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The Impact of Socialization on My Life Essay

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Introduction

My initial socialization, secondary, developmental, anticipatory and occupational socialization, re-socialization, social agents, the impacts of my socialization.

Socialization is a process of acquiring other people’s Ideas and norms providing a person with necessary abilities for building him/herself and for societal participatory. On the other hand socialization may not be normative as “it also describes processes which may or may not affect the reflexive agents, and which may or may not lead to desirable or moral outcomes. Individual views on certain issues, such as race may again be socialized within a society” (Mathews, 2002).

Socialization also prepares an individual for the roles he/she is to play, providing him with the necessary repertoire of habits, beliefs, and values, the appropriate patterns of emotional response and the modes of perception, requisite skills and knowledge. It also provides persistence and culture (Chinoy, 1961).

Conformity to socialization is the way a person tends to have the same behaviors of a group of people he or she is attached to. Conformity and obedience to authority in socialization is responsible in shaping or bringing up a morally upright person. The impacts of this can have diverse influences on a individuals in the ways of his/her living. Therefore this paper is going to discuss on the issues of the impact that my socialization in conformity and obedience to authority and how has affected my life. The paper will also show how these issues influenced my attitudes towards the general ways of life, choice of occupation, and other important aspects in my life. The paper will then conclude by highlighting on how socialization affects individuals.

My first socialization came about when I was still a little kid. I started learning the outlooks, values, and measures needed off me as a member of my family and community. An example of this is when my mother used to guide me in treating other kids as equals and not to show any discriminatory remarks or any other immoral behaviors towards them. These aspects mould me into knowing that it was acceptable and in order to treat the people around me as brothers and sisters. Socialization also taught me to learn from them as they learn from me. In addition these aspects have been permanently put into my conscience as I still have these opinions to date.

My next step in socialization was in relatives, friends in the neighborhoods, friends at school and people who I interacted with directly. This stage comprised of schooling and learning to get conversant to the important behaviors as an individual in a small group of a bigger community.

In growing development wise my socialization comprised of ways of learning behavior in the several organizations and institution I went through that taught me how to develop my skills socially.

My anticipatory socialization on the other hand covered my social rehearsals for the future occupations that I intended to pursue and the societal relationships that would accompany them.

The choice of occupation in regards to socialization has been positive because I have passed through knowledge-based communities which have influenced the right choice of occupation and modeled my occupational requirements as well. In this capacity, and taking into consideration personal preference about profession and occupations there has been an evident enveloping social effects. “Thus, it is necessary to expand the standard view about the process of occupation choice by adding non pecuniary factors, influence of social networks and the role of information and guidance policies” (Chinoy, 1961). My choice of occupation therefore has been affected by socialization which includes family, friends, the society and economic aspects.

This process has had a major impact in my life as it has been responsible for the change of my social status. Re-socialization helped me to shade my previous ways of behaviors and come up with new ones to cope up with the ever changing world. “This again occurs throughout a human beings life cycle. Re-socialization can be an intense experience, with the individual experiencing a sharp break with their past making him or her need to learn and be exposed to radically different norms and values” (Schaefer & Lamm, 1992).

“Agents of socialization are the people and groups that influence our self-concept, emotions, attitudes, and behavior” (Chinoy, 1961). My family and friends have been on the fore front of determining my attitudes in regards to responsibility, choice of religion and determining my occupational goals. They did this through my education which is an important agent responsible for socializing people in specific values and skills in the community. This is also responsible for my choice of occupation as it shapes an individual towards that direction. They also influenced my choice of religion that is an important aspect in socialization as it makes people obedient to authority when they follow certain rules and principles of religion. My friends have also been very influential; this was brought out through peer groupings when we used to contribute to our social characteristics in the process influencing each other. It is also evident that socialization plays a major role in influencing emotions which comprise of romance and lust. These emotions are in turn responsible for marriage especially when love strikes in a social setting. In the event of such marriages the sustenance and child rearing will be based on the instilled social norms which were shaped by socializing.

Socialization has evidently influenced my life in the sense that it helped me conform to authority by being shaped towards the right direction from a young age. This brought me up as a morally upright person and also helped me in the selection of an occupation of choice. The realization of this was brought about by socializing with the right people who instill the right characters in individuals. On the other hand socialization can instill the wrong characters in individuals particularly when they socialize with bad characters. This is highlighted by Zimbardo (2007) who says that a good person can be changed by socialization if he/she is not in conformity with social norms. The author gives an example of “Palestine and Iraq, where young men and women become suicide bombers who were initially good people, (Zimbardo, 2007).

Therefore as shown in this paper, new inspirations are brought about by social influence which are instilled in an individual particularly when they are consistent from a young age. It is also true that social influence does not only support moral uprightness but can also produce bad social habits.

• Chinoy, M. (1961). Socialization. New York NY: Oxford University Press.
• Mathews, W. (2002). Society and socialization. Journal for socialization community development 24 (2), 62-69.
• Schaefer, D., & Lamm, T (1992). Re-socialization. Brisbane, QLD: John Wiley & Sons Australia Ltd.
• Zimbardo, P. (2007). The Lucifer Effect : Understanding how good people turn evil. New York: Random House.
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The Process of Socialization

Introduction.

It could be hardly doubted that socialization is one of the essential and very complex processes that define the personality of an individual. From the sociological perspective, a person is not born as a fully developed and functioning social actor, but he or she has to go through a series of transitions that will shape how an individual perceives himself or herself along with principles on which the interaction with the society in which he or she lives is built upon. The primary purpose of this paper is to apply my developing sociological knowledge and skills as well as sociological theories and scholarly literature on the topic to the analysis of the process of socialization. The paper is structured in the following way: the first section discusses me as a member of society, utilizing such concepts as roles, statuses, group membership. The second section investigates how agents of socialization influence the development of my personality.

Who Am I in the Society

It is possible to state that this section serves as an introduction to the problem of socialization and identification of the self as a social actor. Since I am a student, it should be stated that my education could be considered my primary social role. I feel accomplished because I am performing relatively well, and, overall, I am going through one of the essential parts of life successfully. Maintaining this social status contributes to my satisfaction as an efficient member of the social group in which I am currently in. However, it is also important to notice that whenever I get a low grade, or I do not comply with the educational standards, it does not make me feel worthless or ashamed of myself. I know that I am not perfect, and, in my opinion, none of us can ever reach our “ideal self.” Nevertheless, this realization of the existing flaws does not make me feel bad for myself. On the contrary, I consider it to be a very inspiring idea: if I have flaws and imperfections, I have goals to achieve and a path to take. Reaching the state of “ideal self” might be very pleasant, but it would mean that you do not have any room for improvement.

Also, this realization of my actual worth helps me to respect myself as well as other people. Being respectful and having adequate self-esteem contributes to my relatively high-level of self-awareness. I understand how my emotions and psychological processes work, and thus I am aware of my actual personal characteristics and qualities as well as the perception of my personality by other people. Overall, it should be mentioned that studying social sciences is one of the principal factors that contribute to my current social status. The understanding of how society is structured helps me to comply successfully with my current social role. The following section will dwell upon the discussion of the process of socialization and how it contributed to my development as a person.

Agents of Socialization as a Means of Personality Development

It is possible to state with certainty that family plays a principal role in the process of socialization as the institution of family is the first social construct with which children get acquainted (“Agents of socialization,” 2018). It is evident that in the first several years of the child’s life, he contacts primarily with his or her parents, and it is the reason why the family has such a significant impact. Also, as Vazsonyi, Roberts, Huang, and Vaughn (2015) argue that nurture is a significantly important process as it shapes the personality and social skills of an individual to a great extent. I remember myself since the age of three, and I can state that I was rarely thinking about who I am. I interacted primarily with my parents, and, since they are kind and loving people, I was very happy at the time. I consider this period to be a critical aspect of my self-concept development because I learned (even though at the time it was only an intuitive knowledge) that I am a person who is worthy of being loved, and I also learned that acquisition of responsibilities is an important part of any person’s life.

Education institutions also largely influence the process of the individual’s early socialization since they represent an entirely new social construct for a child. In this context, the role of schools as the agent of socialization is primarily considered. First of all, it is essential to mention that school is the first place where a person starts to interact with his or her peers much more, but this aspect will be discussed more profoundly in the following subsection. It is appropriate to mention the concept of resocialization as it relates to the experience of school education (Gentina & Singh, 2015). The reason is that when a child enters school, he or she enters a new system that has different rules compared to his or her family (“Agents of socialization,” 2018; Gentina & Singh, 2015). Therefore, a child is obliged to acquire these new rules in order to adapt and function in new circumstances successfully, and that is why the concept of resocialization is significant. Concerning my personal experience, it is possible to observe that I have experienced the difference between family and school in terms of socialization (even though I did not know about the concept of socialization); however, I managed to adapt to new circumstances without considerable problems.

The role of peers as the agent of socialization could hardly be underestimated as it is a widely known fact that peers have an immense influence on the development and decision-making of nearly any individual in his or her childhood, adolescence, and early adulthood (“Agents of socialization,” 2018). Numerous concepts are involved in the discussion of the influence of peers on the development of the individual’s personality, and it could be suggested that concepts of self and moral development are among the most important aspects of the issues related to the peers’ impact. As I entered school, I started to interact with my peers, and it considerably expanded my self-concept. In my opinion, boys tend to socialize by building hierarchical relationships inside a relatively large collective, and, since I am a male, I was also included in these relations. As I entered my teenage years, my notion of self became more diverse and sometimes conflicted. It is evident that I am still a very young man, and the development of my personality continues. Some people assume that self-concept evolves throughout the whole life of a person, but it is apparent that the period between childhood and late twenties is immensely important in establishing fundamental aspects of self-perception.

The question of moral development should also be discussed as Augustine and Stifter (2015) argue that interaction with peers could put a person in the position in which his ethical or moral principles were developed by parenting and nurturing efforts of his or her parents could contradict with the peer pressure. Thus, it is evident that socialization through the interaction with peers does not always bring positive results. It is apparent that numerous advantages are acquired through this process; however, there are also negative consequences that could be brought by peers.

Finally, it is essential to discuss mass media as it is one of the most widespread agents of socialization that influences nearly all individuals in society to some extent. It should be mentioned that the most important characteristic of mass media that makes it different from other agents of socialization is that it affects people from various social classes by translating cultural values and ideas. The process of acquisition of these cultural concepts could not be fully conscious (especially in the context of children’s interaction with mass media), but it is of high significance in the context of personality development (Genner & Süss, 2017). As it is stated in the article by Prot et al. (2014), it is possible to study how “long-term attitudes, beliefs, and behavioral tendencies are formed through repeated exposure to various types of social encounters (including media use)” (p. 278). Concerning my experience, I should observe that mass media had a great influence on me. Therefore, it could be concluded that socialization through the agent of media also plays an important role in the process of personality development.

Agents of socialization . (2018).

Augustine, M. E., & Stifter, C. A. (2015). Temperament, parenting, and moral development: Specificity of behavior and context. Social Development , 24 (2), 285-303.

Genner, S., & Süss, D. (2017). Socialization as media effect . Web.

Gentina, E., & Singh, P. (2015). How national culture and parental style affect the process of adolescents’ ecological resocialization. Sustainability , 7 (6), 7581-7603.

Prot, S., Anderson, C. A., Gentile, D. A., Warburton, W., Saleem, M., Groves, C. L., and Brown, S. C. (2014). “Media as agents of socialization.” In Joan E. Grusec and Paul D. Hastings (Eds). Handbook of socialization: Second edition: Theory and research (pp: 276-300). New York: The Guildford Press.

Vazsonyi, A. T., Roberts, J. W., Huang, L., & Vaughn, M. G. (2015). Why focusing on nurture made and still makes sense: The biosocial development of self-control . Web.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Sociological Perspectives on Socialization

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Sociological Perspectives on Socialization by Emily Daina Šaras , Lara Perez-Felkner LAST REVIEWED: 28 August 2018 LAST MODIFIED: 28 August 2018 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756384-0155

Scholars of sociology, anthropology, psychology, and Education alike are interested in socialization. This phenomenon influences individual and collective development as well as the reproduction of status hierarchies and structural inequalities. Socialization is the multifaceted process through which individuals learn and internalize cultural norms, codes, and values. This process enables entry into and sustained membership in one or more social groups. Individuals develop social and cultural competencies through (1) interaction with other individuals and social institutions and (2) response to their macro- and micro-sociocultural contexts. Socialization does not occur in a vacuum: this process operates in social locations that both afford and constrain interaction and opportunity. In turn, social expectations for individuals coming of age are not uniform. Correspondingly, the mechanisms and outcomes of socialization vary across geographical space, sociocultural context, and sociohistorical time. Additionally, socialization processes may vary within a society, depending on the power and status of their subgroup identities. Many members of society additionally navigate the at times competing influences of the dominant culture and marginalized subcultures. Much scholarly attention has focused on the socialization processes of childhood and adolescence. However, adaptation to and internalization of social norms, values, and behaviors continues throughout adulthood. Individuals experience identity, Family , educational, and career changes and transitions alongside members of their generational cohort. As a result, their social roles may shift and change over the life course. Socialization facilitates processes of inclusion and participation of diverse individuals and groups in society. At the same time, socialization contributes to the stabilization of social order, which can include reproduction of existing stratification by race, gender, and social class. Processes of socialization continue to shape generational cohorts and intergenerational dynamics as well as across various social institutions. In summary, socialization prepares individuals for membership in society and is associated with the stability and maintenance of society writ large.

Socialization is the dialectical process through which individuals exchange, adapt to, and internalize the norms, beliefs, behaviors, and values of a shared social group over the life course. Perez-Felkner 2013 details how, from an early age, individuals engage in the processes of socialization through trying on different social roles and adapting to specific social contexts. Focusing on adult socialization, Lutfey and Mortimer 2006 notes that as individuals’ social competencies develop, their socialization contributes to the stability and reproduction of the social order. While King 2007 and other works critique the methods of social scientists to isolate facets of the socialization process and generalize about their contributions, empirical and theoretical approaches vary. Perez-Felkner 2013 details the variety of methodologies used to study socialization among children and adolescents, with examples from classic and recent empirical studies.

King, Michael. 2007. The sociology of childhood as scientific communication. Childhood 14.2: 193–213.

DOI: 10.1177/0907568207078327

This article identifies limitations in the logic of sociological inquiry in understanding generalizable social facts about children and their socialization process.

Lutfey, Karen, and Jeylan T. Mortimer. 2006. Development and socialization through the adult life course. In Handbook of social psychology . Edited by John Delamater, 183–202. New York: Springer US.

DOI: 10.1007/0-387-36921-X_8

Reviewing the history of socialization as a concept and its general processes, this chapter focuses on the socialization within the adult life course, defined as the time after the completion of secondary or postsecondary Education . The authors focus on how the temporality and heterogeneity of individual biographies impact socialization processes, such as new role acquisition and life experiences, after the transition to adulthood.

Perez-Felkner, Lara. 2013. Socialization in childhood and adolescence. In Handbook of social psychology . 2d ed. Edited by John Delamater and Amanda Ward, 119–149. New York: Springer.

Focusing on processes of socialization within early life, Perez-Felkner reviews theoretical approaches to socialization, methods of studying socialization, and how Contexts Of Socialization produce myriad outcomes that reproduce social inequalities.

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A descriptive essay is the most creative of all essay types. It involves the use of sensory descriptors and impactful narratives to depict an object, person, or even something abstract like an emotion. This type of essay is administered by teachers and professors to gauge your understanding of language. 

In this article, we will guide you through everything there is to know about descriptive essays. This includes the descriptive essay definition, some descriptive essay topics, and various examples. To help you in your essay-writing process, we have also included an outline of a descriptive essay. 

But let’s start from the beginning: What is a descriptive essay?

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What is a descriptive essay?

A descriptive essay is a highly creative form of writing which describes an object, person, location, experience, emotion, or situation. It makes use of vivid imagery and different figures of speech to create a beautiful and immersive experience for the reader.

This type of essay is often assigned in creative writing courses in schools or colleges. It does not involve the presentation of arguments or information. It just involves creatively expressing yourself with the help of various language devices. 

Unlike a narrative essay which involves telling a story, a descriptive essay only focuses on one particular object or idea. Although most essay topics are non-fictional, descriptive essay topics can either be fictional or non-fictional. 

Let us look at a few examples of topics for a descriptive essay.

Descriptive essay topics

Since writing a descriptive essay is a creative form of writing, it can cover a wide range of topics. These topics can range from practical experiences such as “My Grandpa’s Couch” to thought experiments such as “Living in a world with no concept of time”. 

Here are a few more descriptive essay topics:

• Exploring a ghost town
• A starry night in the mountains
• A day in the life of an explorer
• Trip to the Metropolitan Museum of Art
• Wandering through the Swiss meadows 
• My childhood home
• Memories of grandma’s farm
• Experiencing euphoria for the first time
• My description of utopia
• My most treasured possession

Descriptive essay structure

Since descriptive essays are highly creative in nature, the descriptive essay structure is much more fluid as compared to most academic essay types. Although they do follow a general structure, there is no specific descriptive essay format. It serves more as a guideline than a hard and fast rule. 

Descriptive essays generally don’t revolve around proving a point or making an argument. The goal is to simply provide a vivid and detailed description of a particular subject.   

Let’s study the basic structure of a descriptive essay:

1. Introduction

Wondering how to start a descriptive essay? Like all essay types, the introduction of a descriptive essay is composed of three key elements: A hook, some background information, and a thesis statement. 

However, the thesis statement of a descriptive essay is different from the thesis statements of most academic essays. It simply makes a claim regarding the subject of your choosing.

Here’s an example of a descriptive essay introduction: 

• Background information
• Thesis statement

The last day of school—a momentous occasion that marks the culmination of a year’s worth of hard work and growth. Excitement hangs in the air as students gather for one final day of shared experiences and unforgettable memories. The hallways buzz with chatter and laughter, mingling with the anticipation of summer freedom. It’s a day of mixed emotions, as the promise of lazy days ahead clashes with the bittersweet farewell to teachers and classmates who have become like family. The last day of school is a mosaic of emotions, a snapshot of a moment that holds the weight of an entire academic journey, and a prelude to the new adventures that lie just beyond the horizon.

2. Body paragraph 

A descriptive essay usually has three body paragraphs. However, the length and number of paragraphs may vary depending on the complexity and scope of your essay topic. 

A body paragraph comprises of a topic sentence that focuses on a particular aspect of the subject. The topic sentence is elaborated upon by sensory, contextual, and emotional descriptors. Each paragraph ends with a transition sentence that provides context for the next paragraph.  

Let’s understand this better with the help of an example: 

• Topic sentence
• Description
• Transition sentence

Classrooms brim with finality and accomplishment. Doodles and scribbles now grace once-neat desks, testifying to idle daydreams and shared laughter. Colorful displays and academic achievements adorn the walls, silently witnessing each student’s growth. Empty lockers echo the countless exchanges and whispered secrets they once held. Yearbooks circulate like cherished artifacts, pages filled with smiling faces and heartfelt messages. Laughter and hugs fill the hallways as friends make promises to keep in touch and embark on summer adventures. The last day of school etches indelible memories, a tapestry of nostalgia and celebration that encapsulates the joy, camaraderie, and growth of their academic journey.

3. Conclusion

The conclusion of your essay should begin with the restatement of your thesis statement along with its broader implications. You can then provide a quick summary of all the important aspects mentioned in the body paragraphs. 

Finally, you can end your essay with a powerful statement or a clincher. This can include anything from a powerful lesson to a thought-provoking quote. The goal is to leave the reader with something to think about.

Here’s an example: 

• Restated thesis statement
• Summary of body paragraphs
• Concluding statement

As the final bell echoes through the hallways and students scatter in all directions, school leaves behind a lingering sense of closure and anticipation. It is a day filled with mixed emotions—a blend of nostalgia for the memories created, gratitude for the knowledge gained, and excitement for the new chapter that awaits. The last day of school symbolizes a milestone in each student’s journey, marking the end of one chapter and the beginning of another. It is a time to reflect on the growth, challenges overcome, and friendships forged along the way. The last day of school is not an end, but rather a stepping stone towards new horizons, where each student will continue to learn, explore, and thrive.

Now that we’ve understood how to structure a descriptive essay, let’s figure out how to write it!

How to write a descriptive essay

In order to write a perfect descriptive essay you must effectively make use of multiple creative writing devices. These creative writing devices include figures of speech, imagery, sensory and emotional descriptors, as well as evocative language.  

If you find the essay writing process challenging, we’re here to equip you with essential tips on writing a descriptive essay. Let’s take a look at how to write a descriptive essay: 

1. Use figures of speech

Literary devices such as similies, metaphors, and imagery are creative devices that describe an object or a person in a figurative sense. These creative devices add an element of interest to your essay, making it more vivid, vibrant, and colorful. 

The use of figures of speech can turn an otherwise boring piece of writing into a masterpiece. Take a look at the following example:

On that spot stood an old banyan tree with thick bark and intertwining branches.

Although this example is a good start, it can be made much more interesting with the use of figures of speech.

On that spot stood an old banyan tree with its resolve as strong as iron. Its arms intertwined as they reached for the skies, yearning for the sun.  

The use of literary devices such as personification and metaphor makes the banyan tree in the second example come to life. This is how you can make your writing more vivid, descriptive, and poetic.

2. Use your senses

Sensory descriptors are one of the most important aspects of a descriptive essay. The key is to make the reader experience what you’ve experienced. This means appealing to all five senses of the reader. 

Although the visual aspect is important, you should also focus on how something sounds, feels, and smells. The experience of touching, smelling, or feeling something is more evocative than simply viewing it. 

Some sensory descriptors are used in a literal sense:

The smell of rain in July takes me back to my childhood. The pitter-patter reminds me of my mother’s footsteps, bringing us delicious snacks. 

They can also be used metaphorically:

The beautiful, cold gaze of the moon stunned us all.

3. Use evocative language

It is a good idea to use strong, evocative language that conveys an intense action or emotion. Creative use of words is an important factor in writing a descriptive essay since passive language leads to a dull, boring essay.  Let’s take a look at the following sentences: 

The 100-meter race was completed by Usain Bolt in under 10 seconds.

Usian Bolt whizzed through the 100-meter race in under 10 seconds!

The use of the word “completed” indicates no action and the use of passive voice makes the example dull. On the other hand, the phrase “whizzed through” indicates speed and intensity which makes the second example much more interesting to read.

Now that we’ve understood the different methods of writing a descriptive essay, let’s understand its outline.

Descriptive essay outline

The outline of a descriptive essay is less structured compared to most academic essay types. It merely serves as a guideline that you can use to flesh out your essay. It also helps you develop a coherent structure and logical flow for your topic sentences. 

In order to help you further develop your essay, we’ve created an outline for your reference. The following descriptive essay outline revolves around the nostalgia experienced when going through an old diary.

Turning the Pages of Time

I. Introduction

A. Hook: Engaging opening sentence to grab the reader’s attention.

B. Background: Briefly explain the significance of finding your old diary and the memories associated with it.

C. Thesis statement: Clearly state the main idea of the essay, highlighting the emotional journey of rediscovering your old diary.

II. The discovery

A. Setting the scene: Describe the circumstances and location where you stumbled upon your old diary.

B. Initial emotions: Express the range of emotions that flooded your mind upon finding the diary.

C. Anticipation: Share the anticipation and curiosity about what lies within the pages of the diary.

III. The diary’s contents

A. Opening the pages: Describe the physical act of opening the diary and the smell and texture of the pages.

B. Memories unfolded: Reflect on the memories and experiences captured in the diary entries.

C. Emotional impact: Discuss the emotional response evoked by reading your own words and reliving past moments.

IV. Nostalgic reflections

A. Time traveling: Explain how reading the diary transported you back to the time and place when the entries were written.

B. Reconnecting with your past self: Describe the process of reconnecting with your past self and reevaluating your thoughts and experiences.

C. Lessons and insights: Highlight any valuable lessons, self-discoveries, or personal growth revealed through the diary’s contents.

V. Resonating with present self

A. Relevance to current life: Discuss how the insights and reflections from the diary still resonate with your present self.

B. Perspective shifts: Explain any shifts in perspective or newfound understanding that arose from revisiting the diary.

C. Appreciation: Express gratitude for the diary and its role in preserving and enriching your personal history.

VI. Cherishing the rediscovery

A. Preservation: Discuss the steps you took to preserve and protect the diary after finding it.

B. Future reflections: Share your intentions and plans for continuing the habit of journaling or preserving personal memories.

C. Closing thoughts: Reflect on the lasting impact of finding your old diary and the value of personal reflection and self-expression.

VII. Conclusion

A. Recap: Summarize the emotional journey of rediscovering your old diary.

B. Significance: Emphasize the personal and emotional significance of reconnecting with your past self through the diary.

C. Closing remarks: Conclude with a reflection on the power of personal artifacts and the importance of preserving one’s history.

Now that we have taken a look at the descriptive essay structure let’s look at an example.

Descriptive essay example

To help you better understand the process of descriptive essay writing, we’ve constructed an example. The following example revolves around an imaginary situation. It describes the writer’s voyage through the cosmos.

Exploring the Cosmos

As the rocket engines ignited, the powerful thrust propelled us into the vast expanse of space. The vibrations rattled through the cabin, merging with the palpable anticipation that filled the air. We were embarking on a remarkable journey through the cosmos, leaving behind the familiarity of Earth and venturing into the unknown.

Outside the small window, the twinkling stars grew brighter, casting a mesmerizing glow on the infinite darkness. The view was awe-inspiring as if we were floating amidst a sea of diamonds, each one beckoning us to explore its mysteries. The depth and grandeur of space stretched out before us, reminding us of the minuscule nature of our existence in the universe.

As we traversed through the cosmic void, weightlessness engulfed our bodies, releasing us from the Earth’s gravitational pull. Every movement became a ballet, effortlessly gliding from one corner of the spacecraft to another. The sensation was both exhilarating and disorienting as if the boundaries of physical limitations had dissolved.

The silence in space was profound, a symphony of tranquility. Without the interference of atmospheric sounds, we were left with the gentle hum of the spaceship’s systems and the rhythmic beating of our own hearts. It was a humbling reminder of the vastness and serenity that lay beyond our home planet.

Farther into our journey, celestial bodies came into view, captivating us with their sheer beauty. The fiery hues of neighboring planets illuminated the darkness, displaying their own distinct personalities. We marveled at the majestic rings of Saturn, a delicate masterpiece encircling the giant planet, and the crimson swirls of Jupiter, a tempestuous giant with its own cosmic dance.

Time seemed to lose its grip on the vastness of space. Hours felt like mere moments as we traveled through light-years, witnessing the unimaginable beauty of celestial phenomena. We were reminded of the sheer magnitude of the cosmos, a testament to the wonders that lie beyond our earthly confines.

Eventually, the time came for us to return to our home planet. As we reentered Earth’s atmosphere, the fiery descent illuminated the sky, marking our triumphant return. The journey through space left an everlasting mark on our souls, forever changing our perception of our place in the universe.

Our journey was more than a physical exploration; it was a voyage of wonder and introspection. It taught us the fragility and interconnectedness of all things and ignited an insatiable curiosity to continue unraveling the mysteries of the cosmos. We were forever transformed by the immensity and beauty that awaited us beyond our pale blue dot in the vast expanse of space.

After writing the essay, it’s important to edit and proofread it, which is a not easy. If you find essay editing challenging, you can consider taking the help of an essay editing service .  

Want to keep reading? Here are the newest articles we’ve worked on:

• How to Start an Essay
• Expository Essays | Step-by-Step Manual
• How to Write an Argumentative Essay
• Types of Essays
• Compare and Contrast Essay

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How to Write a Descriptive Essay | Example & Tips

Published on July 30, 2020 by Jack Caulfield . Revised on August 14, 2023.

A descriptive essay gives a vivid, detailed description of something—generally a place or object, but possibly something more abstract like an emotion. This type of essay , like the narrative essay , is more creative than most academic writing .

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Table of contents

Descriptive essay topics, tips for writing descriptively, descriptive essay example, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions about descriptive essays.

When you are assigned a descriptive essay, you’ll normally be given a specific prompt or choice of prompts. They will often ask you to describe something from your own experience.

• Describe a place you love to spend time in.
• Describe an object that has sentimental value for you.

You might also be asked to describe something outside your own experience, in which case you’ll have to use your imagination.

• Describe the experience of a soldier in the trenches of World War I.
• Describe what it might be like to live on another planet.

Sometimes you’ll be asked to describe something more abstract, like an emotion.

If you’re not given a specific prompt, try to think of something you feel confident describing in detail. Think of objects and places you know well, that provoke specific feelings or sensations, and that you can describe in an interesting way.

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See an example

The key to writing an effective descriptive essay is to find ways of bringing your subject to life for the reader. You’re not limited to providing a literal description as you would be in more formal essay types.

Make use of figurative language, sensory details, and strong word choices to create a memorable description.

Use figurative language

Figurative language consists of devices like metaphor and simile that use words in non-literal ways to create a memorable effect. This is essential in a descriptive essay; it’s what gives your writing its creative edge and makes your description unique.

Take the following description of a park.

This tells us something about the place, but it’s a bit too literal and not likely to be memorable.

If we want to make the description more likely to stick in the reader’s mind, we can use some figurative language.

Here we have used a simile to compare the park to a face and the trees to facial hair. This is memorable because it’s not what the reader expects; it makes them look at the park from a different angle.

You don’t have to fill every sentence with figurative language, but using these devices in an original way at various points throughout your essay will keep the reader engaged and convey your unique perspective on your subject.

Use your senses

Another key aspect of descriptive writing is the use of sensory details. This means referring not only to what something looks like, but also to smell, sound, touch, and taste.

Obviously not all senses will apply to every subject, but it’s always a good idea to explore what’s interesting about your subject beyond just what it looks like.

Even when your subject is more abstract, you might find a way to incorporate the senses more metaphorically, as in this descriptive essay about fear.

Choose the right words

Writing descriptively involves choosing your words carefully. The use of effective adjectives is important, but so is your choice of adverbs , verbs , and even nouns.

It’s easy to end up using clichéd phrases—“cold as ice,” “free as a bird”—but try to reflect further and make more precise, original word choices. Clichés provide conventional ways of describing things, but they don’t tell the reader anything about your unique perspective on what you’re describing.

Try looking over your sentences to find places where a different word would convey your impression more precisely or vividly. Using a thesaurus can help you find alternative word choices.

• My cat runs across the garden quickly and jumps onto the fence to watch it from above.
• My cat crosses the garden nimbly and leaps onto the fence to survey it from above.

However, exercise care in your choices; don’t just look for the most impressive-looking synonym you can find for every word. Overuse of a thesaurus can result in ridiculous sentences like this one:

• My feline perambulates the allotment proficiently and capers atop the palisade to regard it from aloft.

An example of a short descriptive essay, written in response to the prompt “Describe a place you love to spend time in,” is shown below.

Hover over different parts of the text to see how a descriptive essay works.

On Sunday afternoons I like to spend my time in the garden behind my house. The garden is narrow but long, a corridor of green extending from the back of the house, and I sit on a lawn chair at the far end to read and relax. I am in my small peaceful paradise: the shade of the tree, the feel of the grass on my feet, the gentle activity of the fish in the pond beside me.

My cat crosses the garden nimbly and leaps onto the fence to survey it from above. From his perch he can watch over his little kingdom and keep an eye on the neighbours. He does this until the barking of next door’s dog scares him from his post and he bolts for the cat flap to govern from the safety of the kitchen.

With that, I am left alone with the fish, whose whole world is the pond by my feet. The fish explore the pond every day as if for the first time, prodding and inspecting every stone. I sometimes feel the same about sitting here in the garden; I know the place better than anyone, but whenever I return I still feel compelled to pay attention to all its details and novelties—a new bird perched in the tree, the growth of the grass, and the movement of the insects it shelters…

Sitting out in the garden, I feel serene. I feel at home. And yet I always feel there is more to discover. The bounds of my garden may be small, but there is a whole world contained within it, and it is one I will never get tired of inhabiting.

If you want to know more about AI tools , college essays , or fallacies make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples or go directly to our tools!

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The key difference is that a narrative essay is designed to tell a complete story, while a descriptive essay is meant to convey an intense description of a particular place, object, or concept.

Narrative and descriptive essays both allow you to write more personally and creatively than other kinds of essays , and similar writing skills can apply to both.

If you’re not given a specific prompt for your descriptive essay , think about places and objects you know well, that you can think of interesting ways to describe, or that have strong personal significance for you.

The best kind of object for a descriptive essay is one specific enough that you can describe its particular features in detail—don’t choose something too vague or general.

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Caulfield, J. (2023, August 14). How to Write a Descriptive Essay | Example & Tips. Scribbr. Retrieved August 5, 2024, from https://www.scribbr.com/academic-essay/descriptive-essay/

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Understanding Socialization in Sociology

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Socialization is the process whereby the young of society learn the values, ideas and practices and roles of that society.

The socialization process is a semi-conscious one, in that the primary agency of socialization, the family, would not necessarily see itself in this role, while some secondary socialization agencies such as education are deliberately set up for this purpose.

The socialization process is never total, as the young take on some lessons, but reject, adapt, or expand on others. In this way, societies retain some of the continuity but also progress.

One example of primary socialization is gender roles. Gender socialization is the process by which children learn about gender roles and come to understand what it means to be a boy or a girl.

Children are taught about gender roles from a very early age, and these messages come from a variety of sources, including family, friends, teachers, the media, and religion.

For example, girls may be given baby dolls to care for while boys may be socialized to play with action or building-oriented toys. This ingrained gender socialization can continue into adulthood.

For example, as an adult learns and meets people who identify with alternate gender identities, they may become more accepting of the idea that genders are not necessarily only male or female (Cromdal, 2006).

What is Socialization?

• Socialization is the process through which individuals become members of society. It includes the processes of acquiring knowledge, skills, attitudes, beliefs, values and behaviors necessary to function within society. Socialization begins at birth and continues throughout life.
• Children often copy the behavior they observe in others, but they are also active participants in the socialization process and are responsible for making choices about their own behavior.
• There are a multitude of types of socialization, ranging from primary and secondary to developmental, anticipatory, desocialization, resocialization, organizational, and forced.
• Sociologists have defined five stages of socialization: investigation, socialization, maintenance, resocialization, and remembrance.

The Purpose of Socialization

Socialization prepares individuals to participate in a group by illustrating the expectations of that group. Through socialization, people are taught the language, values, and behaviors that are accepted within a group and learn to control their natural impulses.

For example, a child may have the natural impulse to keep a toy, but learns through socialization that sharing is expected and beneficial behavior (Cromdal, 2006).

Socialization is essential to the development and functioning of societies because it is through socialization that we learn the norms and customs that hold society together. Furthermore, Socialization allows people to interact with others and form relationships necessary to acquire social capital and resources (Cromdall, 2006).

These sum up to three primary goals: teaching impulse control and developing a conscience, preparing people to perform certain social roles, and cultivating shared sources of meaning and value (Arnett, 1995).

While socialization is often thought of as something that happens to children, it is a lifelong process. Adults need socialization when they enter new groups or organizations.

For example, a woman who has been a stay-at-home mother for several years may feel uncomfortable and out of place when she enters the workforce. She will go through a period of socialization in which she learns the expectations and norms of her new workplace.

A similar process of socialization may happen when someone moves, for example, to a new country with a dramatially different culture. This ongoing, life-long process is generally considered to be secondary socialization (Cromdall, 2006).

Types of Socialization

Primary socialization occurs between the child and those people in his/her life with whom he/she has primary relationships. These people are usually parents, siblings, grandparents, friends, teachers, coaches, etc. Secondary socialization occurs when we interact with people outside our family.

Primary Socialization

Primary socialization occurs between the child and those people in his/her life with whom he/she has a close, personal, and intimate face-to-face relationship.

For most people, the first primary relationships they form are with their parents, siblings, grandparents, and other family members. The family provides children with a sense of moral values, teaching the difference between right and wrong behavior, and how to relate appropriately to others (family, friends, strangers, etc.).

However, it is important not to see children as passive recipients of information, but instead as active participants in the creation of their own identity. Children are constantly making choices about what kind of person to become.

Parents play an important role in helping children to choose the right path. But parents cannot force their children to behave in certain ways. Instead, parents should help children to understand why they should behave in particular ways.

As children get older, they start forming primary attachments with friends and then with other adults through things like marriage, work, etc.

Secondary Socialization

Secondary socialization occurs between the individual and those people in their life with whom they have secondary relationships. A secondary relationship is one in which the individual does not have a close, personal, intimate or face-to-face relationship with the people that are responsible for the socialization process.

It is through secondary socialization that people learn how to behave in different situations and come to see themselves as members of specific groups, such as their religious community, their workplace, or their country.

Secondary relationships involve teachers, coaches, priests, television personalities, rock stars etc. These relationships help individuals understand what is expected of them, how to behave appropriately, and how to interact with others.

In some cases, such as school and teachers, we are in daily, face-to-face contact with the people who are socializing us without ever developing a primary attachment to them.

One example of secondary socialization is when a student enters college and must learn to navigate the new social and academic environment. This could include a new schedule, new ways of behaving in class, and ways of negotiating with and adjusting to classmates (Cromdal, 2006).

These forms of communication are not always direct, but they can influence us nonetheless. For example, when we watch a movie, we see someone else doing something and we imitate that behavior. When we listen to a song, we hear someone else singing and we mimic that behavior.

Secondary socialization is necessary because it represents the way that we start to learn about the nature of the social world beyond our primary contacts.

Secondary socialization is important because it teaches you how to interact with people who aren’t emotionally close to you, which is the majority of the people we will come into contact with in our adult lives.

Developmental Socialization

Developmental socialization is a learning process wherein the focus in on developing social skills or on learning behavior within a social institution. For example, a shy person may go through developmental socialization in order to learn how to be more outgoing.

This type of socialization can happen at any point in life, but is often thought of as happening during childhood and adolescence.

It is during these years that children learn important social skills like how to communicate with others, how to resolve conflict, and how to make friends (Cromdal, 2006).

Anticipitory Socialization

Anticipatory socialization is the process by which people learn about future roles and expectations in order to prepare for them.

It often happens before a person enters into a new social situation, such as starting a new job. For example, imagine that someone is about to start working in an office for the first time.

She may do some research on what to expect in order to anticipate the dress code, workplace culture and other aspects of her new environment.

Or, a child who is about to enter kindergarten may go to a “meet the teacher” day in order to learn about what will be expected of them in the classroom (Cromdal, 2006).

Differential Socialization

Differential socialization is the process by which people of different groups are socialized differently. This can be due to their class, race, or gender. For example, girls are often socialized to be more passive and nurturing, while boys are socialized to be more active and aggressive.

This can lead to different expectations and experiences for girls and boys as they grow up. This socialization occurs through a variety of agents, such as parents, teachers, the media, and peers.

It is important to note that differential socialization does not necessarily mean that one group is superior to another. Rather, it simply reflects the different expectations and behaviors that are associated with each group (Cromdal, 2006).

Desocialization Socialization

Desocialization is the process by which someone experiences role loss and an accompanying loss of associated power or prestige. It can happen when a person leaves a job, goes through a divorce, or retires.

For example, imagine that someone has just retired from a high-powered executive position. She may find herself feeling lost and without purpose, as she no longer has the same sense of importance or authority that she did in her previous role. This can be a difficult transition, as the person must learn to adjust to a new way of life (Cromdal, 2006).

Resocialization Socialization

Resocialization is the process by which someone learns new norms, values, and behaviors. Most typically, this involves partially or completely redefining the traits of the role that a person had previously occupied.

Resocialization often happens when a person enters into a new social situation, such as starting a new job. For example, imagine that a former business executive becomes a bakery owner. She will need to learn new norms, values , and behaviors in order to be successful in her new role. This could include learning how to bake, decorate cakes, and deal with customers (Cromdal, 2006).

Organizational Socialization

Organizational socialization is the process by which people learn about, adjust to, and change the knowledge, skills, attitudes, expectations, and behaviors needed for a new or changing organizational role.

Business sociologists Bueuer et al. (2007) call this “the process by which newcomers make the transition from being organizational outsiders to being insiders” (Cromdal, 2006).

Organizational socialization can be characterized along six dimensions (Van Maanen & Schein, 1977):

collective or individual

formal or informal

sequential or random

fixed or variable sequencing: whether or not the socialization process has a stated timetable

serial or disjunctive: the degree to which existing workers help socialize and mentor newcomers

investiture or divestiture: the degree to which a newcomer’s identity is affirmed versus stripped away

Forced Socialization

Forced socialization is a type of socialization that happens when an individual is placed in an environment where they have no choice but to conform to the norms and values of the group.

This can happen through coercion, manipulation, or even physical force. For example, imagine that someone is kidnapped and taken to a foreign country.

They may be forced to learn the language, customs, and values of their captors in order to survive This type of socialization can be very traumatic and lead to long-term psychological damage (O’Lynn, 2009).

Domestically, forced socialization often takes place in institutions such as prisons, mental hospitals, and military units.

What is an Agent of Socialization?

An agent of socialization is a person or group of people who teaches people the values, beliefs, and behaviors that are expected in their society.

The family is usually the child”s first and most important agent of socialization.

Children learn language, manners, and how to behave in their culture from their parents and other adults in the home.

As they grow older, children are exposed to other agents of socialization, such as the media, schools, religious institutions, and peer groups.

Each of these agents plays a role in shaping the child”s self-identity and worldview (Ochs, 1999).

To take an example of a concept that agents of socialization can teach, consider gender.

Gender is the socially constructed notion of what it means to be a man or a woman.

Children learn about gender roles and expectations from their parents, the media, their peers, and other adults in their lives.

Over time, they internalize these messages and use them to construct their own sense of self (Ochs, 1999).

Stages of Socialization

Investigation.

The first stage of socialization is known as the investigation stage. This is when a person is exploring different groups and trying to figure out which one they want to belong to.

During this stage, people are more likely to conform to the norms and values of the group because they want to be accepted.

For example, imagine that a teenager is trying to decide whether to join a gang. They may try out different types of behavior to see if it gets them the approval of the group. If it does, they are likely to continue doing it, even if it goes against their personal values (Levine & Moreland, 1994).

Socialization

The second stage of socialization is, repetitively, called the socialization stage. This is when a person has decided which group they want to belong to and they start to conform to the norms and values of that group.

For example, imagine that a teenager has joined a gang. They will now start to dress like the other members of the gang, replicate their speech patterns, and behave in the ways that are expected of them — such as through committing acts of vandalism or refusing to develop relationships with opposing gang members (Levine & Moreland, 1994).

Maintenance

During the maintenance stage of socialization, the individual and the group negotiate what contribution is expected of members. This is called role negotiation.

While many people stay in this stage until their membership in a gorup ends, some individuals are not satisfied with their role in the group or fail to meet the group”s expectations. This is called divergence (Levine & Moreland, 1994).

For example, imagine that a member of a gang wants to leave because they are tired of the violence. The gang may try to convince them to stay, but ultimately it is up to the individual to decide whether to stay or leave.

If they do leave, they may find it difficult to readjust to life outside of the gang because they have lost their previous community and close social ties.

Resocialization

If a group member reaches the divergence point during the maintenance stage of socialization, the former group member may take on the role of a marginal member and must be resocialized. This is when a person leaves a group and then joins another group.

For example, imagine that a person has left a gang and is now trying to join the military. They will have to go through a period of resocialization where they learn the norms and values of the military.

There are two possible outcomes of resocialization: differences can be resolved and the individual becomes a full member again, or the group expels the individual or the individual decides to leave. The first of these is called convergence, and the second, exit (Levine & Moreland, 1994).

Remembrance

Finally, during the rememberance stage of socialization, former members talk about their memories of the group and come to make sence of their departure. This is a process of reminiscing and self-reflection.

For example, imagine that a person has left a gang and is now trying to join the military. They may talk about their experiences in the gang with their friends and family, and reflect on what they have learned from the experience. If the group of ex-group members reaches a consensus on their reasons for departure, conclusions about the overall experience of the group become part of its tradition (Levine & Moreland, 1994).

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the difference between formal and informal socialization.

Formal socialization is the process by which people learn the values, beliefs, and behaviors that are expected of them in their culture.

This type of socialization usually takes place in institutions, such as schools, religious institutions, and the military. For example, children learn how to read and write in school, and they learn about their country”s history and government, as well as how they should interpret and react to that history (Ochs, 1999).

In contrast, informal socialization is the process by which people learn the values, beliefs, and behaviors that are not formally taught but that are transmitted through everyday interactions with others. For example, children learn how to speak and behave through their interactions with their parents and other adults in their lives.

Similarly, they learn about the roles and expectations of their social class through their exposure to the media, their peers, and other aspects of popular culture (Ochs, 1999).

What is the Difference Between Socialization and Enculturation?

Enculturation is the process by which people learn the norms and values of their culture. It is a type of socialization that occurs as people grow up and come into contact with their culture”s customs and beliefs.

Socialization, on the other hand, is a much broader concept that refers to all the ways in which people learn to become members of their society. This includes learning not just the norms and values of one”s culture, but also the skills and knowledge needed to function in society (Tan, 2014).

While enculturation is a relatively passive process that happens without much conscious effort, socialization is the active process of acquiring culture in general. For example, parents may actively enculturate their children into the norms and values of their culture through stories, traditions, and religion as part of socialization.

What is the Difference Between Socialization and Education?

Socialization is the process of learning the norms and values of one”s culture. Education, on the other hand, is the process of learning academic knowledge and skills.

While socialization is necessary for the stability and survival of any society, education is necessary for the advancement of society (Cromdal, 2006).

People can be socialized by the process of education. As they acquire knowledge and attitudes, they may also learn the norms, beliefs, values, and standards of society.

For example, in a math class, students might learn the correct way to solve a problem, but they might also learn that it is important to be precise and justify one”s reasoning when making arguments. The first of these is education, and the second is socialization.

When does socialization begin?

The family is traditionally considered to be the first agent of socialization . This is because it is the first group that a child interacts with and learns from.

The family teaches children basic norms and values, such as how to speak, behave, and think. It is also the first group to provide emotional support and care.

Further Information

• Examples of Socialization
• Social Institutions
• Agents of Socialization

Arnett, J. J. (1995). Adolescents” uses of media for self-socialization. Journal of youth and adolescence, 24 (5), 519-533.

Baumrind, D. (1980). New directions in socialization research.  American psychologist ,  35 (7).

Bugental, D. B., & Goodnow, J. J. (1998). Socialization processes .

Cromdal, J. (2006). Socialization .

Grusec, J. E., & Lytton, H. (1988). Socialization and the family. In  Social development  (pp. 161-212). Springer, New York, NY.

Levine, J. M., & Moreland, R. L. (1994). Group socialization: Theory and research. European review of social psychology, 5 (1), 305-336.

Maccoby, E. E. (2007). Historical overview of socialization research and theory.  Handbook of socialization: Theory and research ,  1 , 13-41.

Mortimer, J. T., & Simmons, R. G. (1978). Adult socialization.  Annual review of sociology , 421-454.

Ochs, E. (1999). Socialization. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 9 (1/2), 230-233.

O”Lynn, C. (2009). Who is in need of socialization?. Journal of Nursing Education, 48(4), 179.

Tan, L. Y. C. (2014). Enculturation .

Van Maanen, J. E., & Schein, E. H. (1977). Toward a theory of organizational socialization .

Understanding Socialization in Sociology

Overview and Discussion of a Key Sociological Concept

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Socialization is a process that introduces people to social norms and customs. This process helps individuals function well in society, and, in turn, helps society run smoothly. Family members, teachers, religious leaders, and peers all play roles in a person's socialization.

The socialization process typically occurs in two stages: primary socialization takes place from birth through adolescence, and secondary socialization continues throughout one's life. Adult socialization may occur whenever people find themselves in new circumstances, especially those in which they interact with individuals whose norms or customs differ from theirs.

The Purpose of Socialization

During socialization, a person learns to become a member of a group, community, or society. This process not only accustoms people to social groups but also results in such groups sustaining themselves. For example, a new sorority member gets an insider's look at the customs and traditions of a Greek organization. As the years pass, the member can apply the information she's learned about the sorority when newcomers join, allowing the group to carry on its traditions.

On a macro level, socialization ensures that we have a process through which the norms and customs of society are transmitted. Socialization teaches people what is expected of them in a particular group or situation; it is a form of social control .

Socialization has numerous goals for youth and adults. It teaches children to control their biological impulses, such as using a toilet instead of wetting their pants or bed. The socialization process also helps individuals develop a conscience aligned with social norms and prepares them to perform various roles.

The Socialization Process in Three Parts

Socialization involves social structure and interpersonal relations. It contains three key parts: context, content and process, and results. Context, perhaps, defines socialization the most, as it refers to culture, language, and social structures and one’s rank within them. It also includes history and the roles people and institutions played in the past. One's life context will significantly affect the socialization process. For example, a family's economic class may have a huge impact on how parents socialize their children.

Research has found that parents emphasize the values and behaviors most likely to help children succeed given their station in life. Parents who expect their children to work blue-collar jobs are more likely to emphasize conformity and respect for authority, while those who expect their children to pursue artistic, managerial, or entrepreneurial professions are more likely to emphasize creativity and independence.

Gender stereotypes also exert a strong influence on socialization processes. Cultural expectations for gender roles and gendered behavior are imparted to children through color-coded clothes and types of play. Girls usually receive toys that emphasize physical appearance and domesticity such as dolls or dollhouses, while boys receive playthings that involve thinking skills or call to mind traditionally male professions, such as Legos, toy soldiers, or race cars. Additionally, research has shown that girls with brothers are socialized to understand that household labor is expected of them but not of their male siblings. Driving the message home is that girls tend not to receive pay for doing chores, while their brothers do.

Race also plays a factor in socialization. Since White people don't disproportionately experience police violence, they can encourage their children to know their rights and defend them when the authorities try to violate them. In contrast, parents of color must have what's known as "the talk" with their children, instructing them to remain calm, compliant, and safe in the presence of law enforcement.

While context sets the stage for socialization, the content and process constitute the work of this undertaking. How parents assign chores or tell their kids to interact with police are examples of content and process, which are also defined by the duration of socialization, those involved, the methods used, and the type of experience.

School is an important source of socialization for students of all ages. In class, young people receive guidelines related to behavior, authority, schedules, tasks, and deadlines. Teaching this content requires social interaction between educators and students. Typically, rules and expectations are written and spoken, and student conduct is either rewarded or penalized. As this occurs, students learn behavioral norms suitable for school.

In the classroom, students also learn what sociologists describe as "hidden curricula." In her book "Dude, You're a Fag," sociologist C.J. Pasco revealed the hidden curriculum of gender and sexuality in U.S. high schools. Through in-depth research at a large California school, Pascoe revealed how faculty members and events like pep rallies and dances reinforce rigid gender roles and heterosexism. In particular, the school sent the message that aggressive and hypersexual behaviors are generally acceptable in White boys but threatening in Black ones. Though not an "official" part of the schooling experience, this hidden curriculum tells students what society expects of them based on their gender, race, or class background.

Results are the outcome of socialization and refer to the way a person thinks and behaves after undergoing this process. For example, with small children, socialization tends to focus on control of biological and emotional impulses, such as drinking from a cup rather than from a bottle or asking permission before picking something up. As children mature, the results of socialization include knowing how to wait their turn, obey rules, or organize their days around a school or work schedule. We can see the results of socialization in just about everything, from men shaving their faces to women shaving their legs and armpits.

Stages and Forms of Socialization

Sociologists recognize two stages of socialization: primary and secondary. Primary socialization occurs from birth through adolescence. Caregivers, teachers, coaches, religious figures, and peers guide this process.

Secondary socialization occurs throughout our lives as we encounter groups and situations that were not part of our primary socialization experience. This might include a college experience, where many people interact with members of different populations and learn new norms, values, and behaviors. Secondary socialization also takes place in the workplace or while traveling somewhere new. As we learn about unfamiliar places and adapt to them, we experience secondary socialization.

Meanwhile , group socialization occurs throughout all stages of life. For example, peer groups influence how one speaks and dresses. During childhood and adolescence, this tends to break down along gender lines. It is common to see groups of children of either gender wearing the same hair and clothing styles.

Organizational socialization occurs within an institution or organization to familiarize a person with its norms, values, and practices. This process often unfolds in nonprofits and companies. New employees in a workplace have to learn how to collaborate, meet management's goals, and take breaks in a manner suitable for the company. At a nonprofit, individuals may learn how to speak about social causes in a way that reflects the organization's mission.

Many people also experience anticipatory socialization at some point. This form of socialization is largely self-directed and refers to the steps one takes to prepare for a new role, position, or occupation. This may involve seeking guidance from people who've previously served in the role, observing others currently in these roles, or training for the new position during an apprenticeship. In short, anticipatory socialization transitions people into new roles so they know what to expect when they officially step into them.

Finally, forced socialization takes place in institutions such as prisons, mental hospitals, military units, and some boarding schools. In these settings, coercion is used to re-socialize people into individuals who behave in a manner fitting of the norms, values, and customs of the institution. In prisons and psychiatric hospitals, this process may be framed as rehabilitation. In the military, however, forced socialization aims to create an entirely new identity for the individual.

Criticism of Socialization

While socialization is a necessary part of society, it also has drawbacks. Since dominant cultural norms, values, assumptions, and beliefs guide the process, it's not a neutral endeavor. This means that socialization may reproduce the prejudices that lead to forms of social injustice and inequality.

Representations of racial minorities in film, television, and advertising tend to be rooted in harmful stereotypes. These portrayals socialize viewers to perceive racial minorities in certain ways and expect particular behaviors and attitudes from them. Race and racism influence socialization processes in other ways too. Research has shown that racial prejudices affect the treatment and discipline of students. Tainted by racism, the behavior of teachers socializes all students to have low expectations for youth of color. This kind of socialization results in an over-representation of minority students in remedial classes and an under-representation of them in gifted classes. It may also result in these students being punished more harshly for the same kinds of offenses that White students commit, such as talking back to teachers or coming to class unprepared.

While socialization is necessary, it's important to recognize the values, norms, and behaviors this process reproduces. As society's ideas about race, class, and gender evolve, so will the forms of socialization that involve these identity markers.

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Stages of Socialization

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• Oral Stage.
• Anal Stage.
• Latency Stage.
• Adolescence Stage.

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Socialization and other essays: An analytical approach

2019, International Journal of Sociology and Humanities

Socialization is a process of growth and adaptation where human in the form of biological being is born as an infant child into a group and during his oncoming growth and aging is transforming into an adult and towards the old age acquires learning that is necessary not only to interact, coexist and participate with other fellow and living species, in accordance to his surrounding social environment. The present essay attempts to articulate various aspects of socialization. The main objective of this detailed essay is to give a full description of the idea of 'leaning' and 'meaning-making' in contemporary time.

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The Concept of Socialization, Essay Example

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The concept of socialization relates to the role an individual plays within the larger community of people.  How you interact and connect with that world through your beliefs, values, culture, and role as a citizen in society.  Within the concept you act out socialization as a friend, acquaintance, lover, colleague worker etc.  Society imposes a certain degree of what is deemed as acceptable behavior and this is taught by the family and schools.  Anti-social behavior tends to rebel against these considered ‘norms’ and is essentially a statement of non acceptance or lack of conformity.  The media slots into this concept as a powerful agent as a powerful agent that informs how we react and interface with the world in which we live.  It is essentially a mediator of our relationship with society.  ” We base most of our knowledge on government news accounts, not experience. We are dependent on the media for what we know and how we relate to the world of politics because of the media-politics connection. We read or watch political debates followed by instant analysis and commentary by “experts.” Politicians rely on media to communicate their message”  (Anon, 2009)

The recent devastating earthquake in Haiti where the media reported an estimated death toll in excess of 50,000 people was broadcast by TV news reporters world-wide.  The powerful images shown on Television together with “on the ground” journalism illustrated the horror of the aftermath of an earthquake and the terrible plight of the poor people.  A nation already high on the poverty list plunged into even darker depths of despair because of a lack of resources that included water, food, medicine, temporary shelter and inability to deal with both living survivors and the dead.  The message was clearly intended to reach the world Governments, United Nations and Industry – a cry for immediate help and assistance.  It equally informed the public who become powerful lobbyists to their Governments in order to support the urgent needs of the country.   The USA was quick to respond ” US President Barack Obama says the scale of the devastation in Haiti is extraordinary, and it will take time to establish distribution points so food and water can be delivered safely and effectively. “I want the people of Haiti to know that we will do what it takes to save lives and to help them get back on their feet,” he added” (Price, 2010).

Social deviance is a term that is used to describe a shift away from normal behavior patterns.  It can equally be manipulative when being used by the mass media.  We rely upon the media for accuracy of reporting and factual information. With increased competition between the media service providers they are adopting alternate strategies to increase their network coverages  ” In order to survive, they are increasingly turning to other strategies such as entertainment, titillation, scandal mongering, and spreading fear – and spending fewer resources on serious researching of news.”  (Fogg, 1999).  The media tends to condition people playing upon base instincts.  People are more fascinated by bad news and sensationalist stories that focus upon subjects like danger, food, sex etc.  Audiences ere statistically proven to pay more attention to stories on crime and disaster, an almost primeval  instinct we all respond too.  Stories reported like that of Jack the Ripper in 1888 have created lasting impressions of the sex killer and stalker and stereotyped this individual ” Many women are afraid of sex monsters like Jack the Ripper lurking in the dark, although they are much more likely to be victimized by someone in their own circle of acquaintances.” (Fogg, 1999).  Hence the question of putting reported stories or news into the true context of events.  Although sensationalism grips and sells news it is not always factually correct or equally can be skewed into a specific direction such that those who are reading it are made to receive and understand the messages in such a way as the media prescribes them to you.  This can be extremely powerful and potentially dangerous.    Consider the statement that the media might put forward ‘ all terrorists are murders and therefore should be rounded up and executed’  by contrast ‘ one mans terrorist is another persons freedom fighter’. The first statement is both blunt, direct and has a specific outcome – death!   The second considers two points of view – the person committing acts of terror is doing so for a specific cause – the pursuit of freedom and liberty for his country that is being occupied or transgressed.

The reports of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq can very much influence the audience on the interpretation of events.  The reaction to the killing of USA troops is far more likely to gain a reaction than say the destruction of the Taliban or Iraqi resistance fighters.  The treatment of the African people by a brutal regime in Zimbabwe is largely ignored because a lack of media reporting, the regime having banned the media from reporting in the country.  Hence media reporting coming from South Africa is often based upon interpretive reporting and as such not representing the true horrors of the events taking place in that country.

Crime stories are often framed by the media to consider aspects of the individual committing the crime ” The main cause of crime is perceived to be moral defects in the individual and – in the case of reoffending – an ineffective penal system. Social and structural causes of crime are seldom discussed because they do not fit into this frame and because such discussions are less newsworthy and button pushing.” (Fogg, 1999).

Works Cited

Anon. (2009). A Sociological Perspective on Media . Retrieved 1 15, 2010, from Mass Media and Society: http://www.public.asu.edu/~zeyno217/365/notes1.html

Fogg, A. (1999). Cultural Selection . Retrieved 1 15, 2010, from Cultural selection © 1999: http://www.agner.org/cultsel/chapt9/

Price, M. (2010, 1 15). LIVE: Haiti earthquake 15 Jan . Retrieved 1 15, 2010, from BBC World News: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8460771.stm

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Socialization in Context: Exploring Longitudinal Correlates of Mothers’ Value Messages of Compassion and Caution

Laura wray-lake.

Claremont Graduate University

Constance A. Flanagan

University of Wisconsin – Madison

Jennifer L. Maggs

The Pennsylvania State University

This study examined correlates of mothers’ value messages using mother and adolescent reports across three years ( N =1638 dyads). Two fundamental socialization dimensions were assessed: compassion messages (e.g., caring for others) and caution messages (e.g., being wary of others). Multilevel models revealed distinct between-person and within-person correlates for mothers’ compassion and caution messages. Individual differences in compassion messages were predicted by family context (e.g., mothers’ knowledge of friends and concerns for their child’s future) and neighborhood cohesion. Within-person effects demonstrated that compassion declined in concert with adolescents’ experiences of being bullied. Caution messages were predicted by mothers’ education levels, race/ethnicity, and marital status, and increased in relation to mothers’ concerns and perceptions that illegal substances were easily attainable in the community. Tests of age, period, and cohort effects unexpectedly revealed that longitudinal changes in compassion and caution were best explained by period effects. Consistent with new developments in value socialization theory, results suggest that mothers place emphasis on certain values based on their backgrounds, their children’s characteristics, and the broader social context.

Parents are primary socialization agents: In addition to their roles as relational partners and opportunity providers, parents are instructors who communicate values, norms, and rules to children ( Parke & Buriel, 2006 ). Recent value socialization theory argues that parenting strategies are altered by the child and situation and that socialization is content-specific ( Grusec, Goodnow, & Kuczynski, 2000 ). Given little empirical work in this area, we explored correlates of mothers’ value socialization messages of compassion and caution in a three-year longitudinal sample of mothers and adolescents. Compassion (e.g., caring for others) and caution (e.g., being wary of others) represent two fundamental value messages that mothers communicate to children regarding how to treat others ( Flanagan, 2003 ). We hypothesized that mothers’ emphasis on compassion and caution likely varies based on mothers’ background, adolescents’ age and gender, and adolescents’ peer, family, and neighborhood contexts.

Value Socialization: Process and Content

According to person-environment fit and value socialization theories, parents adapt strategies for raising children to the context and the child’s developmental stage ( Belsky, 1984 ; Dix, 1992 ; Grusec & Goodnow, 1994 ). Although socialization processes likely differ depending on the specific values being communicated ( Boehnke, 2001 ; Knafo & Schwartz, 2003 ), only a small body of work has examined value socialization content (e.g., Kohn, 1995 ; Pinquart & Silbereisen, 2004 ), and these link parents’ and children’s values without attention to communication about values.

Grounded in the theoretical tenets that value socialization processes are context-dependent and content-specific, we examined individual differences and dynamic change in the values mothers emphasize about how one should treat others. Compassion value messages communicate that all people should be treated with respect and kindness; caution messages urge guardedness lest others take undue advantage ( Flanagan, 2003 ). Socializing compassion is conceptually similar to constructs of other-oriented induction ( Hoffman, 1977 ) and care reasoning ( Gilligan, 1982 ) that sensitize children to the concerns of others and promote prosocial behavior ( Eisenberg & Morris, 2004 ), moral reasoning ( Pratt, Skoe, & Arnold, 2004 ), and political views ( Flanagan & Tucker, 1999 ). Caution messages stem from strategies of ‘cocooning,’ shielding children from negative influences, and ‘prearming’ them to defend themselves ( Goodnow, 1997 ). For example, research on ethnic–racial socialization shows that ethnic minority parents brace children to be wary of others’ prejudices ( Hughes et al., 2006 ). Such cautions reflect a healthy skepticism, alerting children that sometimes guardedness about others is warranted ( Flanagan, 2003 ). The messages reflect distinct content, yet may not be mutually exclusive, as both are important for learning how to navigate complex interactions with others ( Flanagan, 2003 ).

Mother, Child, and Contextual Correlates

Parenting is multiply determined by parent, child, and contextual characteristics ( Belsky, 1984 ). Thus, we examined mother demographics, child characteristics, as well as peer, family, and neighborhood factors as contextual correlates of compassion and caution messages.

Mother Demographic Characteristics

Socioeconomic status (SES) plays a role in parenting behaviors; more educated parents tend to be more authoritative and communicative ( Conger & Dogan, 2007 ). Previous work linking social class with compassion and caution is lacking. Higher SES mothers may report more compassion and caution messages as they tend to be more communicative. Alternatively, given its social desirability, compassion may be highly endorsed by all groups. Mothers raising children in less privileged circumstances may employ more pre-arming, urging greater caution.

Diverse family forms have been understudied with respect to value socialization. If two parents working together is more effective ( Boehnke, 2001 ), divorced parents may have less influence ( Bengtson, Bilbarz, & Roberts, 2002 ). Alternatively, when fathers are not present, mothers may intensify all communication or urge more caution. Consistent with ethnic-racial socialization research ( Hughes et al., 2006 ), we hypothesized that African-American mothers would report greater caution messages than White mothers.

Child Characteristics

Socialization goals change as children develop ( Grusec & Goodnow, 1994 ) and, for several reasons, mothers’ compassion and caution messages may decrease as adolescents age. First, there may be fewer communication opportunities as adolescents spend more time away from parents ( Larson, Richards, Moneta, Holmbeck, & Duckett, 1996 ). Second, as older adolescents have had more years to internalize values, mothers may take a softer approach. Thus, we hypothesize a linear age-related decline in mothers’ value messages.

Parents are more likely to discuss emotions and relationships with daughters than sons ( Kochanska & Thompson, 1997 ), which may facilitate compassion. Yet in one study, boys reported hearing more moral value messages ( Pratt, Hunsberger, Pancer, & Alisat, 2003 ). We expected that mothers of daughters would report more emphasis on compassion than mothers of sons. Given that parents of daughters are generally more restrictive ( Madsen, 2008 ), we expected mothers of daughters to emphasize caution more than mothers of sons.

Peer, Family, and Neighborhood Contexts

Peer bullying has become common, especially during middle school and may provide a “teachable moment.” Specifically, we expected that mothers would urge greater caution in response to adolescents’ reports of being bullied. Regarding compassion, mothers may deemphasize helping others; alternatively, mothers may stick to the Golden Rule to treat others “as you want to be treated.”

Mothers’ value messages also may vary based on knowledge about her child’s friends, concerns for the child, and the family’s religiosity. First, parents who know more about children’s activities tend to be more successful in socialization ( Grusec, 2002 ). Familiarity with the child’s friends may bolster compassion and decrease caution messages unless mothers are concerned about the peers’ characteristics or behaviors, in which case mothers may urge more caution. Second, mothers’ concerns for children may be a proxy for socialization goals, and concerned mothers should be more likely to talk with their children. We hypothesized that maternal concerns would predict more compassion and caution messages. Third, religiosity is positively associated with compassion ( Sprecher & Fehr, 2005 ), yet the role of maternal socialization remains unspecified. We expected a positive association between religiosity and compassion messages.

Cohesive neighborhoods where residents are mutually supportive facilitate prosocial interactions ( Parke & Buriel, 2006 ; Putnam, 2000 ). In contrast, risky neighborhoods where substance use is common likely engender parent vigilance. We hypothesized that neighborhood cohesion would positively predict mothers’ compassion and negatively predict caution messages and that ease of attaining substances would positively predict caution messages.

Separate longitudinal multilevel models examined between- and within-person predictors. The former reflect relatively stable individual differences and the latter dynamic change in a characteristic or context relating to change in socialization messages. A priori predictions primarily related to level differences. Where possible, we used adolescent data to eliminate shared method variance of mothers’ reports.

In a three-year longitudinal study of adolescents and parents, adolescents were surveyed annually in 90 5 th – 12 th grade social studies classrooms across eight school districts in the northeast and midwest. Districts reflected regional diversity in ethnicity, size, and urbanicity. Adolescents and parents actively consented to participate, resulting in a wave 1 adolescent response rate of 79% ( N = 2558). At wave 2, researchers surveyed adolescents who participated in wave 1 and were still in the school system, and recruited new students, with a 54% response rate ( N = 2644). At wave 3, only prior participants were sought, resulting in a 65% response rate ( N = 1933).

Parents/guardians of participating adolescents were recruited via mailed surveys. Two were mailed to each home; parent participants were compensated $20. No other follow-ups or incentives encouraged participation. Parents were similarly recruited annually, regardless of previous participation; new parents were added at each wave. In most cases, only one parent (84% mothers) participated. Wave 1 response rate for one parent per family was 40%, and was similar for waves 2 and 3 (44% and 41%).

We used data from 1638 biological or adoptive mothers (26 were stepmothers, 8 were guardians) who participated in at least one wave. Due to low participation rates ( n = 627 at any wave, n = 57 across waves), father data were not used. The sample was socioeconomically diverse, with 25% reporting family income lower than $30,000 and 5% reporting more than $100,000; 85% of mothers were White, 10% Black or African American, and 5% of another ethnicity. Adolescents’ age ranged from 10 to 19 at wave 1 ( M = 13.13, SD = 2.03), and 55% were female.

Most mothers (56.4%) completed one wave, 27.8% completed two, and 15.8% completed three. Appendix A summarizes missing data patterns and attrition analyses. To reduce bias to inferences due to missing data, multiple imputation was employed using SAS PROC MI. Forty datasets were imputed; relative efficiency estimates for all multilevel models were above 98%, demonstrating imputation acceptability. Descriptive statistics were derived from an expectation maximization (EM) dataset, which provides excellent maximum likelihood estimates for descriptive parameters ( Graham, 2009 ).

We measured the extent to which mothers agreed that they communicated each value message, and factor analysis revealed two distinct factors. Response options were Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (5). Figure 1 shows means plotted by wave and age. Six items measured mothers’ value messages of compassion. Items began with “I tell my children…”; content was: “respect people no matter who they are,” “not to judge people before you get to know them,” “treat everyone equally,” “stand up for others, not just yourself,” “be helpful to others, especially the less fortunate,” and “be aware of other people’s feelings” (α =.77, .74, .78). Five items measured mothers’ value messages of caution. Items began with the same stem as above; content was: “people sometimes take advantage of you,” “you can’t always trust people,” “stay away from the wrong crowd,” “be careful who you are kind to”, and “be careful in dealing with people” (α = .64, .63, .71). Items were adapted from Katz and Hass (1987) .

Mothers reported education levels using a 5-point scale: Didn’t finish high school (1), High school diploma or GED (2), Some training after high school or community college degree (3), Bachelor’s or 4-year degree (4), and Master’s, Ph.D. or professional degree (5). Mothers’ marital status was dichotomized, Married (1) or Other (0); other statuses included divorced or separated, single, and widowed. Mothers’ race was dummy-coded into Black and Other Minority , with White as the reference. Comparisons focused on Black versus White participants.

Bullying was measured in the first two waves by asking adolescents whether they or a friend had been bullied in school, Yes (1) or No (0). At wave 3, adolescents were asked if any friends had been bullied in school, and then if it happened to them. An affirmative response to either question was coded into one variable to mirror previous waves. Four items measured mothers’ knowledge of friends, including how well mothers knew the child’s best friend, best friend’s parents, most of the child’s friends, and most parents of the child’s friends. Response options were Not at All (1), Somewhat (2), and Very Well (3) (α = .83, .87, .81). Mothers’ concerns for their child included six items assessing concerns about getting involved with the wrong crowd, violence and drugs in the community, getting into a good college, getting a job that pays well, and finding steady work. Response options were Not at All Concerned (1), Somewhat Concerned (2), and Very Concerned (3) (α = .77, .76, .76). Family religiosity was measured by mothers’ report of whether they considered their family religious, Yes (1) or No (0).

Adolescents reported on neighborhood cohesion using eight items, such as people in the neighborhood feel safe, trust each other, and work together (α = .85, .86, .88). Mothers reported ease of attaining substances in the community using three items about whether adolescents could get access to cigarettes, alcohol, and drugs if desired (α =.93, .93, .95). Response options for both scales ranged from Strongly Disagree (1) to Strongly Agree (5).

Analytic Plan

Separate unconditional growth models were estimated using SAS PROC MIXED to understand how mothers’ compassion and caution messages changed over time. Our accelerated longitudinal/cohort-sequential design (see Figure 1 ) reveals developmental patterns across 10 years with data for only three consecutive years ( Raudenbush & Chan, 1992 ). Given this complexity, changes over time could represent age, period, or cohort effects, which we estimated using multilevel models with waves of data nested within individuals (see Appendix B for details). After selecting best-fitting growth models for compassion and caution messages, predictors were simultaneously entered into the two models to examine unique effects. Mothers’ education, marital status, and race, adolescent gender, and family religiosity were level-2 (time-invariant) predictors. All other variables were entered as level-1 (within-person) and level-2 (between-person) predictors.

Table 1 displays means and correlations among longitudinal variables. Compassion and caution showed small, positive correlations across waves (range .07 to .13, p ’s < .001).

Means and Bivariate Correlations for Longitudinal Study Variables

Note . Means (SDs) and correlations come from the EM dataset.

Knowledge = Mothers’ Knowledge of Friends. Concerns = Mothers’ Concerns. Cohesion = Neighborhood Cohesion. Ease of SU = Ease of Attaining Illegal Substances in Community.

Age, Period, and Cohort

Three separate models estimated combinations of age, period, and cohort effects for compassion and caution messages, respectively (see Appendix B). A period only model was selected as most parsimonious for compassion messages: Mothers’ compassion messages declined consistently across the three occasions, regardless of adolescents’ age or age cohort, a pattern consistent with means in Figure 1a . The most parsimonious model for mothers’ caution messages was period and age: Mothers’ caution increased at wave 2 and also showed linear age-related decline.

Full Models

Period effects remained significant and mothers’ compassion messages decreased between wave 1 and later waves (see Table 2 ). Neither mother nor child characteristics predicted compassion messages. Adolescents’ experiences of bullying predicted within-person change in mothers’ compassion messages: On occasions when adolescents reported that they or their friends were bullied, mothers de-emphasized compassion. Mothers with more knowledge of children’s friends reported more compassion messages. Mothers with greater concerns and more family religiosity reported greater compassion messages. Within-person effects for family context were not significant. Regarding neighborhood context, only the between-person effect of neighborhood cohesion positively predicted compassion messages: When adolescents reported more cohesion mothers reported more compassion messages.

Full Multilevel Models of Correlates for Mothers' Compassion and Caution Messages

Note . Linear age centered at age 14.

Mothers’ caution messages increased at wave 2 and declined marginally at wave 3, yet the age-related decline was no longer significant (see Table 2 ). As expected, social class, race, family structure, and gender predicted caution messages: Mothers who were less educated, Black, and unmarried emphasized greater caution. Mothers of daughters reported greater caution messages. Experiencing bullying was not associated with caution messages. Regarding family context, neither mothers’ knowledge nor religiosity predicted caution messages. However, both between- and within-person effects were found for mothers’ concerns for the child: On average, more concerned mothers urged greater caution and, as mothers’ concerns increased, caution messages correspondingly increased. Within-person, when mothers’ felt it was easier to obtain alcohol, cigarettes, or drugs in the community, caution messages correspondingly increased. Neighborhood cohesion was not associated with caution messages.

Complex longitudinal models with multiple predictors and reporters were tested to understand mothers’ value socialization messages. Unique predictors emerged for mothers’ compassion and caution messages: Whereas family context primarily predicted compassion, demographic characteristics predicted caution messages.

Advancements in Socialization Research

Past research has largely considered associations between parents’ and adolescents’ personal values a proxy for socialization ( Boehnke, 2001 ); we add precision by focusing on the value content that mothers communicate. Results suggest that value socialization is both context-dependent and content-specific. Results from within-person analyses revealed ways that mothers dynamically adapt value messages over time: Compassion messages changed in concert with adolescents’ experiences of bullying and caution with changes in mothers’ concerns and perceived ease of obtaining substances. Despite modest effect sizes, dynamic relationships with compassion messages were particularly intriguing, given arguments that parental socialization of moral development is rather inflexible and socially desirable ( Kuczynski & Grusec, 1997 ). Compassion messages were sensitive to mothers’ concerns about the child, knowledge of children’s friends, children’s experiences of bullying, and reports of neighborhood cohesion. In contrast, predictors of caution messages were less fluid; Black, working-class, and unmarried mothers communicated more caution across time. These demographic characteristics are proxies for contexts that demand more cocooning.

As suggested by their positive, albeit small correlation, compassion and caution messages are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Associations may result from shared method variance among mother reports and suggest a common factor of maternal communication. Items in both measures urge adolescents to pay attention to and be aware of other people. Future research should examine how compassion and caution messages work in concert to influence adolescents’ values and behaviors.

Period, Not Age

Despite age-related hypotheses, we concluded based on careful tests of age, period, and cohort that period effects best explained the longitudinal changes: Value messages changed in the same way over time for mothers regardless of adolescents’ age. Patterns could reflect measurement artifacts (e.g., regression to the mean, practice effects). Period effects also call for contemplating the historical milieu, although explanations must be generated post hoc . Data were collected shortly after the September 11 th , 2001 terrorist attack on the U.S. which may have sparked family conversations about compassion and caution toward others. In developmental research, age effects need to be rigorously evaluated against rival hypothesis of period and cohort effects ( Raudenbush & Chan, 1992 ).

Mother and Child Characteristics

More vulnerable groups may espouse greater caution messages: Here they were emphasized among less educated, unmarried, and African American mothers. Smith (1997) has referred to “groups at the periphery” of society who typically report lower levels of trust in others. Consistent with racial socialization literature ( Hughes et al., 2006 ), Black mothers were more likely to urge caution, warning children to be careful and that people aren’t always trustworthy. Future research should identify characteristics of families who face similar challenges in raising children that may reflect a common need to pre-arm them ( Goodnow, 1997 ). This interpretation is consistent with the greater caution messages reported by mothers of daughters; no similar gender of child effect was found for messages of compassion. Mothers may worry more about daughters’ safety and thus offer more verbal strategies for daughters’ protection.

Peer Family and Neighborhood Contexts

Strikingly, adolescent reports of themselves or friends being bullied predicted within-person change in mothers’ compassion messages. Although a small effect needing replication, this suggests that mothers may limit compassion communication when adolescents experience run-ins with bullies. Unexpectedly, being bullied did not prompt greater caution messages. Perhaps increased vigilance may not necessarily help one avoid bullies; some evidence suggests that social fear is related to increased victimization ( Rubin, Coplan, & Bowker, 2009 ). Future studies should tease apart bullying experiences of adolescents and their friends.

As hypothesized, mothers with greater knowledge of children’s friends reported greater compassion messages. Parental knowledge has wide-ranging implications for adolescent outcomes, yet few studies examine the role of knowledge in value socialization. Parental knowledge may facilitate adolescents’ internalization of socialization messages, particularly when children voluntarily disclose information, as disclosure suggests a positive parent-child relationship ( Grusec, 2002 ).

Mothers’ concerns positively related to compassion and caution messages. The construct captured various worries that parents have for children from negative peer influence to future jobs. Concerns may prompt maternal caution messages, an idea supported by within- and between-person effects. Both compassion and caution messages prepare children for interactions with others; these communications were heightened for more concerned mothers. High concerns may be tapping into overprotection or maternal anxiety, or could reflect anxieties of adolescents, who may initiate conversations about values by communicating concerns to parents ( Parke & Buriel, 2006 ).

As expected, family religiosity was positively associated with compassion messages. Compassion messages may be bolstered by religious teachings. Religious connections may also offer supportive bonds with others that encourage mothers to view humanity positively and thus communicate compassion to children.

Neighborhood cohesion was related to greater compassion messages, a finding strengthened by our reliance on adolescent reports. Positive bonds with others may engender feelings of trust and connectedness, and thus reflect social capital ( Putnam, 2000 ). The within-person association of ease of attaining substances on caution messages suggests that mothers may adapt messages with shifting perceptions of neighborhood risk. When risks to adolescents heighten, mothers likewise may respond by heightening caution messages.

Limitations and Conclusions

Several limitations are noteworthy. Fathers were not studied, leaving unknown whether fathers’ value messages are determined by the same factors. Potential correlates were unmeasured, such as mothers’ own values and parenting style. Internal reliability for caution messages was low, potentially explaining small effect sizes and unsupported hypotheses regarding caution. In using multiple imputation, we assumed data were missing at random (MAR); the extent of violations to this assumption cannot be fully known. Although within-person effects give some insights into co-occurrence of factors, we did not test causal determinants. Finally, it was beyond the scope of our study to link value socialization messages to adolescents’ values and behaviors, but this is an important next step.

This study offered new empirical information about individual differences in mothers’ value messages and insight into adolescent experiences and contexts that correspond with dynamic change in value messages. Our findings of different correlates associated with the two types of value messages suggest that mothers’ communication of certain values may be motivated by different factors and thus, parenting processes may vary by content and context. Despite limitations, this study empirically advances contextual perspectives on parenting and content-specific approaches to value socialization ( Belsky, 1984 ; Grusec et al., 2000 ). Further examining contextual influences on socialization messages may bring important insights into contextual and cultural variations in parenting and adolescent development. Developmental scientists have only reached the tip of the iceberg in studying the exciting theme of bidirectional, transactional developmental processes.

Acknowledgments

Data collection was funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse [R01 DA13434; PI Constance Flanagan], and the first author’s time was supported by a Ruth L. Kirschstein National Research Service Award from the National Institute on Drug Abuse [F31 DA024543]. We thank Ann C. Crouter, Wayne Osgood, and John Graham for comments on previous drafts, and we are grateful to the adolescents and parents who participated in the study.

Publisher's Disclaimer: The following manuscript is the final accepted manuscript. It has not been subjected to the final copyediting, fact-checking, and proofreading required for formal publication. It is not the definitive, publisher-authenticated version. The American Psychological Association and its Council of Editors disclaim any responsibility or liabilities for errors or omissions of this manuscript version, any version derived from this manuscript by NIH, or other third parties. The published version is available at www.apa.org/pubs/journals/dev .

A longer version of the manuscript was part of the first author’s doctoral dissertation, and portions were presented as a poster at the meeting of the National Council on Family Relations, San Francisco, California in 2009.

Contributor Information

Laura Wray-Lake, Claremont Graduate University.

Constance A. Flanagan, University of Wisconsin – Madison.

Jennifer L. Maggs, The Pennsylvania State University.

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Psychology Discussion

Consequences of socialization process | essay | social psychology.

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In this essay we will discuss about the Consequences of Socialization Process.

Consequences of Socialization Process

Essay Contents:

• Essay on the Development of Self

1. Essay on Achievement Motivation:

One of the most depressing features of socialization process in Indian society is that more than nine-tenth of Indians have no desire to achieve some standard of excellence in their work or other activities. As is well known, Indian farming till recently was one of subsistence farming. The farmers, over thousands of years, were quite content to produce grains just to satisfy their food needs and a small surplus to satisfy other needs.

It is only in the seventies, with the success of the new hybrid seeds developed in the Agricultural Research institutions and universities that food pro­duction has gone up from a mere 50 million tonnes in 1950 to 130 million tonnes in 1981. As a result, for the last two or five years there is a substantial surplus in food-grains besides exporting rice to other countries.

Increased production of goods and production of high quality goods is due to the desire to achieve some standard of excellence. It is well known that Indian cloth and Indian handicrafts were of excellent quality thousands of years ago and even today. But amongst the people at large this desire to achieve excellence is not there.

Even according to the 1981 census report, 64 per cent of the people are illite­rate. Hardly 20 per cent complete the seven year primary school edu­cation. Further, according to the Sixth Plan (1980-85) document, more than 50 per cent of Indians are below the poverty line, that is, they do not earn enough to have adequate food to get the necessary strength to work and earn their livelihood.

According to the 1981 census, the population of India is 684 millions. More than 78 per live in rural areas. And even among the 22 per cent who live in urban areas, quite a good proportion live in the urban slums. Nearly 70 per cent of Indian citizens are illiterate and unskilled.

This is why inspite of the great strides in industrialization as a result of the many Five Year Plans, the huge masses in India live in utter poverty without food to eat, clothes to wear, houses to live in, and education for the children.

David McClelland (1961) has shown that achievement motivation is an important antecedent for economic development. Studies have shown that it plays an important role in education, profession and various occupations. The need to excel is on the basis of this motive. Achievement motivation is defined as a disposition to strive for success and the capacity to experience pleasure with the achievement of success.

The joy is not so much in what one has achieved as in the striving to achieve. By contrast the vast masses of not only citizens but even the students in schools and colleges have not set high goals for themselves to achieve and to attain higher levels. High level of achievement implies persistent effort to attain the goal set for oneself by one­self.

The need for achievement is measured by assessing the stories written by the subjects when they see a set of ambiguous pictures deve­loped for this purpose. The pictures can be interpreted in many ways. The assumption is that the individual will interpret the picture in terms of achievement, whether the person in the picture has a desire to succeed.

The individual is asked to look at the picture and write about what is happening, who is doing what, and to whom? Also he is asked to relate what events and thoughts might have led to the situation depicted in the picture, what are the thoughts, hopes and fears that may be happening in the minds of the persons in the picture.

Finally, he is asked to write as to what may happen in the future. By answer­ing these questions in his story, the individual provides material for an objective scoring of the strength of the achievement motive.

The studies conducted so far show two aspects which are of interest to us. First of all it has been found that socialization plays a signi­ficant part in an individual having this motive. Winter-bottom (1958), studied the stories told by boys of eight to ten. She then interviewed the mothers of these boys to find out whether any socialization pro­cesses were related to the scores in the test.

She found that the mothers of the boys who had high scores in need for achievement had demand­ed independent behaviour in them at an earlier age than the mothers of the boys with lower scores. Also, they had given more frequent and stronger rewards for independent accomplishment than the other mothers.

Other studies have also found that the parents and children with strong achievement motivation set high standards of excellence and showed their appreciation when those standards were achieved.

That mere independence does not lead to the development of need for achievement is clear from the fact that the children of beggars enjoy a great deal of independence, but grow up to be beggars. They have no standards of excellence. That is independent behaviour coupled with high standards, lead to the growth of need for achievement.

The second aspect of the studies is that it is possible to give training to youth and adults to develop the need. McClelland (1969) developed a training program in Hyderabad in 1964. Fifteen potential entrepre­neurs were taken at a time for training. Four such groups were trained.

The training consisted in influencing the fantasy of the person with achievement-oriented imagery. They were given training to examine their current behaviour and their possible future plan in the achieve­ment-motive framework.

The results showed that there was a signifi­cant difference between the pre-training and post-training period in their business activities. It may be assumed that people belonging to Gujarat, Marwar, Chettinad and other areas may actually get similar training by way of tradition at home and in the family business. This is a problem which has to be studied.

These studies show how important child-rearing practices are in building up a society in which many persons strive for excellence. There can be no achievement when there is neither aspiration nor effort.

2. Essay on Identification Process:

One of the striking consequences of the socialization process is the fact that the child adopts many of the behaviour patterns of the parents. The child’s responses are not only shaped by the direct application of rewards and punishments but also by the process of modelling (imita­tion) by which the child takes over certain distinctive features of the parent’s behaviour.

Identification is the general process by which the attributes of another person are internalized by one. While imitation is the reproduction of specific responses in specific situations to attain specific goals, identification is more general.

It was Freud who showed that the child resolves the Oedipus complex through the process of identification; the child takes on the characteristics and values of the father somewhere between the third and the fifth year. Freud also showed that it is through the identification process that the child deve­lops the super-ego.

The two major components of the super-ego accord­ing to Freud are:

(a) The conscience, and

(b) The ego ideal.

He said “the external restrictions are introjected so that the super-ego takes the place of the parental function, and thenceforward observes, guides and threatens the ego in just the same way as the parents acted to the child before”.

He distinguished between two kinds of identification:

(a) Developmental (or analytic, from the Greek “lean­ing on”) identification, and

(b) Aggressive (or defensive) identification.

In developmental identification the attributes of the nurturant parent are internalized.

Whiting and Child (1953) have shown that when the disciplinary techniques are love-oriented, when there is a threat by the parents to deny or to withdraw love, or a threat to isolate the child if he displeases them, then the tendency towards identification is high; love-oriented punishment clearly involves the manipulation of nurturance, the care for and providing aid and comfort to the child.

On the other hand, non-love-oriented techniques of discipline like physical punishment exploit fear in the child; as a result the tendency toward identification with the parents will be less. As regards the aggressive identification, it occurs when the child takes on the aggressive demea­nour of those who are aggressing against them; the child internalizes the attributes of the more powerful persons, partly to reduce his own powerlessness and partly to produce behaviour that will gain acceptance and protection. Both these ends are achieved by becoming like the more powerful person.

As noted above another aspect of socialization is based on the child’s desire for information. The newborn child has his neurosensory equipment to respond to stimuli; out of this develops an active interest in what exists in the environment and a selective attentiveness to changes in stimulation.

Berlyne (1960) has shown that exploratory behaviour manifests itself in orienting responses, locomotors exploration and investigatory responses. Such exploratory behaviour may or may not lead to the acquisition of knowledge. As the child grows older there is information-seeking when there is some conceptual conflict, that is a conflict between beliefs, attitudes, thoughts and ideas. The goal of information-seeking is the resolution of this conflict. In other words, the child as well as the adult seek information when there is some uncertainty.

As regards modes of information transmission, the most common form involves the answers to child’s questions. Another common form consists of giving advice. While answers to questions relate to events and general problems of interpreting the world around us, advice deals with the behaviour of the child in relation to restrictions and opportu­nities in the environment; it deals with what is right and what is wrong, etc.

A third way of giving information is to make social comparisons; this is the general process of reducing uncertainty about beliefs, attitudes and emotions by observing the statements and performances of other people. The parents and teachers help the child to evaluate his beliefs, attitudes, etc., by speaking of the beliefs etc., of the appro­priate reference persons. The child also obtains information by obser­vational learning, through imitation of models.

Finally, the child may- obtain information by empathy, by anticipating the behaviour of signi­ficant persons in the environment; in a difficult situation, when the parent is absent, the child may try to imagine what the parent might do in that particular situation.

By all these various kinds of information the child acquires an out­look of the world in which he lives and of the people with whom he lives and about the various beliefs and attitudes he cherishes. The child selects, stores and transforms these various kinds of information so that his understanding and knowledge, his cognitive structure becomes coherent and stable. He is now in a position to evaluate his experiences; his experiences become meaningful; the world in which he lives becomes meaningful.

3. Essay on Interpersonal Communication:

As noted above, social behaviour is concerned with interaction bet­ween individuals. Social behaviour starts, if one may so put it, right from the birth of the infant. There is mutual interaction bet­ween the infant and the mother. The infant starts life with biological needs and the mother satisfies these needs of hunger, thirst, sleep, etc. The infant ‘communicates’ his needs through the pre-speech form of crying.

After a few months, the baby communicates through ‘babbling’ sounds and through bodily gestures. By the third or fourth week, the mother is able to understand what the cry of the baby signifies. Pain, for example, is expressed by shrill loud cries. Hunger cries are loud and interrupted by sucking movements.

Within a few weeks after birth, the baby learns that crying is a sure method of gaining attention. When his vocal mechanisms develop, there is ‘babbling.’ By the end of the first year of life, babbling gives way to ‘speech.’ Gestures, bodily and facial accompany cries, babblings and speech.

Herodotus, the Greek historian of fifth century B.C. reports that a king of Egypt tried to find out if children start speaking the Egyptian language or any other language. To test this, he is said to have had several children raised by nurses who were forbidden to speak to them. According to the story, the children used some ancient tongue to ask for bread.

In thirteenth century Emperor Frederick is reported to have attempted to repeat the experiment. It is reported that the children died. King James IV of Scotland tried to find if children would start speaking Hebrew, the language of Adam according to the Bible. He arranged to place the children on an island in the care of a woman who could not speak.

According to the report they grew up and started speaking Hebrew. All these attempts were to find out the language of God in which human beings untaught could speak. A similar story is told about Akbar’s attempt to find if the isolated children would start speaking in Arabic, the language of the Koran. Growth of the child depends as much on affection and soothing language as on nutrition.

By the time the baby is twelve to eighteen months of age, he can use one word sentences, accompanied by gestures. But he learns to respond to words much earlier. By the time the infant is three to four months, he smiles when his mother ‘speaks’ to him. His gestural res­ponses to the speech of the mother become more and more expressive as his age advances in the first year.

Learning to speak involves the various tasks of comprehending words used by the mothers, learning to pronounce words so that they are associated with meanings. He learns to pronounce partly by trial and error, but mainly by imitating others. When the baby learns to associate meaning with an object and a sound symbol which stands for the object, language learning and communication with others starts.

By eighteen months, the baby learns the names of objects and persons. Later he learns verbs such as “give” and “take.” Gradually he learns the meaning of words and to use words and sentences. Studies show that he can use about a thousand words by four years of age and twice that by five years. Language growth in early childhood is indeed very rapid. Piaget has shown that about half of the speech of a five or six year old child is egocentric, mainly about himself, his possessions, his family, etc.

With increase in command over language and with the widening of social relation among the members of the family, neighbourhood and in the school, the scope of interpersonal communication increases greatly as the child grows up into adolescence.

Interpersonal communication refers to the transmission of messages from one person to another. As noted above, the infant communicates to the mother his bodily needs, pains and pleasures. With growth the messages relate to information. Thus communication involves two persons – the transmitter and the receiver, and the message, which is understood and appropriately responded to by the receivers.

The messa­ges are ‘symbolic,’ they represent or stand for something else. That is, it is ‘encoded’ and the receiver has to ‘decode’ it. Thus, communication can occur only when there is a correspondence between the symbol — systems of the two persons, the transmitter and the receiver. And the communication is useful or successful only when the two interacting persons respond to the needs of each other.

Messages have to be understood, like other forms of behaviour, in terms of motives and attitudes of the transmitter, toward the receiver. The communication may be based on self-oriented motive. It may refer to the goals of the transmitter. Or it may be receiver-oriented, to obtain information which the receiver is assumed to possess.

For example, you are in a strange locality in your own city or in a new village. When you enquire about the address of the house to which you want to go, you ask the person you meet for information. Or when you are standing in a confused state, a man of the locality may ask you whether he could help you. The same thing happens when you go to a shop. You may ask the shopman what you want or the shopman may ask you what you want.

Sending the message as well as receiving the message, are both directed toward the satisfaction of some goal, some motive satisfaction. This depends on how accurately the message is communicated and how accurately it has been received. If it is not properly communicated, it is bound to lead to frustration. Whether the communication has been accurate and adequate can be judged by the effects produced by it. The information that one gets by noting the effects of one’s behavi­our is called ‘feedback.’

In a broad way, it will be useful to distinguish between:

(a) Two-way communication in which both the parties are able to share messages and interact with each other on a level of equality as among friends; and

(b) One-way communication in which most of the messages are directed toward the receiver, as in the classroom situation in which the teacher is the transmitter and the students are the receivers or in the master-servant relationship in which messages flow from the master to the servant.

It is obvious that the two-way situation pro­motes involvement and encourages initiative, while in the one-way situation the receiver becomes dependent and obedient and loses any desire to initiate action. By contrast, the two-way situation promotes mutual dependence and helps one to develop a sense of self-dependence. In the one-way communication situation, the teacher or the master or the leader is looked upon as having great capacity to control others.

Such a perception interferes with an open dialogue between people. In that situation everyone expects the master to solve the problems, to take care of the subordinates, to tell them what they should do, and how they should do. It is obvious that such dependence easily leads to apathy and lack of initiative. Another significant feature of this situa­tion is that dependence leads to resentment and frustration.

Another aspect of interpersonal communication is the part played by emotion. When the parent or teacher or friend criticizes the child or student or the friend, his motive may be constructive and positive. But the latter may perceive the criticism as a form of ridicule. Interper­sonal conflicts arise on the basis of such misunderstandings. Both the transmitter and the receiver must be aware of these possibilities and must rectify the messages to promote harmony rather than conflict and bitterness.

In order to understand what happens in a communication process, we must go beyond the simple meaning of the words and sentences, to the personal and interpersonal concerns of the speaker and the listener. As noted earlier, our motivations, feelings, values and attitudes influ­ence what we say and how we say. Here it is useful to distinguish between the manifest and latent content of our messages.

The manifest content refers to the facts communicated, the obvious meaning of the sentences used. The latent content refers to the attitudes and motivation. The system of transactional analysis developed by Berne and Harris proceeds on the assumption that each person has three components in his personality, the parent, the child, the adult, and that each of these three components influences our daily transactions.

The parent component of the personality arises out of the internalization of the parental commands and prohibitions. There is the child com­ponent of dependence in our personality. Thirdly, there is the adult component of self-dependence, decision-making, thinking ahead, anti­cipating the future. This component takes the situation into account, while the parent component and child component are based on past situations, in our lives.

In interpersonal situation, the two persons in­volved may take one or the other of these three components. That is, A may speak to B, as if he was a parent of a child or an adult. Similarly B may respond to A as a child or a parent or an adult. That is, they two may take complementary roles to each other.

In the first and the second the relationship between the two is one of superior-subordinate. In the third it is one of equality, in which the two can share their opinion and jointly solve the problem.

According to information theory developed by Shennon and Werner in forties, it is possible to check the effectiveness of our communication and identify the skills which will enable us to improve communication effectiveness. Communication is not a mere exchange of words between people.

According to information theory, the quality of a communi­cation is judged by the amount of new information that was shared between the two or more persons involved. It is indeed a poor inter­action if, at the end of the communication each is uncertain of the other’s ideas, feelings, motives, etc.

When there is uncertainty about the message or what is to be done, it is obvious that there is failure in communication. The aim of communication is to reduce uncertainty and increase certainty. In information theory terms, our messages are considered signals which exist in a noise background, as it is in the telephone or the radio set.

To be heard, the message must be stronger than the background. In human communication, noise refers not only to environment out also to the cognitive and emotional factors. Does the other person, the receiver, have the ability to understand the message? Is he ready emotionally to receive and act upon the message?

That is, the speaker should be able to share his thoughts and feel­ings, so that he can speak clearly and convincingly. The listener must have the ability to understand and respond adequately. They should be in a position to ask questions to clarify the implication of the message.

Further, the transmitter or speaker is ready to provide feed­back, to correct the ongoing behaviour, so that the response is adequate. The message has to be so worded that it is easily understood by the receiver or listener. The speaker must simplify and make the message clear so that there is the least uncertainty about it. Adverse comments on performance constitute negative feedback and will either provoke anger in the other person or diffidence. Negative evaluative judgments must be avoided.

Further, the feedback must be immediate, as soon as there is an error in the ongoing behaviour. One of the common mistakes committed is to refer to past failures, which are irre­levant to the current situation. Finally, the positive feedback may be given as frequently as necessary. These precautions help to clarify the intent of the message and will promote efficient performance.

The listener, on his part must develop certain skills. He could summarize the message in order to ensure that what he has understood is as closely approximate to what has been conveyed. This is possible only when he is very active in listening and asks questions to clarify certain doubts or uncertainties. Asking a question is an indication that one is concerned and interested in what is being said. It is also helpful if the listener himself asks for feedback so that adjustments and cor­rections could be made in the response to the message.

4. Essay on Development of Self:

The most important result of the socialization process is the deve­lopment of self. It has already been seen how person perception arises in the second half of the first year. The infant is able to perceive other persons and gradually learns to differentiate the familiar persons from the unfamiliar persons towards the end of the first year. The next step in the process is the perception of the self.

But this is one of the most difficult achievements of man. It is well-known that the most abstruse Indian thought is to be found in the Upanishads which were com­posed more than three thousand years ago and that the central pro­blem discussed in them, is the problem of the self. Our present interest now is not in the problem of the self but how the concept of self-arises in the child and how the self-concept affects social behaviour.

During the second year, with the acquisition of language, the child learns to use, the personal pronouns. Even the two year old child is not able to use the pronouns correctly. Once he learns the correct use of the pronouns “I” and “me,” he uses them constantly. Self-reference becomes the dominant feature of his language in the third year.

Thus, the child learns to look upon himself as an object to himself. Because of the use of language and because of his superior intelligence, man has the ability to think of his body, his behaviour, his appearance to other per­sons; he is aware of his feelings and his self.

It is convenient to think of a person’s attitude toward himself as having three aspects the cognitive, the affective and the behavioural. The cognitive component represents his thoughts about himself, what he is, who he is, what his ambitions are, what his physical appearance is, etc.

The affective component represents his- feelings towards him­self, the feeling of self-worth etc. The behavioural component is the tendency to act toward oneself in various ways, he may condemn him­self, he may be oversensitive to some of his characteristics, etc.

The child not only responds to the objects and persons in his environ­ment but also to his own body, his own feelings, and his own thoughts. In so doing he develops cognitions about the self. Gradually the self becomes the nucleus around which the many diverse wants and goals of the individual become organized. The self also becomes the central and valued object. Thus, the self-concept becomes a source of motiva­tion.

The self-concept like so many other aspects of personality arises out of the interaction of the individual with others. The self is a pro­duct of social interaction. As Mead (1934) pointed out: “The self-arises in conduct, when the individual becomes a social object in ex­perience to himself. This takes place when the individual assumes the attitude or uses the gesture which another individual would use and responds to it himself or tends to so respond. The child gradually becomes a social being in his own experience, and he acts towards him­self in a manner analogous to that in which he acts toward others.”

Gradually he learns to conceive of himself as having characteristics which are perceived by others. Because others say that he is a good boy or bright boy, he looks upon himself as such. He incorporates into himself all these characteristics.

By giving the child a name, by making him respond to the name, by making him repeat the name in response to such questions as “Who are you?,” the parents and others make him recognize his name and build up in him a sense of identity.

As the child matures and has more and more experiences, he begins to organize his perceptions into a fluid but consistent and recognizable pattern which Rogers (1951) called long back the “self-structure.” The individual’s way of looking at himself becomes the self-concept; it is for the most part consistent with the individual’s general mode of thinking, feeling and acting.

Snygg and Combs (1959) state that the basic human need is to pre­serve and enhance the self that we perceive and believe in. In other words, all our behavior, including our thoughts, attitudes, values and feelings, is directed toward keeping ourselves in fact and functioning in accordance with our expectations of what adequate functioning is or should be. The self-concept also includes the expectations of others about the individual.

Just as a child learns that others are important to him, to satisfy his needs, he also learns that he is important to others. He also be­comes acquisitive—he wants things for himself, he grabs at things which belong to others and clings to them and resists attempts of the other children to take them away from his grasp. As he grows he learns that he can explore the physical environment and gradually learns the difference between self and not-self.

During the third year the child increasingly finds himself in conflict with the standards of his parents as his explorations become more vigorous and, in a middle class home, he starts pulling books from the shelves and other articles in the room. He may also annoy his parents by urinating in inappropriate places.

Gradually there is a check over his impulsive and spontaneous behaviour which comes into conflict with the possessions of the parents and their other standards. Sooner or later he is punished for these acts. This leads him to the next step in his development, namely, to incorporate into his self-structure and self-concept, the parental expectations, and thus accepting restrictions.

Thus at this stage, there is a lot of negativism in the child since he has to change his self-concept. In the past his relationship with the parents had been characterized by cuddling and caressing and soft words. Now he finds that they speak loudly and with anger and they may slap him. He finds himself rejected by the parents.

The only way of gaining their love again is to internalize their restrictions and to change his self-concept to include the new standards of the parents. He now learns to accept the limits placed by his parents not only when they are present but also when they are not present. A further step in his development is to feel guilty when he does something bad or wrong. He may react to this by punishing himself.

He may say “I am a bad boy” and he may slap his own hands. Thus he does to him­self what his parents would do to him under those circumstances when he has transgressed or violated the parents’ rules. This restraining and punishing aspect of his self-structure is “conscience.” Freud called it the superego. Essentially conscience is a pattern or way of reacting to ourselves.

The conscience itself now becomes a socializing agent in preventing misbehaviour. It is possible that the child learns to develop and react to such internal controls more easily when he is brought up by verbal control by his parents and where “loss of love” rather than physical punishment becomes the chief strategy by which the parents deal with the child’s misbehaviour.

In other words, it is possible that where physical punishment is the main method of control used by the parents, the child finds it difficult to develop these internal restraints and depends more on external rather than on internal controls.

This is why often the employers who have to deal with illiterate and un­skilled labour have to use scolding and actual physical punishments or threats of physical punishments to make them do their legitimate work.

Bandura and McDonald (1963) found that the behaviour of the models had a greater influence on the behaviour of children than the amount of reinforcement which the children received. This finding throws light on the development of conscience during the early years of childhood.

It is likely that the parents who make a great use of physical punishment are themselves unable to depend on inner con­trols. Hence their lack of confidence in their children’s ability to develop and use such controls. Many studies have shown that lower- class parents are more likely to make use of physical punishment in child control than are middle-class parents.

In later childhood years, that is, after six years of age, the child comes into contact with the peer groups and with new sets of stan­dards; he incorporates these standards into his self-structure in the same way he incorporated the parental standards earlier.

Thus the growth of self depends on continual learning, unlearning and relearning; it involves adjustments and readjustments. These changes are difficult for any person. This is why in later childhood years and during adolescence every individual needs emotional support and understanding from others.

Thus, conformity, conscience, superego and guilt feelings, all result in the attempt of the growing individual to meet the needs concerned with “belongingness,” to maintain satis­factory relations with other persons, first at home, later outside the home.

In essence, the problem of every individual is to learn the best ways of satisfying his basic needs without trespassing on the rights of other people and in conformity with his own ideas. With the establish­ment of necessary controls over his own impulses, an individual is able to obtain acceptance as a participating member of the society.

As he becomes more competent and effective, the later develop­ment of the self is related to higher needs as Maslow (1954) has shown, namely, the needs connected with achievement and self-expression, in other words, to become a self-reliant and productive person; finally, he has to proceed towards self-actualization and self-integration.

It is little wonder that some persons are unable to build up their selves through this complicated process and become victims of delin­quency and crime, on the one hand, or of neurosis and psychosis, on the other.

More than two thousand years ago, the author of the Gita wrote: “Let a man lift himself by himself; let him not degrade himself; for the self alone is the friend of the self and the self alone is the enemy of the self”:

“For him who has conquered his (lower) self by the (higher) self his self is a friend but for him who has not possessed his (higher) self, his very self will act in enmity like an enemy.”

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XY Athletes in Women’s Olympic Boxing: The Paris 2024 Controversy Explained

The historical, political, and medical context of the Imane Khelif and Lin Yu-ting cases.

With the return of the Olympics, it’s time for another predictable global uproar about XY athletes competing in the female category. This is now a century-old problem in elite sport that we’ve somehow not yet managed to solve in a uniform way. The Paris 2024 iteration of this debate is arguably the most explosive ever due to a confluence of at least three factors:

• This time around, the athletes are boxers not runners, which means they’re going to be punching their competitors. Physical safety and gender norms, not just competitive fairness, are front-and-centre in people’s minds. 
• After the debates about Lia Thomas and Caster Semenya (which I discussed  in an essay for  Quillette  in 2019), the public knows a lot more—though still not enough—about the two categories of XY athletes who might be included in female competition: transwomen like Thomas and people like Semenya with disorders or differences of sex development (DSD). DSD are also sometimes called intersex conditions or sex variations by those who prefer non-medical terms.
• The domestic culture wars around sex and gender have since heated up significantly to become a global battle, with LGBTQI-rights organisations and their allies in the international human-rights community arguing that sex isn’t real or doesn’t matter—either at all or as much as gender identity. Authoritarian regimes led by the Kremlin, meanwhile, describe gender diversity as a harbinger of the end of Western civilisation.

Social media has amplified all of this to the point that the story of the moment, about a boxer from Algeria and another from Taiwan, is top of the news worldwide. Provocative visuals—ubiquitous in boxing—elicit highly emotional responses from some, while others sell their misleading or uninformed political wares (“There’s no evidence these fighters are not cis women!”).

In what follows, I offer a primer on the underlying facts so that readers can follow the story as it unfolds and understand its historical, medical, and political context.

Who are the boxers at the heart of the current storm?

Imane Khelif is a 25-year-old welterweight from Algeria. Lin Yu-ting is a 28-year-old featherweight from Taiwan. Both have medalled at previous world championships in the female category, and both are participating in their second Olympic Games having already competed in Tokyo.

Why is their eligibility for the female category in question?

The International Boxing Association (IBA)  issued a statement  on 31 July explaining that a “recognized” test had established that Khelif and Lin do not meet the eligibility standards for female competition. The IBA says this was not a testosterone test, which means it’s referring to a genetic test. 

Here’s the relevant detail:

On 24 March 2023, IBA disqualified athletes Lin Yu-ting and Imane Khelif from the IBA Women’s World Boxing Championships New Delhi 2023. This disqualification was a result of their failure to meet the eligibility criteria for participating in the women’s competition, as set and laid out in the IBA Regulations. This decision, made after a meticulous review, was extremely important and necessary to uphold the level of fairness and utmost integrity of the competition. Point to note, the athletes did not undergo a testosterone examination but were subject to a separate and recognized test, whereby the specifics remain confidential. This test conclusively indicated that both athletes did not meet the required necessary eligibility criteria and were found to have competitive advantages over other female competitors. The decision made by IBA on 24 March 2023 was subsequently ratified by the IBA Board of Directors on 25 March 2023. The official record of this decision can be accessed on the IBA website here . The disqualification was based on two tests conducted on both athletes as follows: • Test performed during the IBA Women’s World Boxing Championships in Istanbul 2022. • Test performed during the IBA Women’s World Boxing Championships in New Delhi 2023. For clarification Lin Yu-ting did not appeal the IBA’s decision to the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), thus rendering the decision legally binding. Imane Khelif initially appealed the decision to CAS but withdrew the appeal during the process, also making the IBA decision legally binding.

Officials from the IBA have separately added that both fighters have XY chromosomes and high testosterone (“high T”) levels.

“High T” is one of the ways that testosterone levels outside of the female range tend to be described when one is speaking about an athlete in the female category. As you can see from Figure 1, immediately below, male and female T levels diverge at about the age of thirteen. Both Figure 1 and Figure 2 below make clear there’s no overlap in male and female T levels after early adolescence. Doping and being male are two ways that an adult athlete might have “high T.” 

It’s important to note that the IBA’s statements about Khelif and Lin are doubted by the IOC and others because the IBA has a reputation for being less than reliable, and because the IOC says it hasn’t seen the results of the tests that were the basis for the IBA’s decision to declare them ineligible. Alan Abrahamson reports , however, that the IBA sent them Khelif’s results back in June 2023.

Are Khelif and Lin transgender?

Like Caster Semenya, there’s no indication that either Khelif or Lin identifies as transgender. This makes sense given that they were apparently assigned female at birth—meaning that this is what was written on their birth certificates—and because being transgender is generally a matter of self-identification.

It is understandable that people are confused, however, because the word transgender is also sometimes used to mean a male who identifies as female. Khelif and Lin both identify as female based on their identity documents and their sex of rearing.

In any event, in sport at least, it seems their cases are being treated by everyone concerned as DSD cases.

What are DSD and why does elite sport care about them?

There are many different disorders or differences of sex development (DSD).

Depending on which you’re talking about, they can affect only males, only females, or both. As shown in Figure 2, immediately below, the only DSD of concern to sport affect genetic males who are also androgen sensitive—either fully, e.g. in the case of athletes with 5 alpha reductase deficiency (5-ARD), or substantially, e.g. in the case of athletes with partial androgen insensitivity (PAIS).

This makes policy sense. The point of the female category is to ensure that females only compete against each other and not against those with male biological advantage, and androgens are the primary driver of sex differences in athletic performance. As rough and insensitive as sex testing has been historically, the basic goal has remained constant.

Athletes with 5-ARD and PAIS have an XY chromosomal complement; they have testes; their testes produce testosterone well outside of the normal female range; their androgen receptors read and process their “high T”; and as a result, their bodies masculinise through childhood and puberty in the ways that matter for sport. Thereafter, their circulating T levels continue to have their usual performance-enhancing effects.

In other words—as shown in Figure 3 below, which compares athletes with 5-ARD to transwomen and sex-typical males and females—their variations from the male norm (such as underdeveloped external genitalia) are irrelevant to athletic performance. When they enter female competition, they carry male advantage.

Do Khelif and Lin have DSD that should make them ineligible for the female category?

As I write, there are currently three running versions of the answer to this question.

The first is the one from the—reputedly unreliable IBA—that Khelif and Lin do have DSD that should make them ineligible. That is, the IBA or its representatives have said they’re genetic males with male advantage. The latter generally means their T is bioavailable—they’re not androgen insensitive—and they’ve otherwise masculinised in the ways that matter in the arena. 

The second is the one that’s trending on social media and in some press commentary saying—without evidence—that Khelif and Lin are entirely female, XX chromosomes, ovaries, and all. Some concede the point that the athletes’ phenotypes are masculine, but they say that lots of women—a status they tend to read broadly to include transwomen—have masculine phenotypes and so this is just a matter of accepting that premise.

The third seems to be the IOC’s present position if we carefully parse its highly coded pronouncements—that Khelif and Lin may well have XY DSD with male advantage, but because they were identified at birth as female and continue to identify as such,  they’re women .

The IOC has spent a lot of time over the last few days lamenting the attacks on Khelif and Lin. We should all be lamenting them—they’re truly awful. Still, this volatile situation is almost entirely of the IOC’s own making. It’s sending impossibly mixed messages that were to be expected given its complicated relationship to sex and gender in sport.

CORRECTION In today’s IOC – Paris 2024 press briefing, IOC President Bach said: “But I repeat, here, this is not a DSD case, this is about a woman taking part in a women’s competition, and I think I have explained this many times.” What was intended was: “But I repeat, here,… — IOC MEDIA (@iocmedia) August 3, 2024

• In June, the IOC issued a language guide that disallows the use of sex-based language to describe athletes at the Games and that requires the treatment of gender diverse XY athletes who identify as women to be unequivocal: they are women.
• This language guide follows from the positions the IOC took in 2021 that gender diverse XY athletes should not be considered to have male advantage in the arena simply because they’re male, and that male T levels shouldn’t be disqualifying—despite their scientifically well-understood role as the primary driver of the performance gap between the best males and the best females. 

The idea was to make the controversy about XY athletes like Caster Semenya and Lia Thomas in the female category disappear by disappearing the relevant biology and the language we use to talk about it.

The IOC wasn’t going to get away with this, of course, once the IBA called it out on its inclusion of Khelif and Lin in the female category. But it had tied its own hands in advance, and because of this—in my opinion—much of what has come out of its spokesperson’s mouth is a combination of “inside baseball” and sleights of hand.

Still, an excellent piece on 2 August by Alex Oller of Inside the Games tells us that knowledgeable reporters who are going with one of the two XY DSD versions of the answer to the question likely aren’t wrong. I recommend you read Oller’s reporting in full (and Inside the Games in general), but in sum:

Formally, the IOC is going with the gender that’s listed in Khelif and Lin’s passports, which undoubtedly say that their legal gender is female. You can think of this as the IOC’s current sex test—it’s using legal gender as a proxy for sex and/or eligibility for the female category.

The IOC has also said it has not seen anything to indicate that what’s in Khelif and Lin’s passports isn’t consistent with their sex. The IBA’s statements say otherwise, of course, but the IOC says it can’t trust the IBA’s statements on this because of the “arbitrary” procedure that yielded them.

At the same time, on the substance, the IOC has acknowledged that after Khelif’s first win on Thursday, it scrubbed from its own website the notation that at least Khelif—if not also Lin—has high T. To explain this, it said in part that T levels don’t matter, that lots of females also have high T. This is intentionally misleading. 

Female athletes with high T—including those with polycystic ovaries—have T levels towards the top of the female range, not outside of the female range or inside the male range. Their sex is not in doubt. As I explained above, “high T” in an athlete who seeks to compete in the female category is code in international sports for either doping with exogenous androgens or being biologically male with bioavailable endogenous androgens. There’s no indication that either Khelif or Lin is doping.

As an aside, the reason many federations and the IOC itself for years used T as a proxy for sex is that it’s an excellent one: neither ovaries nor adrenal glands produce T in the male range, only testes do. If you’re looking for biological sex rather than legal gender, it’s certainly more accurate than a passport.

The IOC has also said that it has given up sex testing because there’s no way to get it right practically and in a nondiscriminatory fashion and because scientifically there’s consensus Khelif and Lin are women.

It is impossible to reconcile the IOC’s statements here, even if you’re an insider. Either they had experts look at the files on the athletes or they didn’t. If they didn’t, there can’t be scientific consensus about anything.

By contrast, the rest is internally consistent. For political reasons in general, not with respect to Khelif and Lin in particular, the IOC doesn’t want to test athletes for sex because, in its view, it’s “impractical”—meaning expensive in the multiple ways it cares about—and “discriminatory” against XY athletes who identify as women.

Why were Khelif and Lin able to compete for years before being barred last year?

Khelif and Lin have been competing internationally in the sport of boxing for several years. They were only barred from global competition in 2023.

Prior to 2022, the International Boxing Association didn’t evaluate biological sex or male advantage with a chromosome or testosterone test. Instead, as the IOC is doing now, it relied on the athletes’ passports as a proxy for sex and/or eligibility for the female category. If an athlete was entered into international competition by their domestic federation in the female category and their identity document said they were female, the IBA accepted that as proof of their eligibility.

According to the IOC, the IBA “suddenly” and “arbitrarily” changed its approach in 2023. The IBA says it started conducting at least some biological tests after the Tokyo Games—at its world championships in 2022—but that it only began excluding ineligible athletes beginning in 2023.

Why is the IOC not the IBA in charge of whether Khelif and Lin compete in Paris?

The Olympic Charter normally leaves it to the international federations to set the eligibility standard for their sports. But as a result of governance failures and corruption scandals, the IOC hasn’t recognised the IBA’s authority to regulate the sport at the Olympic Games since 2019. Instead, competition in Tokyo and Paris has been run by an  ad hoc  group appointed by the IOC for this purpose. This group rejected the IBA’s biologically-based determination of Khelif and Lin’s sex in favour of the old passport test, which the IOC describes as “the rule in place in 2016.” As noted above, this happens to be consistent with the IOC’s own policy preferences.

How do Olympic Movement politics play into their story?

Olympic Movement politics are a huge factor in this story in at least two ways, both of which I’ve mentioned already.

The first of these is the IOC’s fight with the IBA. The IBA happens to be aligned with the Kremlin, which is separately hostile to the IOC for its stances on doping and the war in Ukraine.

The second is the IOC’s policy choice to align itself with trans-rights advocates and against advocates for a sex-based female category. Here, the IOC is not just at odds with the IBA but also with some of the Olympic Movement’s most important federations like World Athletics and World Aquatics. Unlike the IOC, these federations are determined to prioritise fairness and the preservation of the female category for female athletes.

Where do we go from here?

The Khelif and Lin cases demonstrate that everyone loses out when the eligibility rules are not firmly set in a way that’s consistent with the goals of the competition category. The firestorm this issue regularly and predictably causes, and the consequent damage to the organisations and athletes involved, should catalyse change. Continuing to push the matter away—as the IBA and other federations, including most prominently FIFA, have done over the years—only means that further ugly controversies will arise in the future.

I will close by reiterating the three basic points that I and other experts in girls’ and women’s sport have been making for a long time.

First, the female category in elite sport has no  raison d’être  apart from the biological sex differences that lead to sex differences in performance and the gap between the top male and female athletes. The suggestion that we could choose to rationalise the category differently—for instance, on the basis of self-declared gender identity—or that we could make increasingly numerous exceptions in the interests of inclusion (as the IOC seems to have done to allow Khelif and Lin to compete in Paris) has no legs outside of certain progressive enclaves.

Second, any eligibility standard—like the IOC’s framework—that denies or disregards sex-linked biology is necessarily category-defeating.

Finally, federations that are committed to the female category and to one-for-one equality for their female athletes must step up and do two things. They must craft evidence-based rules and then stick to them consistently. And they must seriously embrace other opportunities to welcome gender diversity within their sports.

This article has been updated to include a reference and link to Alan Abrahamson’s report.

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