolcott

Roger Sherman, Founding Father, Illustration

  • Caesar Rodney
  • George Read
  • Thomas McKean
  • Button Gwinnett
  • George Walton
  • Samuel Chase
  • William Paca
  • Thomas Stone
  • Charles Carroll of Carrollton

Massachusetts

  • John Hancock
  • Samuel Adams
  • Robert Treat Paine
  • Elbridge Gerry

John Hancock, Portrait, Copley

New Hampshire

  • Josiah Bartlett
  • Matthew Thornton
  • William Whipple
  • Richard Stockton
  • John Witherspoon
  • Francis Hopkinson
  • Abraham Clark
  • William Floyd
  • Philip Livingston
  • Francis Lewis
  • Lewis Morris

North Carolina

  • William Hooper
  • Joseph Hewes

Pennsylvania

  • Robert Morris
  • Benjamin Rush
  • Benjamin Franklin
  • John Morton
  • George Clymer
  • James Smith
  • George Taylor
  • James Wilson
  • George Ross

Benjamin Franklin, Portrait, Duplessis

Rhode Island

  • Stephen Hopkins
  • William Ellery

South Carolina

  • Edward Rutledge
  • Thomas Heyward, Jr.
  • Thomas Lynch, Jr.
  • Arthur Middleton
  • George Wythe
  • Richard Henry Lee
  • Thomas Jefferson
  • Benjamin Harrison
  • Thomas Nelson, Jr.
  • Francis Lightfoot Lee
  • Carter Braxton

Declaration of Independence for APUSH

Use the following links and videos to study the Declaration of Independence, the American Revolution, and the American Revolutionary War for the AP US History Exam. Also, be sure to look at our Guide to the AP US History Exam .

Declaration of Independence APUSH Definition and Significance

The definition of the Declaration of Independence for APUSH is a foundational document adopted by the Second Continental Congress on July 4, 1776. Drafted primarily by Thomas Jefferson, it announced the independence of the 13 Original Colonies from British rule. The document laid out the principles of individual rights and self-government, arguing that all people are entitled to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

The significance of the Declaration of Independence for APUSH is that it justified the decision to separate from Great Britain, and established a set of ideals that eventually led to the creation of the United States Constitution. The Declaration of Independence is considered one of the four founding documents, along with the Articles of Association , the Articles of Confederation , and the Constitution .

Declaration of Independence Explained for APUSH

This video from Heimler’s History explains the Declaration of Independence.

  • Content for this article has been compiled and edited by American History Central Staff .

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Toward independence

  • The nature and influence of the Declaration of Independence
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What is the Declaration of Independence?

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The Battle of New Orleans, by E. Percy Moran, c. 1910. Andrew Jackson, War of 1812.

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The Declaration of Independence, the founding document of the United States, was approved by the Continental Congress on July 4, 1776, and announced the separation of 13 North American British colonies from Great Britain. It explained why the Congress on July 2 “unanimously” (by the votes of 12 colonies, with New York abstaining) had resolved that “these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be Free and Independent States.”

On August 2, 1776, roughly a month after the Continental Congress approved the Declaration of Independence, an “engrossed” version was signed at the Pennsylvania State House (now Independence Hall ) in Philadelphia by most of the congressional delegates (engrossing is rendering an official document in a large clear hand). Not all the delegates were present on August 2. Eventually, 56 of them signed the document. Two delegates, John Dickinson and Robert R. Livingston , never signed.

Since 1952 the original parchment document of the Declaration of Independence has resided in the National Archives exhibition hall in Washington, D.C. , along with the Constitution and the Bill of Rights . Before then it had a number of homes and protectors, including the State Department and the Library of Congress . For a portion of World War II it was kept in the Bullion Depository at Fort Knox , Kentucky.

In the 1920s the Declaration of Independence was enclosed in a frame of gold-plated bronze doors and covered with double-paned plate glass with gelatin films between the plates to block harmful light rays. Today it is held in an upright case constructed of ballistically tested glass and plastic laminate. A $3 million camera and computerized system monitor the condition of the Declaration of Independence, Constitution , and Bill of Rights .

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the declaration of independence argumentative essay

Declaration of Independence , in U.S. history, document that was approved by the Continental Congress on July 4, 1776, and that announced the separation of 13 North American British colonies from Great Britain. It explained why the Congress on July 2 “unanimously” by the votes of 12 colonies (with New York abstaining) had resolved that “these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be Free and Independent States.” Accordingly, the day on which final separation was officially voted was July 2, although the 4th, the day on which the Declaration of Independence was adopted, has always been celebrated in the United States as the great national holiday—the Fourth of July , or Independence Day .

Learn how the Declaration of Independence was drafted, reviewed by Congress, and adopted

On April 19, 1775, when the Battles of Lexington and Concord initiated armed conflict between Britain and the 13 colonies (the nucleus of the future United States), the Americans claimed that they sought only their rights within the British Empire . At that time few of the colonists consciously desired to separate from Britain. As the American Revolution proceeded during 1775–76 and Britain undertook to assert its sovereignty by means of large armed forces, making only a gesture toward conciliation, the majority of Americans increasingly came to believe that they must secure their rights outside the empire. The losses and restrictions that came from the war greatly widened the breach between the colonies and the mother country; moreover, it was necessary to assert independence in order to secure as much French aid as possible.

the declaration of independence argumentative essay

On April 12, 1776, the revolutionary convention of North Carolina specifically authorized its delegates in the Congress to vote for independence. On May 15 the Virginia convention instructed its deputies to offer the motion—“that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States”—which was brought forward in the Congress by Richard Henry Lee on June 7. John Adams of Massachusetts seconded the motion. By that time the Congress had already taken long steps toward severing ties with Britain. It had denied Parliamentary sovereignty over the colonies as early as December 6, 1775, and on May 10, 1776, it had advised the colonies to establish governments of their own choice and declared it to be “absolutely irreconcilable to reason and good conscience for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown of Great Britain,” whose authority ought to be “totally suppressed” and taken over by the people—a determination which, as Adams said, inevitably involved a struggle for absolute independence.

the declaration of independence argumentative essay

The passage of Lee’s resolution was delayed for several reasons. Some of the delegates had not yet received authorization to vote for separation; a few were opposed to taking the final step; and several men, among them John Dickinson , believed that the formation of a central government, together with attempts to secure foreign aid , should precede it. However, a committee consisting of Thomas Jefferson , John Adams, Benjamin Franklin , Roger Sherman , and Robert R. Livingston was promptly chosen on June 11 to prepare a statement justifying the decision to assert independence, should it be taken. The document was prepared, and on July 1 nine delegations voted for separation, despite warm opposition on the part of Dickinson. On the following day at the Pennsylvania State House (now Independence Hall) in Philadelphia , with the New York delegation abstaining only because it lacked permission to act, the Lee resolution was voted on and endorsed . (The convention of New York gave its consent on July 9, and the New York delegates voted affirmatively on July 15.) On July 19 the Congress ordered the document to be engrossed as “The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America.” It was accordingly put on parchment , probably by Timothy Matlack of Philadelphia. Members of the Congress present on August 2 affixed their signatures to this parchment copy on that day and others later.

Fourth of July questions and answers

The signers were as follows: John Hancock (president), Samuel Adams , John Adams, Robert Treat Paine , and Elbridge Gerry of Massachusetts; Button Gwinnett , Lyman Hall, and George Walton of Georgia; William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, and John Penn of North Carolina; Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch , Jr., and Arthur Middleton of South Carolina; Samuel Chase , William Paca, Thomas Stone, and Charles Carroll of Maryland; George Wythe , Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison , Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, and Carter Braxton of Virginia; Robert Morris , Benjamin Rush , Benjamin Franklin, John Morton , George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson , and George Ross of Pennsylvania; Caesar Rodney and George Read of Delaware; William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, and Lewis Morris of New York; Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon , Francis Hopkinson , John Hart, and Abraham Clark of New Jersey; Josiah Bartlett , William Whipple, and Matthew Thornton of New Hampshire; Stephen Hopkins and William Ellery of Rhode Island; and Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington , William Williams , and Oliver Wolcott of Connecticut . The last signer was Thomas McKean of Delaware , whose name was not placed on the document before 1777.

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The Argument of the Declaration of Independence

Writing the Declaration of Independence 1776 by Jean Leon Gerome Ferris

Thomas Jefferson (right), Benjamin Franklin (left), and John Adams (center) meet at Jefferson's lodgings, on the corner of Seventh and High (Market) streets in Philadelphia, to review a draft of the Declaration of Independence.

Wikimedia Commons

Long before the first shot was fired, the American Revolution began as a series of written complaints to colonial governors and representatives in England over the rights of the colonists.

In fact, a list of grievances comprises the longest section of the Declaration of Independence. The organization of the Declaration of Independence reflects what has come to be known as the classic structure of argument—that is, an organizational model for laying out the premises and the supporting evidence, the contexts and the claims for argument.

According to its principal author, Thomas Jefferson, the Declaration was intended to be a model of political argument. On its 50th anniversary, Jefferson wrote that the object of the Declaration was “[n]ot to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm as to command their assent , and to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take.”

Guiding Questions

What kind of a document is the Declaration of Independence?

How do the parts and structure of the document make for a good argument about the necessity of independence?

What elements of the Declaration of Independence have been fulfilled and what remains unfulfilled? 

Learning Objectives

Analyze the Declaration of Independence to understand its structure, purpose, and tone.

Analyze the items and arguments included within the document and assess their merits in relation to the stated goals. 

Evaluate the short and long term effects the Declaration of Independence on the actions of citizens and governments in other nations. 

Lesson Plan Details

The American Revolution had its origin in the colonists’ concern over contemporary overreach by the King and Parliament as well as by their awareness of English historical precedents for the resolution of civic and political issues as expressed in such documents as (and detailed in our EDSITEment lesson on) the Magna Carta and the English Bill of Rights.

The above video on the Prelude to Revolution addresses the numerous issues that were pushing some in the colonies toward revolution. For example, opponents of the Stamp Act of 1765 declared that the act—which was designed to raise money to support the British army stationed in America after 1763 by requiring Americans to buy stamps for newspapers, legal documents, mortgages, liquor licenses, even playing cards and almanacs—was illegal and unjust because it taxed Americans without their consent. In protesting the act, they cited the following prohibition against taxation without consent from the Magna Carta , written five hundred and fifty years earlier, in 1215: “No scutage [tax] ... shall be imposed..., unless by common counsel....” American resistance forced the British Parliament to repeal the Stamp Act in 1766. In the succeeding years, similar taxes were levied by Parliament and protested by many Americans.

In June 1776, when it became clear that pleas and petitions to the King and Parliament were useless, the members of the Continental Congress assigned the task of drafting a "declaration of independence" to a committee that included Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson. Considered by his peers in the Congress and the committee as one of the most highly educated and most eloquent members of the Congress, Jefferson accepted the leadership of the committee.

For days, he labored over the draft, working meticulously late into the evenings at his desk in his lodging on Market Street in Philadelphia, carefully laying out the charges against His Majesty King George III, of Great Britain and the justification for separation of the colonies. Franklin and Adams helped to edit Jefferson’s draft. After some more revisions by the Congress, the Declaration was adopted on July 4. It was in that form that the colonies declared their independence from British rule.

What is an Argument?  An argument is a set of claims that includes 1) a conclusion; and 2) a set of premises or reasons that support it. Both the conclusion(s) and premise(s) are “claims”, that is, declarative sentences that are offered by the author of the argument as "truth statements". A conclusion is a claim meant to be supported by premises, while a premise is a claim that operates as a "reason why," or a justification for the conclusion. All arguments will have at least one conclusion and one—and often more than one—premise in its support.

The above video from PBS Digital Studios on How to Argue provides an analysis of the art of persuasion and how to construct an argument. The focus on types of arguments begins at the 5:10 mark of the video. 

In the first of this lesson’s three activities, students will develop a list of complaints about the way they are being treated by parents, teachers, or other students. In the second activity, they will prioritize these complaints and organize them into an argument for their position.

In the last activity, they will examine the Declaration of Independence as a model of argument, considering each of its parts, their function, and how the organization of the whole document aids in persuading the audience of the justice and necessity of independence. Students will then use what they have learned from examining the Declaration to edit their own list of grievances. Finally they will reflect on that editing process and what they have learned from it.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.CCRA.R.8   Delineate and evaluate the argument and specific claims in a text, including the validity of the reasoning as well as the relevance and sufficiency of the evidence.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.RH.6-8.1 Cite specific textual evidence to support analysis of primary and secondary sources.

CCSS.ELA-Literacy.RH.6-8.2 Determine the central ideas or information of a primary or secondary source; provide an accurate summary of the source distinct from prior knowledge or opinions.

NCSS.D1.1.6-8. Explain how a question represents key ideas in the field.

NCSS.D2.Civ.3.6-8. Examine the origins, purposes, and impact of constitutions, laws, treaties, and international agreements.

NCSS.D2.Civ.4.6-8. Explain the powers and limits of the three branches of government, public officials, and bureaucracies at different levels in the United States and in other countries.

NCSS.D2.Civ.5.6-8. Explain the origins, functions, and structure of government with reference to the U.S. Constitution, state constitutions, and selected other systems of government.

NCSS.D2.His.2.6-8. Classify series of historical events and developments as examples of change and/or continuity.

NCSS.D2.His.3.6-8. Use questions generated about individuals and groups to analyze why they, and the developments they shaped, are seen as historically significant.

NCSS.D2.His.4.6-8. Analyze multiple factors that influenced the perspectives of people during different historical eras.

Activity 2. Worksheet 1. So, What Are You Going to Do About It?

Activity 3. Worksheet 2. The Declaration of Independence in Six Parts

Assessment Section

Activity 1. Considering Complaints

Tell students that you have overheard them make various complaints at times about the way they are treated by some other teachers and other fellow students: complaints not unlike those that motivated the founding fathers at the time of the American Revolution. Explain that even though adults have the authority to restrict some of their rights, this situation is not absolute. Also point out that fellow students do not have the right to “bully” or take advantage of them.

  • Arrange students in small groups of 2–3 and give them five minutes to list complaints on a sheet of paper about the way they’re treated by some adults or other students. Note that the complaints should be of a general nature (for example: recess should be longer; too much busy-work homework; high school students should be able to leave campus for lunch; older students shouldn’t intimidate younger students, etc.).
  • Collect the list. Choose a selection of complaints that will guide the following class discussion. Save the lists for future reference.
  • Preface the discussion by remarking that there are moments when all of us are more eager to express what's wrong than we are to think critically about the problem and possible solutions. There is no reason to think people were any different in 1776. It's important to understand the complaints of the colonists as one step in a process involving careful deliberation and attempts to redress grievances.

Use these questions to help your students consider their concerns in a deliberate way:

  • WHO makes the rules they don't like?
  • WHO decides if they are fair or not?
  • WHAT gives the rule-maker the right to make the rules?
  • HOW does one get them changed?
  • WHAT does it mean to be independent from the rules? and finally,
  • HOW does a group of people declare that they will no longer follow the rules?

Exit Ticket: Have students write down their complaints as a list, identifying the reasons why the treatment under discussion is objectionable and organizing the list according to some principle, such as from less to more important. Let each student comment on one another student’s list and its organization.

View this satirical video entitled "Too Late to Apologize" about the motives for the Declaration of Independence as you transition to Activity Two. 

Activity 2: So, What are You Going to Do About It?

Ask the students to imagine that, in the hope of effecting some changes, they are going to compose a document based on their complaints to be sent to the appropriate audience.

Divide the class into small groups of 2–3 students and distribute the handout, “ So, What Are You Going To Do About It? ” Tell students that before they begin to compose their “declaration” they should consider the questions on the handout. (Note: The questions correspond to the sections of the Declaration noted in parentheses. The Declaration itself will be discussed in Activity 3. This discussion serves as a prewriting activity for the writing assignment.)

Exit Ticket: Hold a general discussion with the class about the questions. Have individual groups respond to the questions in each of the sections and ask other groups to contribute.

Activity 3. The Parts of the “Declaration”

The Declaration of Independence was created in an atmosphere of complaints about the treatment of the colonies under British rule. In this activity students will identify and analyze the parts of the Declaration through a close reading. Students will also be given the opportunity to construct a document in the manner of the Declaration of Independence based on their own complaints.

Provide every student with a copy of the Declaration of Independence in Six Parts . Ask them to “scan” the entire document once to understand the parts and their function. After that they will be asked to reread the document this time more closely. Have students identify the six sections (below) by describing what is generally being said in each. Help students identify these sections with the following titles:

Preamble: the reasons WHY it is necessary to EXPLAIN their actions (from "WHEN, in the Course of human Events" to "declare the Causes which impel them to the Separation.")

Statement of commonly accepted principles: specifying what the undersigned believed, the philosophy behind the document (from "We hold these Truths to be self-evident" to "an absolute Tyranny over these States") which underlies the argument

List of Complaints: the offenses by King and Parliament that impelled the declaration (from "To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid World" to "unfit to be the ruler of a free people") 

Statements of prior attempts to redress grievances: (From "Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren," to "Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.")

Conclusion: (From "WE, therefore" to "and our sacred Honour.") Following from the principles held by the Americans, and the actions of the King and Parliament, the people have the right and duty to declare independence.

Oath: Without this oath on the part of the colonists dedicating themselves to securing independence by force of arms, the assertion would be mere parchment.

Exit Ticket: Have students arrange their constructed complaint into a master document (“Parts of Your Argument” section of worksheet 1) for further analysis by matching each section of their personal complaints to the above six corresponding sections of the Declaration.

As an assessment, students make a deeper analysis of the Declaration and compare their declarations to the founding document.

Divide the class into small groups of 3–4 students, each taking one of the Declaration’s sections, as defined in Activity 3. Distribute copies of the student handout, “Analyzing the Declaration of Independence.” Assign each group one of the sections and have them answer the questions from their section.

Guide students in understanding how their section of the Declaration of Independence corresponds to the relevant question of their personal declaration in Activity 3.

Once the groups have finished their handouts, have each report their findings to the class. As they listen to the other presentations, have students take notes to complete the entire handout.

For a final summing up, have students reflect on what they have learned about making an argument from the close study of Declaration’s structure.

  • Have students conduct research into the historical events that led to the colonists' complaints and dissatisfaction with British rule. Direct students to the annotated  Declaration of Independence on Founding.com which provides the historical context for each of the grievances. Ask them to identify and then list some of the specific complaints they have found. After reviewing the complaints, have students research specific historic events related to the grievances listed.
  • The historical events students choose could also be added to a timeline by connecting an excerpt of a particular complaint to a brief, dated summary of an event. The complaints relate to actual events, but the precise events were not discussed in the Declaration. Why do the students think the framers decided to do that? ( Would the student declarations also be more effective without specific events tied to the complaints?

Materials & Media

Worksheet 1. declare the causes: what are you going to do about it, worksheet 2. declare the causes. the declaration of independence in six parts, related on edsitement, a more perfect union, declare the causes: the declaration of independence, the declaration of sentiments by the seneca falls conference (1848), not only paul revere: other riders of the american revolution.

Home — Essay Samples — History — Declaration of Independence — The Declaration of Independence: A Blueprint for Freedom and Democracy

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The Declaration of Independence: a Blueprint for Freedom and Democracy

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Published: Sep 7, 2023

Words: 716 | Pages: 2 | 4 min read

Table of contents

Introduction, historical context of the declaration of independence, the declaration as a response to british tyranny, the impact of the declaration of independence, the declaration's enduring influence.

  • Taxation Without Representation: The British imposed a series of taxes on the American colonies without granting them representation in the British Parliament, leading to protests such as the Boston Tea Party.
  • British Tyranny: Colonists endured British oppression, including the quartering of British troops, which eroded their civil liberties and self-governance.
  • Enlightenment Ideals: Enlightenment philosophers like John Locke and Thomas Paine promoted ideas of natural rights, social contract theory, and the right to rebel against oppressive governments, which greatly influenced the colonists.
  • Natural Rights: The Declaration asserted that all individuals possessed inherent rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It contended that these rights were not granted by governments but were inalienable.
  • Grievances Against the King: The document listed a litany of abuses and violations of colonial rights committed by King George III, further justifying the call for independence.
  • Right to Alter or Abolish: Citing Enlightenment philosophy, the Declaration proclaimed that when a government became destructive to the protection of rights, it was the right of the people to alter or abolish it and establish a new government.
  • Birth of a Nation: The Declaration marked the birth of the United States of America as an independent nation, free from British rule, and served as the ideological foundation for the new nation's government and laws.
  • Democratic Principles: The principles articulated in the Declaration, such as equality and the protection of individual rights, laid the groundwork for the development of American democracy and the U.S. Constitution.
  • Inspiration for Movements: The Declaration inspired numerous movements for civil rights, social justice, and human rights throughout American history, including the abolitionist movement, the women's suffrage movement, and the civil rights movement.
  • Civil Rights Movement: The Declaration's principles of equality and the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness were central to the civil rights movement in the 20th century, as leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. invoked them in their pursuit of racial equality.
  • International Human Rights: The Declaration's emphasis on universal human rights has influenced the development of international human rights standards and conventions, shaping the global discourse on human rights.
  • Contemporary Debates: The Declaration continues to be invoked in contemporary debates on issues such as immigration, LGBTQ+ rights, and healthcare, with individuals and groups drawing on its principles to advocate for justice and equality.

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the declaration of independence argumentative essay

America's Founding Documents

National Archives Logo

Declaration of Independence: A Transcription

Note: The following text is a transcription of the Stone Engraving of the parchment Declaration of Independence (the document on display in the Rotunda at the National Archives Museum .)  The spelling and punctuation reflects the original.

In Congress, July 4, 1776

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

Button Gwinnett

George Walton

North Carolina

William Hooper

Joseph Hewes

South Carolina

Edward Rutledge

Thomas Heyward, Jr.

Thomas Lynch, Jr.

Arthur Middleton

Massachusetts

John Hancock

Samuel Chase

William Paca

Thomas Stone

Charles Carroll of Carrollton

George Wythe

Richard Henry Lee

Thomas Jefferson

Benjamin Harrison

Thomas Nelson, Jr.

Francis Lightfoot Lee

Carter Braxton

Pennsylvania

Robert Morris

Benjamin Rush

Benjamin Franklin

John Morton

George Clymer

James Smith

George Taylor

James Wilson

George Ross

Caesar Rodney

George Read

Thomas McKean

William Floyd

Philip Livingston

Francis Lewis

Lewis Morris

Richard Stockton

John Witherspoon

Francis Hopkinson

Abraham Clark

New Hampshire

Josiah Bartlett

William Whipple

Samuel Adams

Robert Treat Paine

Elbridge Gerry

Rhode Island

Stephen Hopkins

William Ellery

Connecticut

Roger Sherman

Samuel Huntington

William Williams

Oliver Wolcott

Matthew Thornton

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the declaration of independence argumentative essay

The Declaration of Independence

By tim bailey, view the declaration in the gilder lehrman collection by clicking here and here . for additional primary resources click here  and here ., unit objective.

Stone facsimile of the Declaration, created 1823. (GLC00154.02)

This unit is part of Gilder Lehrman’s series of Common Core State Standards–based teaching resources. These units were written to enable students to understand, summarize, and analyze original texts of historical significance. Students will demonstrate this knowledge by writing summaries of selections from the original document and, by the end of the unit, articulating their understanding of the complete document by answering questions in an argumentative writing style to fulfill the Common Core State Standards. Through this step-by-step process, students will acquire the skills to analyze any primary or secondary source material.

While the unit is intended to flow over a five-day period, it is possible to present and complete the material within a shorter time frame. For example, the first two days can be used to ensure an understanding of the process with all of the activity completed in class. The teacher can then assign lessons three and four as homework. The argumentative essay is then written in class on day three.

Students will be asked to "read like a detective" and gain a clear understanding of the Declaration of Independence. Through reading and analyzing the original text, the students will know what is explicitly stated, draw logical inferences, and demonstrate these skills by writing a succinct summary and then restating that summary in the student’s own words. In the first lesson this will be facilitated by the teacher and done as a whole-class lesson.

Introduction

Tell the students that they will be learning what Thomas Jefferson wrote in 1776 that served to announce the creation of a new nation by reading and understanding Jefferson’s own words. Resist the temptation to put the Declaration into too much context. Remember, we are trying to let the students discover what Jefferson and the Continental Congress had to say and then develop ideas based solely on the original text.

  • The Declaration of Independence, abridged  (PDF)
  • Teacher Resource:  Complete text of the Declaration of Independence  (PDF). This transcript of the Declaration of Independence is from the National Archives online resource The Charters of Freedom .
  • Summary Organizer #1  (PDF)
  • All students are given an abridged copy of the Declaration of Independence and are asked to read it silently to themselves.
  • The teacher then "share reads" the text with the students. This is done by having the students follow along silently while the teacher begins reading aloud. The teacher models prosody, inflection, and punctuation. The teacher then asks the class to join in with the reading after a few sentences while the teacher continues to read along with the students, still serving as the model for the class. This technique will support struggling readers as well as English Language Learners (ELL).
  • The teacher explains that the students will be analyzing the first part of the text today and that they will be learning how to do in-depth analysis for themselves. All students are given a copy of Summary Organizer #1. This contains the first selection from the Declaration of Independence.
  • The teacher puts a copy of Summary Organizer #1 on display in a format large enough for all of the class to see (an overhead projector, Elmo projector, or similar device). Explain that today the whole class will be going through this process together.
  • Explain that the objective is to select "Key Words" from the first section and then use those words to create a summary sentence that demonstrates an understanding of what Jefferson was saying in the first paragraph.
  • Guidelines for selecting the Key Words: Key Words are very important contributors to understanding the text. Without them the selection would not make sense. These words are usually nouns or verbs. Don’t pick "connector" words (are, is, the, and, so, etc.). The number of Key Words depends on the length of the original selection. This selection is 181 words so we can pick ten Key Words. The other Key Words rule is that we cannot pick words if we don’t know what they mean.
  • Students will now select ten words from the text that they believe are Key Words and write them in the box to the right of the text on their organizers.
  • The teacher surveys the class to find out what the most popular choices were. The teacher can either tally this or just survey by a show of hands. Using this vote and some discussion the class should, with guidance from the teacher, decide on ten Key Words. For example, let’s say that the class decides on the following words: necessary, dissolve, political bonds (yes, technically these are two words, but you can allow such things if it makes sense to do so; just don’t let whole phrases get by), declare, separation, self-evident, created equal, liberty, abolish, and government. Now, no matter which words the students had previously selected, have them write the words agreed upon by the class or chosen by you into the Key Words box in their organizers.
  • The teacher now explains that, using these Key Words, the class will write a sentence that restates or summarizes what was stated in the Declaration. This should be a whole-class discussion-and-negotiation process. For example, "It is necessary for us to dissolve our political bonds and declare a separation; it is self-evident that we are created equal and should have liberty, so we need to abolish our current government." You might find that the class decides they don’t need the some of the words to make it even more streamlined. This is part of the negotiation process. The final negotiated sentence is copied into the organizer in the third section under the original text and Key Words sections.
  • The teacher explains that students will now be putting their summary sentence into their own words, not having to use Jefferson’s words. Again, this is a class discussion-and-negotiation process. For example, "We need to get rid of our old government so we can be free."
  • Wrap up: Discuss vocabulary that the students found confusing or difficult. If you choose, you could have students use the back of their organizers to make a note of these words and their meanings.

Students will be asked to "read like a detective" and gain a clear understanding of what Thomas Jefferson was writing about in the Declaration of Independence. Through reading and analyzing the original text, the students will know what is explicitly stated, draw logical inferences, and demonstrate these skills by writing a succinct summary and then restating that summary in the student’s own words. In the second lesson the students will work with partners and in small groups.

Tell the students that they will be further exploring the meaning of the Declaration of Independence by reading and understanding Jefferson’s text and then being able to tell, in their own words, what he said. Today they will be working with partners and in small groups.

  • Summary Organizer #2  (PDF)
  • All students are given the abridged copy of the Declaration of Independence and are asked to read it silently to themselves.
  • The students and teacher discuss what they did yesterday and what they decided was the meaning of the first selection.
  • The teacher then "share reads" the second selection with the students. This is done by having the students follow along silently while the teacher begins reading aloud. The teacher models prosody, inflection, and punctuation. The teacher then asks the class to join in with the reading after a couple of sentences while the teacher continues to read along with the students, still serving as the model for the class. This technique will support struggling readers as well as English Language Learners (ELL).
  • The teacher explains that the class will be analyzing the second selection from the Declaration of Independence today. All students are given a copy of Summary Organizer #2. This contains the second selection from the Declaration.
  • The teacher puts a copy of Summary Organizer #2 on display in a format large enough for all of the class to see (an overhead projector, Elmo projector, or similar device). Explain that today they will be going through the same process as yesterday but with partners and in small groups.
  • Explain that the objective is still to select "Key Words" from the second selection and then use those words to create a summary sentence that demonstrates an understanding of what Jefferson was saying in that selection.
  • Guidelines for selecting the Key Words: The guidelines for selecting Key Words are the same as they were yesterday. However, because this paragraph is shorter than the last one at 148 words, they can pick only seven or eight Key Words.
  • Pair the students up and have them negotiate which Key Words to select. After they have decided on their words both students will write them in the Key Words box of their organizers.
  • The teacher now puts two pairs together. These two pairs go through the same negotiation-and-discussion process to come up with their Key Words. Be strategic in how you make your groups to ensure the most participation by all group members.
  • The teacher now explains that by using these Key Words the group will build a sentence that restates or summarizes what Thomas Jefferson was saying. This is done by the group negotiating with its members on how best to build that sentence. Try to make sure that everyone is contributing to the process. It is very easy for one student to take control of the entire process and for the other students to let them do so. All of the students should write their negotiated sentence into their organizers.
  • The teacher asks for the groups to share out the summary sentences they have created. This should start a teacher-led discussion that points out the qualities of the various attempts. How successful were the groups at understanding the Declaration and were they careful to only use Jefferson’s Key Words in doing so?
  • The teacher explains that the group will now be putting their summary sentence into their own words, not having to use Jefferson’s words. Again, this is a group discussion-and-negotiation process. After they have decided on a sentence it should be written into their organizers. Again, the teacher should have the groups share out and discuss the clarity and quality of the groups’ attempts.

Students will be asked to "read like a detective" and gain a clear understanding of the meaning of the Declaration of Indpendence. Through reading and analyzing the original text, the students will know what is explicitly stated, draw logical inferences, and demonstrate these skills by writing a succinct summary and then restating that summary in the student’s own words. In this lesson the students will be working individually.

Tell the students that they will be further exploring what Thomas Jefferson was saying in the third selection from the Declaration of Independence by reading and understanding Jefferson’s words and then being able to tell, in their own words, what he said. Today they will be working by themselves on their summaries.

  • Summary Organizer #3  (PDF)
  • The students and teacher discuss what they did yesterday and what they decided was the meaning of the first two selections.
  • The teacher then "share reads" the third selection with the students. This is done by having the students follow along silently while the teacher begins reading aloud. The teacher models prosody, inflection, and punctuation. The teacher then asks the class to join in with the reading after a couple of sentences while the teacher continues to read along with the students, still serving as the model for the class. This technique will support struggling readers as well as English Language Learners (ELL).
  • The teacher explains that the class will be analyzing the third selection from the Declaration of Independence today. All students are given a copy of Summary Organizer #3. This contains the third selection from the Declaration.
  • The teacher puts a copy of Summary Organizer #3 on display in a format large enough for all of the class to see (an overhead projector, Elmo projector, or similar device). Explain that today they will be going through the same process as yesterday, but they will be working by themselves.
  • Explain that the objective is still to select "Key Words" from the third paragraph and then use those words to create a summary sentence that demonstrates an understanding of what Jefferson was saying in that selection.
  • Guidelines for selecting the Key Words: The guidelines for selecting Key Words are the same as they were yesterday. However, because this paragraph is longer (208 words) they can pick ten Key Words.
  • Have the students decide which Key Words to select. After they have chosen their words they will write them in the Key Words box of their organizers.
  • The teacher explains that, using these Key Words, each student will build a sentence that restates or summarizes what Jefferson was saying. They should write their summary sentences into their organizers.
  • The teacher explains that they will be putting their summary sentence into their own words, not having to use Jefferson’s words. This should be added to their organizers.
  • The teacher asks for students to share out the summary sentences they have created. This should start a teacher-led discussion that points out the qualities of the various attempts. How successful were the students at understanding what Jefferson was writing about?

Tell the students that they will be further exploring what Thomas Jefferson was saying in the fourth selection from the Declaration of Independence by reading and understanding Jefferson’s words and then being able to tell, in their own words, what he said. Today they will be working by themselves on their summaries.

  • Summary Organizer #4  (PDF)
  • The students and teacher discuss what they did yesterday and what they decided was the meaning of the first three selections.
  • The teacher then "share reads" the fourth selection with the students. This is done by having the students follow along silently while the teacher begins reading aloud. The teacher models prosody, inflection, and punctuation. The teacher then asks the class to join in with the reading after a couple of sentences while the teacher continues to read along with the students, still serving as the model for the class. This technique will support struggling readers as well as English Language Learners (ELL).
  • The teacher explains that the class will be analyzing the fourth selection from the Declaration of Independence today. All students are given a copy of Summary Organizer #4. This contains the fourth selection from the Declaration.
  • The teacher puts a copy of Summary Organizer #4 on display in a format large enough for all of the class to see (an overhead projector, Elmo projector, or similar device). Explain that today they will be going through the same process as yesterday, but they will be working by themselves.
  • Explain that the objective is still to select "Key Words" from the fourth paragraph and then use those words to create a summary sentence that demonstrates an understanding of what Jefferson was saying in that selection.
  • Guidelines for selecting the Key Words: The guidelines for selecting Key Words are the same as they were yesterday. Because this paragraph is the longest (more than 219 words) it will be challenging for them to select only ten Key Words. However, the purpose of this exercise is for the students to get at the most important content of the selection.
  • The teacher explains that now they will be putting their summary sentence into their own words, not having to use Jefferson’s words. This should be added to their organizers.

This lesson has two objectives. First, the students will synthesize the work of the last four days and demonstrate that they understand what Jefferson was saying in the Declaration of Independence. Second, the teacher will ask questions of the students that require them to make inferences from the text and also require them to support their conclusions in a short essay with explicit information from the text.

Tell the students that they will be reviewing what Thomas Jefferson was saying in the Declaration of Independence. Second, you will be asking them to write a short argumentative essay about the Declaration; explain that their conclusions must be backed up by evidence taken directly from the text.

  • All students are given the abridged copy of the Declaration of Independence and then are asked to read it silently to themselves.
  • The teacher asks the students for their best personal summary of selection one. This is done as a negotiation or discussion. The teacher may write this short sentence on the overhead or similar device. The same procedure is used for selections two, three, and four. When they are finished the class should have a summary, either written or oral, of the Declaration in only a few sentences. This should give the students a way to state what the general purpose or purposes of the document were.
  • The teacher can have the students write a short essay now addressing one of the following prompts or do a short lesson on constructing an argumentative essay. If the latter is the case, save the essay writing until the next class period or assign it for homework. Remind the students that any arguments they make must be backed up with words taken directly from the Declaration of Independence. The first prompt is designed to be the easiest.
  • What are the key arguments that Thomas Jefferson makes for the colonies’ separation from Great Britain?
  • Can the Declaration of Independence be considered a declaration of war? Using evidence from the text argue whether this is or is not true.
  • Thomas Jefferson defines what the role of government should and should not be. How does he make these arguments?

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the declaration of independence argumentative essay

Intro Essay: The Promise of Liberty and Equality

How did the principles of the declaration of independence contribute to the quest to end slavery.

  • I can explain the concept of natural rights in my own words.
  • I can explain how slavery violated Founding principles of liberty, equality, and justice.
  • I can explain various ways in which African Americans secured their own liberty in the Founding era.
  • I can explain why the Framers of the U.S. Constitution made compromises over slavery.
  • I can explain how the Framers of the U.S. Constitution made it possible to challenge slavery in the future.

Essential Vocabulary

The principle that all human beings possess rights by virtue of their existence. Because of its universality, natural law is considered to be higher than any law made by human authority.
Values such as liberty, equality, and justice that are drawn from the concept of natural law. These values underpin the framework of the United States’ republican government
Cultural and geographical region of the South dependent on plantations and chattel slavery—the owning of human beings as property that can be bought and sold. At the time of the Founding, the lower South referred to the Carolinas and Georgia. Later, it also encompassed what later became Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, parts of Texas, and Florida.
Compromises.
To resolve or fix.

The Declaration of Independence and the Promise of Liberty and Equality for All

In the aftermath of the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), the British government enacted a series of new laws, including new taxes, to be applied to its colonies in North America. Because the colonists had no direct representation in the British government, many protested the legality of these laws. They then began a serious public conversation about the nature and origin of their rights. Many believed that rights are grounded in nature—that is, in human nature, or natural law—and are therefore applicable to all humankind and higher than any laws made by human authority. The idea that rights derive from human nature has deep roots in western political thinking and was embraced by many thinkers of the Enlightenment, particularly the English political philosopher John Locke. This view of natural rights was invoked by the North American colonists as they explained and justified their revolution against British rule in the Declaration of Independence. In this way, the Declaration of Independence did much more than formally announce the colonists’ separation from Great Britain: it was also a tightly compressed philosophical argument that clearly articulated equality as the fundamental moral fact of human nature. According to the Declaration, this inherent equality, along with natural rights, formed the basis and limits of a just government. The principles of equality, liberty, and justice served as the foundation of the new nation and are therefore referred to as Founding principles .

John Locke’s ideas and writings, particularly “Two Treatises of Government” (1689), greatly influenced the Founding generation. Locke believed that the control of any person against his or her will was unacceptable, whether in the form of an unfair government or slavery. He wrote, “The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges [treats] every one [equally]: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind . . . that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions.”

At the time, these principles were not faithfully applied to all people. Slavery existed throughout the 13 colonies in stark violation of liberty, equality, consent, and justice. Yet, the promise of these ideals inspired African Americans to take significant actions for their own liberties. Thousands of enslaved men and women ran away to the British side during the war because of an offer of freedom, and many served the British as soldiers or in other wartime roles. After some debate by Congress and General George Washington to allow them to serve, almost 5,000 black Americans fought for the Continental Army. Enslaved persons also petitioned colonial and state legislatures for freedom and initiated lawsuits called “freedom suits” in state courts and often won. Slavery’s existence also pricked at the conscience of many white Founders and citizens. Many individual slaveholders in the North and South privately manumitted or freed approximately 70,000 enslaved persons through 1810. Several northern states abolished slavery outright or gradually over the next few decades. Despite these actions, slavery was still entrenched in many parts of the new union, and thousands of men and women remained enslaved.

Slave vs. enslaved   The use of enslaved person instead of slave stresses the humanity of African Americans who were held in bondage rather than their condition. The use of enslaved person is a modern convention. The term slave where it appears in historical documents has been retained in its original usage in order to present sources accurately in their historical context.

The attachment to slavery remained especially strong in states in the lower South —the Carolinas and Georgia. It endured there as a matter of state law and spread to new southern states such as Kentucky and Tennessee. This posed a vexing problem for the Framers of the U.S. Constitution: it became apparent that a constitutional union among the 13 former colonies would be impossible without significant concessions or compromises to states whose economies relied upon slavery. These concessions included the Three-Fifths clause, the international slave trade clause, and the Fugitive Slave clause. At the same time, the Constitution never uses the words race, color, or slavery—indicating, by James Madison’s testimony, the Framers’ judgment that it was “wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that there could be property in men”—but also ensuring that the contest over slavery would persist. By referring to slavery in the Constitution indirectly, the Framers left the door open to challenge slavery in the future. The tension between American Founding principles and slavery’s denial of natural rights to millions of enslaved men and women troubled many in the early years of the republic. Cries to rectify or resolve this hypocrisy would only intensify in the years leading up to the Civil War.

Reading Comprehension Questions

  • What prompted the North American colonists to consider the nature and origin of their rights?
  • Explain the concept of natural rights in your own words.
  • Why did the Framers of the U.S. Constitution make concessions or compromises with states whose economies relied upon slavery?

Rhetoric of The Declaration of Independence Essay

  • To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
  • As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
  • As a template for you assignment

The ancient Greek philosopher, Aristotle, prescribed three modes of rhetorical persuasion – ethos, pathos, and logos. An outstanding rhetoric persuasion should have an ethical appeal, an emotional appeal, as well as a logical appeal. In the Declaration of Independence document, and Thomas Jefferson’s account, the founding fathers not only aired grievances, truths, and the denial of liberty, but they also artistically embroidered all the elements of rhetoric persuasion in their assertions. The Declaration of Independence appeals to ethics, emotions, and logic – the three fundamental elements of rhetoric.

The Declaration of Independence’s appeal to ethics is undisputable. In the opening paragraphs of the declaration, there is an ethical appeal for why the colonists needed separation from the colonizer. The first paragraph of the declaration read,

When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth […] decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation (“The Declaration of Independence”).

In the statement above, Jefferson and the founding fathers were appealing to ethics. It was necessary and essential to have an ethical explanation for that desire to gain support for their need to be independent. The founding fathers needed to explain why they needed to separate as decent respect to the opinions of humankind. In the second paragraph, the declaration continued on the ethical appeal stating that humans bore equal and unalienable rights – “to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” (“The Declaration of Independence”).

These statements are moral, ethical, and legal overtones that the audience can associate themselves with. If someone were to ask, “Why is this separation necessary?” The answer would come right from the second paragraph. Jefferson and the founding fathers were more than aware that such a move as declaring independence required an ethical appeal with salient and concrete causes in place of light and transient causes, and they appealed to ethics right at the beginning of the declaration.

Other than appealing to ethics, Jefferson and the founding fathers required the audience to have an emotional attachment to the Declaration of Independence. The audience had to feel the same way as the founding fathers did. In the second paragraph of the declaration document, the drafters appealed that the people had a right to change and abolish a government that had become destructive of the equal and inalienable rights of all humankind. “Humankind is more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to the right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed” (“The Declaration of Independence”).

However, if there is “a long train of abuses and usurpations” (“The Declaration of Independence”), there was a need to reduce the adversities under absolute Despotism, as the people’s right and duty. At the beginning of paragraph 30, the drafters of the declaration called their preceding assertions oppressions. An oppressed person is not a happy person. By making the audience – the colonists – remember their suffering and how patient they had been with the colonizers, Jefferson and the drafters appealed to the audience’s emotions.

The other rhetorical appeal in the Declaration of Independence is that of logic – logos. Other than bearing ethical and emotional overtones, the declaration equally bore logical sentiments. At the end of paragraph two, The Declaration of Independence reads, “To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world” (“The Declaration of Independence”), after which follows a string of grievances against the King of England and the colonizers. The entire draft bears logical appeal and the rationale behind the call for independence. How the founding fathers interwove the causes for independence in the declaration is a representation of logic.

There is evidence of inductive reasoning showing what the colonists required – independence from England – and why that was the only resort. The declaration is also logically appealing because it is not that the colonists have not sought the colonizer’s ear for the grievances they had; they had “In every stage of these Oppressions Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms, but their repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury” (“The Declaration of Independence”). Reason would only dictate that the colonists resort to other measures such as declaring themselves independent from a tyrannical system.

A rhetorical analysis of the Declaration for Independence shows the employment of ethical (ethos), emotional (pathos), and logical (logos) appeals by the drafters. In the statement of their reasons for calling to be independent of the crown, the founding fathers elucidated an ethical appeal. In the statement of their grievances against the King of England, the drafters appealed emotionally to their audience. Lastly, the drafters of the declaration interwove logic into every argument they presented by employing inductive reasoning in the description of the relationship between the colonies and the colonizer and why they formerly needed emancipation from the latter.

“ The Declaration of Independence: The Want, Will, and Hopes of the People . “ Ushistory.org , 2018. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2021, July 3). Rhetoric of The Declaration of Independence. https://ivypanda.com/essays/rhetoric-of-the-declaration-of-independence/

"Rhetoric of The Declaration of Independence." IvyPanda , 3 July 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/rhetoric-of-the-declaration-of-independence/.

IvyPanda . (2021) 'Rhetoric of The Declaration of Independence'. 3 July.

IvyPanda . 2021. "Rhetoric of The Declaration of Independence." July 3, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/rhetoric-of-the-declaration-of-independence/.

1. IvyPanda . "Rhetoric of The Declaration of Independence." July 3, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/rhetoric-of-the-declaration-of-independence/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Rhetoric of The Declaration of Independence." July 3, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/rhetoric-of-the-declaration-of-independence/.

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the declaration of independence argumentative essay

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Alerts in effect, the power of an argument - lesson plan.

Created in collaboration with the Philadelphia Writing Project and the National Writing Project, this lesson plan uses the Declaration of Independence as an example of a powerful written argument, and is based on this inquiry question: How can I harness the power of an argument to change the world?

Designed for middle school students, the lesson can be used in the classroom for a unit on argument writing. The lesson includes a guide for teachers as well as a packet for students. Additional resources include background information about the Declaration of Independence and the American Revolution, and photos and multimedia.
Students will be able to articulate the difference between making an argument and having an argument in order to prepare for writing an argumentative essay.


Students will identify areas of improvement in their own school in order to make an argument for change.


Students will be able to match quotes from the Declaration of Independence to the parts of an argument in order to prove that the document is an argument for independence.


Students will be able to develop claims in order to draft an argumentative essay.


Students will be able to explore a variety of sources to identify evidence for their claim in order to prepare for writing an argumentative essay.


Students will be able to locate counterclaims for their arguments in order to prepare to draft their argumentative essay.


Students will be able to draft an argumentative essay that includes all the parts of an argument in order to demonstrate their understanding of argumentative writing.

Last updated: December 13, 2017

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The Declaration of Independence

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Discussion Questions

In what ways is the Declaration of Independence a timeless document, and in what ways is it a product of a specific time and place? Is it primarily a historical document, or is it relevant to the modern era?

How does the Declaration of Independence define a tyrant? And how convincing is the argument the signers make that George III was a tyrant?

The Declaration of Independence does not establish any laws for the United States. But how do its ideas influence the Constitution or other documents that do establish laws?

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Despite these challenges, entrenched Washington politicians in both parties and the elites who implemented the policies responsible for our malaise refuse to change course.

In Florida, we’ve fought back.

We led the charge to drag our nation out of pandemic lockdown, to protect freedom, to ensure the viability of small businesses and to preserve the education of our youth. We cut against the grain of elite opinion and faced massive blowback for bucking the system – but we stood our ground.

We fought for Floridians who were ignored by the elites, who didn’t have a voice and whose livelihoods hung in the balance. We were their voice, we were their fighter – and we won.

We will take that same spirit to Washington to fight for Americans across the nation.

Revitalizing economic freedom and opportunity today will require building an economy where the concerns of average citizens are elevated above those deemed “too big to fail.”

Rebuilding the American dream for our middle class

Our declaration of economic independence must focus our agenda on rebuilding the American dream for our middle class. We will diversify and expand our economy by rewarding hard work and empowering our citizens to control their own destinies.

We want to be a country that makes things, where a family can raise children on a single income, and where young people can develop the skills and values necessary to build a decent life and contribute to their communities.

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The goal of our declaration of economic independence is simple: We win. They lose.

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We will facilitate stronger economic growth, with a target of at least 3%.

We will do so by advancing an ambitious tax and regulatory reform agenda to unleash American production, increase productivity and growth, and support our families, workers and small businesses, all while lowering inflation.

President Joe Biden’s job-crippling and ideological regulations and executive orders will be reversed on Day One.

We will unleash our domestic energy sector, modernize and protect our power grid and advance American energy independence, thereby increasing our economic and national security, reducing inflation and fueling a manufacturing renaissance that will create jobs, revitalize our communities and improve our standard of living.

I will work not only to extend income tax cuts scheduled to expire in 2025 and to further simplify the tax code, but also seek a more competitive tax system that incentivizes long-term, domestic investment while purging special interest carveouts and loopholes.

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I will use all available constitutional authority to restore accountability in the executive branch, move agencies out of Washington, D.C., and slash the bureaucratic state, restrict foreign lobbying and post-employment revolving doors by former government officials, and ban individual stock trading by members of Congress and executive branch officials.

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We will take back control of our destiny and ensure that our future is proud, independent and free.

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Michelle Goldberg

Michelle Goldberg

Opinion Columnist, reporting from Atlanta

In Atlanta, Harris Has Dance-Party Energy

The first person I met in the long line for Kamala Harris’s rally in Atlanta on Tuesday was Tomorrow Wright, a pre-K teacher who hadn’t been planning to vote when Joe Biden was still the Democratic candidate.

“Biden and Trump, I wasn’t with neither one of them,” she said, adding that Biden had disappointed her by not doing more to cancel student loan debt. But Harris had electrified her, and she’d queued at noon for a rally — her first ever — that wouldn’t start until evening, shading herself from the brutal southern sun under a pink umbrella.

Most of the other people I met at the Georgia State Convocation Center, where around 10,000 people packed the stadium for Harris, said they’d intended to vote for Biden. But with the energy on the ground moribund, many told me they couldn’t rouse themselves to do much more for him, like go to events or volunteer.

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Is this the next war that has been a threat to Israel and its neighbors through all the nine months of the conflict with Hamas? A war that would be far deadlier than the one in Gaza, with the Israeli Defense Force pitted against the most heavily armed militia in the Middle East, one wielding a vast arsenal of attack drones, rockets and missiles far greater and more sophisticated than anything Hamas has?

This may not be the moment. Hezbollah, the political party and militia that controls southern Lebanon, has denied that Saturday’s attack was its doing, though that may be intended more to deny responsibility for killing members of the Druse community, a small offshoot of Shia Islam who have lived on the Golan Heights since before Israel seized the area 57 years ago, and who have tried to stay clear of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Neither Israel nor the United States doubt that Hezbollah was responsible, especially given that tit-for-tat rocket attacks have been constant since the Gaza war erupted last Oct. 7. Saturday’s missile was most likely intended for a nearby Israeli base, not the Druse youngsters. Still, a strike on a non-Jewish community in Israel also put pressure on Israel to show that it cares about the security of all its citizens. In the Middle East, nothing is ever simple or binary.

The intended target on Tuesday, Fuad Shukr, a senior Hezbollah official, was killed in the attack , according to the Israeli military, and there were reports that 35 people were wounded.

It’s not clear whether Israel’s strike on Beirut, if the response ends there for now, will provoke Hezbollah to escalate the duel. But even if none of the actors involved want an all-out war at this juncture, the conditions for one to erupt will remain. Hezbollah has vowed to continue popping rockets into northern Israel so long as the fighting continues in Gaza, leading to retaliatory Israeli strikes and to the evacuation of thousands of residents from both sides of the border — 60,000 Israelis and a far greater number of Lebanese.

According to Amos Harel, a defense analyst for the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, writing recently in Foreign Affairs (before the latest exchange), there is a strong longing in Israel to deal with Hezbollah “once and for all.” And in the north, Harel wrote, Israel is far better prepared for a major clash than it was in the south. In the immediate aftermath of Oct. 7, when confusion reigned along the Gaza border, three Israeli divisions were rapidly deployed to preclude Hezbollah from opening a second front.

For President Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, whose reaction to a dangerous crisis will be closely scrutinized now that she is the probable Democratic candidate for president, preventing a dangerous new war, one that would reverberate across the Middle East, is a critical challenge.

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Farah Stockman

Farah Stockman

It’s Not Too Late for Change in Venezuela

The Venezuelan strongman Nicolás Maduro wants the world to believe he won Sunday’s presidential election . But nobody should believe that until he releases precinct-level vote tallies and submits to an independent audit. That authorities have failed so far to do that “tells you everything you need to know about the election,” Geoff Ramsey, a specialist on Latin America at the Atlantic Council, told me.

Maduro has done everything in his power to tilt the election in his favor, from barring rivals to arresting their campaign staff members. But even that doesn’t seem to have been enough. Now he appears to be faking the numbers and declaring victory. It’s already being called the “ mother of all stolen elections .”

Luckily, the Venezuelan opposition anticipated that Maduro would try to rig the vote, and dispatched volunteers to collect precinct-level tally sheets from voting centers across the country. The opposition says it has collected some 70 percent of such tally sheets , enough data to prove that voters overwhelmingly rejected Maduro.

And why wouldn’t they vote him out? He has presided over the worst economic collapse of any country not at war . Since 2014, the country’s economy shrank by roughly three-quarters , and about 20 percent of citizens have left, thanks to Maduro’s corruption, mismanagement of the oil industry, and U.S. sanctions brought on by his policies. Who would vote for six more years of that?

Every country in the region has suffered from Venezuela’s collapse and would benefit from its recovery. Leaders around the world — and those who prop up the Maduro regime — should ask themselves how much more Venezuela can take and insist that Maduro come clean with the precinct-level results.

“There is a lot of consensus even among governments that have been traditionally friendly to Maduro —Mexico, Brazil, Colombia — that there has to be transparency around the results,” Francisco Rodríguez, a Venezuelan economist at the University of Denver, told me.

This is far from the first time that Maduro has been accused of rigging the vote. But the ability of the opposition to collect such compelling proof of it is a testament of the incredible bravery and surprising unity of the opposition under the leadership of Venezuela’s “Iron Lady,” María Corina Machado , an opposition front-runner who was barred from running.

Undaunted, Machado rallied behind Edmundo González Urrutia, a little-known former diplomat who was allowed on the ballot. Exit polls and opinion surveys suggest that he won in a landslide. Anger at Maduro’s attempts to claim victory has led to mass protests and even the toppling of a statue of Hugo Chávez . The Venezuelan people deserve better, and they know it.

Frank Bruni

Frank Bruni

Contributing Opinion Writer

Trump vs. ‘America’s Border Czar’

“Border czar.”

If Donald Trump and his campaign staff could tattoo that epithet onto Kamala Harris’s forehead or dress her in a sandwich board bearing only that phrase, they would. So it’s not surprising to encounter it at the start of the first major ad that the Trump campaign has released since Harris became the de facto Democratic nominee.

“This is America’s border czar,” says an unseen narrator, in an ominous voice, as the words “Border Czar Kamala Harris” appear onscreen, just to hammer home the designation. They’re superimposed over video of Harris, in a kaleidoscopic blouse, dancing at an unspecified celebration. Message: She’s not just out to lunch. She’s out having a blast while the country implodes.

On a scale of 1 to someone screaming that Harris is an agent of the apocalypse, the ad rates about a 9. It’s as subtle as Trump. And like him, it doesn’t play fair — in tying illegal border crossings to terrorism and in assigning her ultimate responsibility for those crossings. She was charged not with fortifying the border but with the vaguer task of working with Central American countries to deter migration by identifying and alleviating its causes.

But the ad is smart, and it’s a clear signal of what will be a main theme, possibly the main theme, in Republicans’ attacks against Harris in particular and Democrats in general. Americans are much more concerned about illegal immigration than they were in the past, and polls show that they trust Trump more than they do Democrats to hold back the tide.

That’s a big reason that Senator Mark Kelly of Arizona is on Harris’s short list of potential running mates: He represents a border state and has spoken forcefully for greater border security. Harris must persuade voters that she’s concerned about and focused on that issue.

But Trump must take care, too. The ad — which is scheduled to appear in the six top battleground states — underscores that. The colors in Harris’s blouse, the lightheartedness of her dance moves, a carefully selected snippet of remarks she made to Lester Holt of NBC News: Those details and others combine to suggest that Harris is frivolous, different, even other, especially because there’s an image of Trump in the ad, too, and he’s striding purposefully in a suit and red tie outside what appears to be the White House.

Serious man. Silly (and dangerous) woman. That’s the contrast being drawn, and it could turn off many voters.

David Firestone

David Firestone

Deputy Editor, the Editorial Board

Biden Is Right: End Lifetime Tenure on the Supreme Court

House Speaker Mike Johnson was probably right to describe President Biden’s Supreme Court reform proposals as “dead on arrival” in his chamber, but that’s just because Republicans don’t want anything to interfere with their 6-to-3 supermajority on the court. It wasn’t that long ago that many Republicans fully supported the most compelling of Biden’s ideas: term limits for justices.

In 2012, before he was a Republican senator from Missouri, Josh Hawley wrote an article saying that if justices knew they would not serve on the court for life, it would “foster a more circumspect attitude toward the court’s role.” The independence created by life terms, he wrote, breeds “an overconfidence in the justices’ capacity to get constitutional questions right.” (And he was in a position to know, as a former clerk for Chief Justice John Roberts.) Term limits were also supported by Senator Marco Rubio , and Senator Ted Cruz proposed putting justices up for election every eight years.

Now it’s Democrats who want to end lifetime appointments, having seen the six justices in the supermajority trample individual rights and do nothing about shameful ethical abuses within their ranks. But an 18-year maximum tenure for justices, as Biden and many others have proposed, shouldn’t be ping-ponged around by whatever faction is dissatisfied with the current court. It’s a good idea born of a mistake by the Constitution’s drafters, who weren’t able to foresee the problems caused by lifetime appointments.

For one thing, life spans were shorter then. Through the 1960s, the average term on the court was around 15 years; after 1970, it became about 26 years. The founders did not fully anticipate how a justice might become insulated from reality after serving on the court for many decades. They didn’t anticipate the potential for arrogance and corruption, as long-serving justices — like Clarence Thomas — would take lavish gifts from special interests without the possibility of penalty.

And they didn’t anticipate that a president like Donald Trump would outsource his appointment power to fierce ideological warrior groups like the Federalist Society, who scour law schools for the most conservative students, get them clerkships and then promote them at a young age for judicial openings, in hopes of keeping them on the bench for more than a quarter-century.

The United States remains the only major constitutional democracy without either term limits or a mandatory retirement age for judges on the highest court. Almost every American state, in fact, has some kind of term limit for high-court justices. Only Rhode Island has neither a term limit nor an age restriction.

Johnson says the system has worked fine for centuries, but it clearly has not. The time for change is long overdue. Biden deserves credit as the first president to join the call for an overhaul.

Jessica Grose

Jessica Grose

Opinion Writer

The Tradwife Life Is Nothing New

Hannah Neeleman , whose nom de internet is Ballerina Farm, was described as “the queen of the tradwives,” by Megan Agnew of The Times of London this month. Neeleman previously claimed to be “unfamiliar with the term,” which describes social media influencers who often promote traditional gender roles and present idealized domestic scenes.

I believe tradwives when they say they are happy living this way. But getting behind the images of Ballerina Farm confirmed what I already suspected: Being a tradwife is not appealing or aspirational for many modern women, despite how beautiful it looks in photographs.

Neeleman is an ex-Juilliard ballerina who is married to an heir to the JetBlue fortune, and the two live on a farm in Utah with their “8 littles” as she puts it in her Instagram bio . Ballerina Farm’s brand of tradwifery might best be described as internet pastoral: home-schooling children, making croissants, drinking turmeric lattes made from raw milk from the farm. The profile asks: Does Neeleman’s lifestyle represent “an empowering new model of womanhood — or a hammer blow for feminism?”

I would argue that all she represents is an old model of wealthy white womanhood, disseminated by new technology. This model valorizes the performance of motherhood if you act joyful all the time, are buoyed by an ocean of family money and can compete in a beauty pageant two weeks postpartum, as Neeleman did. But it has no material support for the human beings who have more complex feelings than a perfect facade allows.

Pitting tradwives against feminists is a trap . That makes it seem that feminists don’t care about families or hate stay-at-home parents or big families, which is false. Many feminists are stay-at-home parents, but tradwives are a separate category who tend to believe in cultural values like submitting to one’s husband.

Neeleman certainly defers to her husband, Daniel, about basically every major life decision she has made since they met in their early 20s. As Agnew notes: “Daniel wanted to live in the great Western wilds, so they did; he wanted to farm, so they do; he likes date nights once a week, so they go (they have a babysitter on those evenings); he didn’t want nannies in the house, so there aren’t any.”

Hannah Neeleman’s version of womanhood represents an age-old glorification of maternal suffering. Her family has the money to employ nannies and many people to do other household tasks, but she must go without additional child care because her husband doesn’t want her to have it. She sometimes falls so ill from exhaustion that she can’t get out of bed for a week.

While her social media feed makes her suffering appear glamorous, if you take off the pageant sequins, all that’s left is a vulnerable person, worn into the ground.

Thomas L. Friedman

Thomas L. Friedman

Opinion Columnist

Democrats Could Regret Calling Trump and His Supporters ‘Weird’

For a few days this last week I started to believe that Kamala Harris and the Democrats could come from behind and beat Donald Trump. But then I started to hear Democrats patting themselves on the back for coming up with a great new label for Trump Republicans. They are “weird.”

I cannot think of a sillier, more playground, more foolish and more counterproductive political taunt for Democrats to seize on than calling Trump and his supporters “weird.”

But weird seems to be the word of the week. As this newspaper reported, in a potential audition to be Harris’s running mate , Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota said over the weekend of Trump and his vice-presidential pick, Senator JD Vance of Ohio: “The fascists depend on us going back, but we’re not afraid of weird people. We’re a little bit creeped out, but we’re not afraid.” Just to make sure he got the point across, Walz added: “The nation found out what we’ve all known in Minnesota: These guys are just weird.”

As The Times reported, Harris, speaking at a weekend campaign event at a theater in the Berkshires, “leaned into a new Democratic attack on the former president and his running mate, Senator JD Vance of Ohio, saying that some of the swipes the men had taken against her were ‘just plain weird.’” The Times added: “Pete Buttigieg, the secretary of transportation, said Mr. Trump was getting ‘older and stranger’ while Senator Chuck Schumer, the majority leader, called Mr. Vance ‘weird’ and ‘erratic.’”

It is now a truism that if Democrats have any hope of carrying key swing states and overcoming Trump’s advantages in the Electoral College, they have to break through to white, working-class, non-college-educated men and women, who, if they have one thing in common, feel denigrated and humiliated by Democratic, liberal, college-educated elites. They hate the people who hate Trump more than they care about any Trump policies. Therefore, the dumbest message Democrats could seize on right now is to further humiliate them as “weird.”

“It is not only a flight from substance,” noted Prof. Michael J. Sandel of Harvard, the author of “The Tyranny of Merit: Can We Find the Common Good?” “It allows Trump to tell his supporters that establishment elites look down on them, marginalize them and view them as ‘outsiders’ — people who are ‘weird.’ It plays right into Trump’s appeal to his followers that he is taking the slings and arrows of elites for them. It is a distraction from the big argument that Democrats should be running on: How we can renew the dignity of work and the dignity of working men and women.”

I don’t know what is sufficient for Harris to win, but I sure know what is necessary: a message that is dignity affirming for working-class Americans, not dignity destroying. If this campaign is descending into name-calling, no one beats Trump in that arena.

Jonathan Alter

Jonathan Alter

Harris Should Pick Walz, and Then Put Shapiro and Kelly to Work

While Kamala Harris could easily make a surprise pick, I’m assuming the accuracy of reports that the short list consists of Senator Mark Kelly of Arizona, Gov. Josh Shapiro of Pennsylvania and Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota.

My suggestion is that for the next 100 days, she should effectively choose all three.

At first glance, Kelly or Shapiro might seem to help more by joining the ticket. While Harris is now comfortably ahead in Minnesota, she’s behind or dead even in Arizona and Pennsylvania polls.

But this assessment doesn’t take into account what the V.P. nominee will actually do in the 14 weeks before the election: Lambaste Donald Trump, spearhead fund-raisers in big cities, back Democratic Senate candidates in close races and campaign in battleground states when Harris is elsewhere.

That’s not the best use of Kelly’s and Shapiro’s time. Kelly’s priority should be to help nail down Arizona, where he has great credibility on the border issue that threatens Harris. Likewise, Shapiro should stay put in Pennsylvania. By helping Harris reposition herself on fracking, Shapiro, who is surprisingly popular in rural Pennsylvania, can cut Trump’s margins there and help Democrats carry the state. And by not putting Shapiro on the ticket, Harris avoids splits in the party over the war in Gaza.

If Harris visits both Arizona and Pennsylvania once a week for two or three events, as she should, that’s a whopping 28 to 42 joint appearances in each state with these popular figures.

Walz, meanwhile, would spread his nimble Midwestern charm as the actual V.P. nominee. He has a résumé that looks as if it was designed in a lab: raised in a Nebraska town of 400; geography teacher and coach of football state champions; 24 years as a noncommissioned officer of the Army National Guard; moderate Democratic House member from a deeply red Minnesota district; highly effective governor with crowd-pleasing wins on cannabis, paid family leave and mandatory gun background checks, among others. He connects culturally in rural America, which would provide critical balance on a ticket headed by a member of the coastal cultural elite.

Walz last week launched the creative “they’re weird” talking point about the Trump/Vance ticket, now taken up by the whole Democratic Party, and there’s more where that came from. Vice-presidential nominees are meant to be attack dogs, a role that political consultants in Arizona and Pennsylvania say neither Kelly nor Shapiro is especially well equipped to play. Walz is already embracing that task with relish, a happy warrior who stays light and upbeat on TV.

Selecting Kelly, Shapiro or Gov. Roy Cooper of North Carolina would reassure moderate voters — a critical task for Harris as she faces a fierce assault for being too liberal. But there are other options for doing so. One good way to start: Harris should announce that Mitt Romney will be her secretary of defense or homeland security.

Patrick Healy

Patrick Healy

Deputy Opinion Editor

The Important Unanswered Question About Kamala Harris

Every Monday morning on The Point, we kick off the week with a tipsheet on the latest in the presidential campaign. Here’s what we’re looking at this week:

For all the Democratic defections from President Biden and euphoria over Vice President Kamala Harris, there’s an important unanswered question about whether Harris can do something that Biden got very, very right in 2020: Be appealing to independent, undecided and swing voters with a centrist message emphasizing normalcy and uniting the country.

I think that message won Biden victory in the Electoral College. And a lot of Democrats are telling me two things right now: Harris will win the popular vote in November (thanks to strong margins in blue states), but it’s far from clear if she will win the Electoral College vote. She’s got to prove herself to those independent, undecided and swing voters in battleground states, or else she’s not going to win the presidency. And for all the record fund-raising and meme excitement, Harris hasn’t started indicating how she plans to do so.

Blue America is undoubtedly fired up and closing the enthusiasm gap fast against Donald Trump, and that’s a big deal — it’s what Democrats needed to do in Week 1 of the 15-week Harris presidential sprint. As we enter Week 2, I’ll be watching today for signs of a swing-voter message from two star governors and possible Harris running mates — Josh Shapiro of Pennsylvania and Gretchen Whitmer of Michigan — who are jointly campaigning for Harris in the Philadelphia suburbs. And I’ll be keeping an eye on new Harris campaign ads and her next big event, in Atlanta on Tuesday.

So far, Harris has mostly been talking to friendly Democratic audiences. She is leaving it to surrogates to make her case in more challenging venues, as Pete Buttigieg did Sunday on Fox News , or speak most pointedly to swing voters and small-town Americans in purple and red areas, as Gov. Tim Walz of Minnesota has.

Biden, Barack Obama and Bill Clinton won the presidency because they made real attempts — through policy ideas, speeches, campaign travel and, sometimes, criticism of their party or allies — to show that they had a measure of independence, thought for themselves and, yes, were looking out for all Americans, not just team blue. Both Bushes broke with some in the G.O.P. too (most notably on taxes and then immigration). Now that Harris has fired up the base faster than perhaps even she expected, what will she do to go beyond that base?

I’m really curious about what she says at her Atlanta event and where she plans to campaign in the days and weeks to come. And I’m also curious to see if she can really put Trump on the defensive over debating her ; she could reach a lot of those swing voters through debates, as well as prosecuting the case that Trump is unfit to lead the country again. Making a serious proposal to Trump that they meet for one debate a week starting in September would take this historic election to a new level.

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  1. The Declaration of Independence as an Argumentative Essay

    The first paragraph of the Declaration of Independence (hereafter called the "Declaration") is the hook that announces to the reader what the document will do. It argues that "when in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another," responsible people will explain why.

  2. Declaration of Independence

    Therefore, the document marked the independence of the thirteen colonies of America, a condition which had caused revolutionary war. America celebrates its day of independence on 4 th July, the day when the congress approved the Declaration for Independence (Becker, 2008). With that background in mind, this essay shall give an analysis of the key issues closely linked to the United States ...

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  4. Argumentative Essay On The Declaration Of Independence

    The Declaration of Independence was an important document in American history but it does not mean that it gained us our true freedom. It was a document that was written and signed on July 4th, 1776.

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  6. Declaration of Independence

    Declaration of Independence, in U.S. history, document that was approved by the Continental Congress on July 4, 1776, and that announced the separation of 13 North American British colonies from Great Britain. It explained why the Congress on July 2 "unanimously" by the votes of 12 colonies (with New York abstaining) had resolved that "these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be ...

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    In Congress, July 4, 1776. The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to ...

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    When the Declaration of Independence was in the process of being written, Jefferson and the men who revised the draft stated how "All men are created equal," and that they had "certain unalienable Rights, that among those are life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness."

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    Stanton believed that a public protest of women's right was the next step to get equality for women's legal position. By this belief, Stanton tried to make a draft of "Declaration of Right and Sentiments", which she modeled after the "Declaration of Independence".

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