thesis statement for reproductive rights

10 Essential Essays About Women’s Reproductive Rights

“Reproductive rights” let a person decide whether they want to have children, use contraception, or terminate a pregnancy. Reproductive rights also include access to sex education and reproductive health services. Throughout history, the reproductive rights of women in particular have been restricted. Girls and women today still face significant challenges. In places that have seen reproductive rights expand, protections are rolling back. Here are ten essential essays about reproductive rights:

“Our Bodies, Ourselves: Reproductive Rights”

bell hooks Published in Feminism Is For Everyone (2014)

This essay opens strong: when the modern feminism movement started, the most important issues were the ones linked to highly-educated and privileged white women. The sexual revolution led the way, with “free love” as shorthand for having as much sex as someone wanted with whoever they wanted. This naturally led to the issue of unwanted pregnancies. Birth control and abortions were needed.

Sexual freedom isn’t possible without access to safe, effective birth control and the right to safe, legal abortion. However, other reproductive rights like prenatal care and sex education were not as promoted due to class bias. Including these other rights more prominently might have, in hooks’ words, “galvanized the masses.” The right to abortion in particular drew the focus of mass media. Including other reproductive issues would mean a full reckoning about gender and women’s bodies. The media wasn’t (and arguably still isn’t) ready for that.

“Racism, Birth Control, and Reproductive Rights”

Angela Davis Published in Women, Race, & Class (1981)

Davis’ essay covers the birth control movement in detail, including its race-based history. Davis argues that birth control always included racism due to the belief that poor women (specifically poor Black and immigrant women) had a “moral obligation” to birth fewer children. Race was also part of the movement from the beginning because only wealthy white women could achieve the goals (like more economic and political freedom) driving access to birth control.

In light of this history, Davis emphasizes that the fight for reproductive freedom hasn’t led to equal victories. In fact, the movements driving the gains women achieved actively neglected racial inequality. One clear example is how reproductive rights groups ignored forced sterilization within communities of color. Davis ends her essay with a call to end sterilization abuse.

“Reproductive Justice, Not Just Rights”

Dorothy Roberts Published in Dissent Magazine (2015)

Dorothy Roberts, author of Killing the Black Body and Fatal Invention , describes attending the March for Women’s Lives. She was especially happy to be there because co-sponsor SisterSong (a collective founded by 16 organizations led by women of color) shifted the focus from “choice” to “social justice.” Why does this matter? Roberts argues that the rhetoric of “choice” favors women who have options that aren’t available to low-income women, especially women of color. Conservatives face criticism for their stance on reproductive rights, but liberals also cause harm when they frame birth control as the solution to global “overpopulation” or lean on fetal anomalies as an argument for abortion choice.

Instead of “the right to choose,” a reproductive justice framework is necessary. This requires a living wage, universal healthcare, and prison abolition. Reproductive justice goes beyond the current pro-choice/anti-choice rhetoric that still favors the privileged.

“The Color of Choice: White Supremacy and Reproductive Justice”

Loretta J. Ross, SisterSong Published in Color of Violence: The INCITE! Anthology (2016)

White supremacy in the United States has always created different outcomes for its ethnic populations. The method? Population control. Ross points out that even a glance at reproductive politics in the headlines makes it clear that some women are encouraged to have more children while others are discouraged. Ross defines “reproductive justice,” which goes beyond the concept of “rights.” Reproductive justice is when reproductive rights are “embedded in a human rights and social justice framework.”

In the essay, Ross explores topics like white supremacy and population control on both the right and left sides of politics. She acknowledges that while the right is often blunter in restricting women of color and their fertility, white supremacy is embedded in both political aisles. The essay closes with a section on mobilizing for reproductive justice, describing SisterSong (where Ross is a founding member) and the March for Women’s Lives in 2004.

“Abortion Care Is Not Just For Cis Women”

Sachiko Ragosta Published in Ms. Magazine (2021)

Cisgender women are the focus of abortion and reproductive health services even though nonbinary and trans people access these services all the time. In their essay, Ragosta describes the criticism Ibis Reproductive Health received when it used the term “pregnant people.” The term alienates women, the critics said, but acting as if only cis women need reproductive care is simply inaccurate. As Ragosta writes, no one is denying that cis women experience pregnancy. The reaction to more inclusive language around pregnancy and abortion reveals a clear bias against trans people.

Normalizing terms like “pregnant people” help spaces become more inclusive, whether it’s in research, medical offices, or in day-to-day life. Inclusiveness leads to better health outcomes, which is essential considering the barriers nonbinary and gender-expansive people face in general and sexual/reproductive care.

“We Cannot Leave Black Women, Trans People, and Gender Expansive People Behind: Why We Need Reproductive Justice”

Karla Mendez Published in Black Women Radicals

Mendez, a freelance writer and (and the time of the essay’s publication) a student studying Interdisciplinary Studies, Political Science, and Women’s and Gender Studies, responds to the Texas abortion ban. Terms like “reproductive rights” and “abortion rights” are part of the mainstream white feminist movement, but the benefits of birth control and abortions are not equal. Also, as the Texas ban shows, these benefits are not secure. In the face of this reality, it’s essential to center Black people of all genders.

In her essay, Mendez describes recent restrictive legislation and the failure of the reproductive rights movement to address anti-Blackness, transphobia, food insecurity, and more. Groups like SisterSong have led the way on reproductive justice. As reproductive rights are eroded in the United States, the reproductive rights movement needs to focus on justice.

“Gee’s Bend: A Reproductive Justice Quilt Story From the South”

Mary Lee Bendolph Published in Radical Reproductive Justice (2017)

One of Mary Lee Bendolph’s quilt designs appears as the cover of Radical Reproductive Justice. She was one of the most important strip quilters associated with Gee’s Bend, Alabama. During the Civil Rights era, the 700 residents of Gee’s Bend were isolated and found it hard to vote or gain educational and economic power outside the village. Bendolph’s work didn’t become well-known outside her town until the mid-1990s.

Through an interview by the Souls Grown Foundation, we learn that Bendolph didn’t receive any sex education as a girl. When she became pregnant in sixth grade, she had to stop attending school. “They say it was against the law for a lady to go to school and be pregnant,” she said, because it would influence the other kids. “Soon as you have a baby, you couldn’t never go to school again.”

“Underground Activists in Brazil Fight for Women’s Reproductive Rights”

Alejandra Marks Published in The North American Congress on Latin America (2021)

While short, this essay provides a good introduction to abortion activism in Brazil, where abortion is legal only in the case of rape, fetal anencephaly, or when a woman’s life is at risk. The reader meets “Taís,” a single mother faced with an unwanted pregnancy. With no legal options, she researched methods online, including teas and pills. She eventually connected with a lawyer and activist who walked her through using Cytotec, a medication she got online. The activist stayed on the phone while Taís completed her abortion at home.

For decades, Latin American activists have helped pregnant people get abortion medications while wealthy Brazilians enter private clinics or travel to other countries. Government intimidation makes activism risky, but the stakes are high. Hundreds of Brazilians die each year from dangerous abortion methods. In the past decade, religious conservatives in Congress have blocked even mild reform. Even if a new president is elected, Brazil’s abortion rights movement will fight an uphill battle.

“The Ambivalent Activist”

Lauren Groff Published in Fight of the Century: Writers Reflect on 100 years of Landmark ACLU Cases (2020)

Before Roe v. Wade, abortion regulation around the country was spotty. 37 states still had near-bans on the procedure while only four states had repealed anti-abortion laws completely. In her essay, Groff summarizes the case in accessible, engaging prose. The “Jane Roe” of the case was Norma McCorvey. When she got pregnant, she’d already had two children, one of whom she’d given up for adoption. McCorvey couldn’t access an abortion provider because the pregnancy didn’t endanger her life. She eventually connected with two attorneys: Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee. In 1973 on January 2, the Supreme Court ruled 7-2 that abortion was a fundamental right.

Norma McCorvey was a complicated woman. She later became an anti-choice activist (in an interview released after her death, she said Evangelical anti-choice groups paid her to switch her position), but as Groff writes, McCorvey had once been proud that it was her case that gave women bodily autonomy.

“The Abortion I Didn’t Want”

Caitlin McDonnell Published in Salon (2015) and Choice Words: Writers on Abortion (2020)

While talking about abortion is less demonized than in the past, it’s still fairly unusual to hear directly from people who’ve experienced it. It’s certainly unusual to hear more complicated stories. Caitlin McDonnell, a poet and teacher from Brooklyn, shares her experience. In clear, raw prose, this piece brings home what can be an abstract “issue” for people who haven’t experienced it or been close to someone who has.

In debates about abortion rights, those who carry the physical and emotional effects are often neglected. Their complicated feelings are weaponized to serve agendas or make judgments about others. It’s important to read essays like McDonnell’s and hear stories as nuanced and multi-faceted as humans themselves.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

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Reproductive Rights, Reproductive Justice: Redefining Challenges to Create Optimal Health for All Women

Chukwudi onwuachi-saunders , md, mph, que p dang , mph, jedidah murray , bs.

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The World Health Organization (WHO) defines reproductive health as the state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and to its functions and processes. Reproductive Justice is the complete physical, mental, spiritual, political, social, and economic wellbeing of women and girls, based on the full achievement and protection of women’s human rights. While these concepts are similar, the latter was an approach that grew out of the need to better articulate the language and realities of women of color as it related to sexual and reproductive health issues. The current U.S. reproductive health agenda is polarized to a choice or abortion issue without any alignment to other issues that predominantly impact women of color within the reproductive health framework. This article acknowledges the history and challenges of reproductive health and rights, while offering a non-polarized, more inclusive ethical course of action, using an optimal health approach with new alliances for the reproductive justice movement today.

Keywords: reproductive justice, reproductive health, reproductive rights, women of color, women, girls, optimal health, health justice

Introduction

The 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (lCPD) in Cairo and the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing (FWCW) debated and redefined focus within the reproductive health arena. The Platform for Action and the Beijing Declaration (documents) from the conferences created an enabling national and international political environment for reproductive health. They altered the language about population and family planning issues to include human rights and intensified the interest and participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), governments and institutions worldwide in reproductive health issues ( The First World Conference on Women, 1995 ).

Including NGOs made certain that strategies were derived from consistently “listening to the voices of those closest to the ground and most importantly ensuring that programming was relevant and sensitive to community conditions and cultural norms” ( Seibert, Stridh-Igo, & Zimmerman, 2002 ).

Before attending the ICPD, a group of black women in Chicago coined the term reproductive justice, defined as the complete physical, mental, spiritual, political, social and economic wellbeing of women and girls, based on the full achievement and protection of women’s human rights ( Ross, 2007 ). This was done out of the need to better articulate the language and realities of women of color as it related to sexual and reproductive health issues and rights. Following this, in the late 90s, the Ford Foundation funded a collective of women of color –led NGOs, called SisterSong, the cornerstone for reproductive justice programming. Twenty years later, this concept or broad lens is still limited in its use to guide programming and advocacy efforts within the reproductive health arena.

Today, the U.S. reproductive health agenda is polarized around choice on abortion issue without any alignment to other issues within the reproductive health framework. This paper highlights a brief history of reproductive rights and the challenges faced as these rights evolved into the reproductive justice movement. It goes on to encourage the reproductive justice movement to adopt an even broader framework of optimal health steeped in theories that advocate for women to embrace their feminine power, a more inclusive and ethical fit for women’s health. This new framework will generate a new movement that will create fresh language, identify new allies, foster nontraditional partnerships and strengthen the capacity of the reproductive justice/optimal health movement so it fully reflects the voices of all women.

Reproductive Justice Context and History

During the 1950s and 60s, philanthropic and international development organizations focused mainly on population and reproduction. Efforts were made to better understand the causes, characteristics and consequences of the population growth trends facing developing countries. Demography was developed as an independent discipline (establishing centers for graduate study) and research was supported in reproductive and contraceptive development. Broad discussions on population policies and assistance were held to better define the design and delivery of family planning programs overseas.

The 1980s involved funding model projects to provide education and facilitate safe, affordable and effective contraceptive use and abortion services if necessary. The focus was on disadvantaged women who chose to have children safely and ensure the safe and healthy development of all children (maternal and child health programs). There was also an increased emphasis on factors influencing the demand for family planning with regard to women’s development, cultural references in developing effective population policies and increased efforts on migration/refugee issues.

The 1990s saw a conceptual shift from family planning to reproductive health and a women-centered, rights-based focus. Within this decade organizations helped emphasize the cultural and economic factors affecting reproductive health (high fertility, poor maternal health and STD/AIDS spread). They also paid special attention to disadvantaged women in developing countries through their reproductive life cycle, supported efforts against STDs/AIDS, and addressed the special needs of adolescents. The main feature of this new focus was to strengthen social science research and training to expand knowledge about the socioeconomic factors affecting reproductive health.

Funding was provided for projects that helped women articulate and act on their reproductive health needs both within the family and at the community and policy levels. This support also promoted public discussion aimed at developing ethical and legal frameworks for reproductive health appropriate to the culture and traditions of different societies. The late 1990s saw the inclusion of sexuality as integral to reproductive health.

The 1994 ICPD in Cairo shifted the emphasis from governmental aims to limit population growth to individual decision-making in reproductive health. The narrow definitions and scope of family planning programming (pregnancy and contraceptives) were expanded holistically to include an individual’s comprehensive needs (reproductive intent, contraceptive availability, client choice and satisfaction). Along these lines the inherent holistic concept of choice was reaffirmed to include freedom to decide when and whether to have children. A woman’s reproductive health was now placed within the structure of reproductive rights and empowerment i.e. accounting for power imbalances and the degree to which women’s choices are constrained. Women played a vital role in national development and had the right to control their fertility. They had the right to participate in providing direction in the formulation of policies that impacted the political, social and economic realms of their health and therefore their existence ( United Nations Population Fund (UNPF), 1994 ).

This conference and the FWCW the following year, expounded on principles that redefined sexual and reproductive health and rights programming for all women around the globe. New principles of thought, along with altering the language around population and family planning issues to include rights, helped to intensify the interest and participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), governments and institutions worldwide in reproductive health issues ( The First World Conference on Women, 1995 ).

Unfortunately, in the United States the globally endorsed action plan did not frame sexual and reproductive health and rights programming. Instead, efforts remained fragmented and unidirectional, i.e. pro-choice.

The subsequent meetings, ICPD (1999) and Beijing Plus Five (2000) discussed progress and obstacles to implementation of the initial action plans. Both conferences highlighted that action was still needed to guarantee women their human rights. Steps were required to implement much of what was written. There was still limited demonstration of the understanding of a women’s reproductive health and its link to other issues that affected her health, rights and empowerment.

The important advances resulting from the Plus Five experiences included more female activists as members of government delegations than ever before. Another was the agreement that all forms of violence against women would be treated as a criminal offense, including marital rape. Governments re-affirmed the indicators and time-bound targets on sexual and reproductive health and stated that adolescents especially girls should also have access to sexual and reproductive health services including sexuality and life skills education.

In 1997 the Ford Foundation funded an initiative on reproductive health. Sixteen (four African American, four Asian American/Pacific Islander, four Latina and four Native American) U.S. community based organizations (CBOs) led by women of color were supported in an attempt to promote research and advocacy on reproductive tract infections (RTIs) faced by women of color ( SisterSong, 1997 ).

RTIs were chosen because of their contribution to the major health problems of women. Often undiagnosed until more severe complications arise, these preventable and treatable infections are responsible for the mortality of thousands of women each year through their association with cervical cancer, unsafe deliveries and septic abortions. The high rates of RTIs are also associated with interrelated socio-cultural, biological, and economic factors including poverty, low social status, low levels of education, racism, rapid urbanization, etc. The synergistic effects of these factors are known to reduce women’s decision-making power over their own sexuality and constrain their ability to seek quality reproductive care, thus contributing to poor reproductive health.

The initiative called The Women of Color Reproductive Health Collective or SisterSong (Loretta Ross, Dazon Dixon Diallo leading grantees) was a three-year effort to support these organizations to identify common concerns and needs and develop a plan of action for prevention and early treatment of RTIs within their communities. It also focused on identity and ethnicity and its intersections/linkages as to how women approach health and reproductive issues. The 16 organizations represented the different facets of reproductive health programming (prevention, HIV/AIDS services, midwifery, substance abuse, human/health rights advocacy, self-help care, and reproductive rights). The Collective through shared learning served as an enhanced voice to bring awareness and action to improve the reproductive health of women of color.

The Collective highlighted the need to recognize health and reproductive health as human rights issues impacted by social, political, cultural and economic factors. This broad definition of reproductive rights was revealed at the ICPD and FWCW and had been repeatedly voiced by women of color in the U.S and globally.

This broader concept now called reproductive justice was not an opposing one to the present day pro-choice/reproductive rights movement. In fact, it was inclusive. This renewed definition served to repeatedly highlight that the health and rights of women could never be analyzed without taking into consideration the «holistic» reality of a woman’s existence.

Reproductive justice is defined as the complete physical, mental, spiritual, political, social and economic wellbeing of women and girls, based on the full achievement and protection of women’s human rights ( Ross, 2007 ; Ross, Solinger, 2017 ).

The Women of African Descent for Reproductive Justice in Chicago coined this definition in June of 1994, before the ICPD in Cairo (Loretta Ross and Toni M. Bond organizers). Recognizing that the current reproductive rights movement led by middle class white women was not inclusive of minority, low income, and other marginalized women, this group of African American women started the movement of Reproductive Justice. Reproductive Justice began when the group published a statement with over 800 signatures in the Washington Post and Roll Call. Thus, acting as a catalysis for Sister Song ( SisterSong, 1997 ).

To date, SisterSong is the only national coalition in the U.S. consisting of women of color organizations working to ensure reproductive justice for communities of color” ( SisterSong, 1997 ). SisterSong believes that they have the right and responsibility to represent themselves and their communities, and the equally compelling need to advance the perspectives of women of color. They know that they can do more collectively than they can do individually. Headquartered in Atlanta, they are a blend of both young and experienced activists, academic and community scholars, grassroots and national organizations ( SisterSong, 1997 ).

Recently, two additional movements that have brought attention to women’s reproductive issues are the #MeToo movement, and the Women’s March. The #MeToo movement was founded in 2006 by Tarana Burke to help survivors of sexual violence find healing, particularly black women and girls and other young women of color from low economic communities. What began as a hashtag to spread awareness became popularized when several celebrities began to use the hashtag and spread word about the movement via their social media pages. An important turning point of the #MeToo movement came when men, and members of the LGBTQ+ communities shared their experiences. The goal of the #MeToo movement is to reframe and expand the global conversation around sexual violence to speak to the needs of a broader spectrum of survivors ( MeToo, 2006 ).

The Women’s March began on social media. Teresa Shook stated that a pro-woman march was necessary in reaction to Trump’s presidential win. In 2017, the first full day of President Donald Trump’s presidency hundreds of thousands of people gathered in the nation’s capital for the Women’s March on Washington. On the same day, many other women and supporters of the march gathered in other cities and states. The Women’s March centered around eight principles–ending violence, ensuring reproductive rights, LGBTQIA rights, workers’ rights, civil rights, disability rights, immigrant rights, and environmental justice ( Women’s March, 2017 ).

While these movements have brought awareness to those who identify as women and those effected by women’s issues, they do not address that comprehensive reproductive health care and sexual and reproductive rights are «vital human and social assets within a broader developmental agenda to reduce poverty and injustice» ( Ford Foundation, 2001 ). The agenda, defined by SisterSong highlighting the importance of the reproductive justice movement, is often overlooked in the mainstream media. Unfortunately, the agenda and access to these assets still are impacted by the inter-relationship of race, culture, gender, class and political factors thus the continuous neglect of women of color and others from low socioeconomic backgrounds.

Reproductive health and rights have become a well-established field both domestically and internationally. Key national and international organizations (i.e., International Planned Parenthood Association, NARAL-Pro Choice America, Center for Reproductive Rights, National Abortion Federation) help to form a widespread network of activism that has contributed to the visibility and progress of women’s health by engaging in political advocacy, advocating for funding appropriations and demanding increased and improved reproductive health programming. Despite these well-established networks and programming efforts there are still challenges to overcome.

Leading reproductive health organizations in the U.S. have minimally or not at all incorporated reproductive justice into their programming. They have continued to not effectively engage women of color in representation, leadership development or promotion, programmatic design, implementation or evaluation. Many of these organizations believed and argued that women of color were complacent on issues related to their reproductive health and rights. These fail to recognize that although organizing around reproductive health issues have been difficult for these women there has been long standing activism in communities of color on these issues even within the abortion rights movement. Even when women of color become involved with these organizations, they invariably fail to have a significant influence on the organizations’ agenda because it speaks to mainstream needs ( Bond, 2001 ).

There remains institutional limitations within well-established reproductive health organizations around cultural or racial/ethnic diversity. While many of these organizations have been funded over the years to diversify and have women of color in leadership roles, there has been limited success in this effort. Many have placed their focus on board representation. This does not guarantee the adequate level of diversity on the professional staff level where programmatic focus, strategic planning, evaluation and networks are concentrated.

In order to counter the adversity of the challenges, strategies need to be derived from consistently “listening to the voices of those closest to the ground, enabling self-defined needs to guide decisions, and most importantly ensuring that programming is relevant and sensitive to community conditions and cultural norms” ( Seibert, Stridh-Igo, & Zimmerman, 2002 ). The reasons are obvious. Those closest to the issues have the solutions and must advocate for those solutions thus creating social change. However social change can only occur through strong ethical leadership supported by strong organizations with visions, missions, capacity, strategic partnerships and alliances that reflect all members of the community.

In 2013 GuideStar (the largest source of up-to-date information on nonprofits) presented an article entitled “New Rankings Announced: Top 25 National Reproductive Health, Rights and Justice Nonprofits.” These were organizations identified as having an impact on multiple levels. Of the 25, four were using a reproductive justice lens to influence their work and four were led by a woman of color (SisterSong, National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health, National Network of Abortion Funds, and Forward Together) ( Morrow, 2013 ).

This report also offers insights from experts on issues within the nonprofits (i.e. impact, other organizational strengths,) and how to improve them. SisterSong received favorable comments for leadership, innovativeness, networking, justice and equity. But under organizational areas of improvements, the comments included: “needs technical assistance, not stable in finances and staffing/operations.” All too familiar repeated statements made about CBOs’ capacity especially those led by women of color.

Today when using GuideStar to search for “reproductive rights” nonprofits the yield is 3,387 organizations. If the search uses the words “reproductive justice” 1,234 organizations are identified. If the exclusion criteria, “only organizations that have provided data on diversity, equity and inclusion”, is applied the results yield, 42 organizations for reproductive rights and only 12 for reproductive justice.

Today, the U.S. reproductive health agenda both nationally and locally, largely because of the efforts to overturn Roe versus Wade, remains polarized to a choice or abortion issue without any alignment to other issues within the reproductive health framework. Women of color have often voiced that the mainstream reproductive rights framework, which addresses legal issues, is mainly one-dimensional with no consideration for the broader issues within their communities (e.g. limited or no access to health services especially prenatal care, Medicaid expansion, hysterectomies, pregnancy-related deaths, poverty, interpersonal violence, STDs/AIDS, environmental injustices, mental health issues, etc.) which impact their reproductive health and rights on a daily basis.

A more recent display of extreme infringement on women’s reproductive rights and justice are the impending abortion laws adopted in multiple states such as Alabama, Georgia, Ohio, Missouri and Mississippi. Each passed abortion bans for nearly all-reproductive scenarios with limited exceptions (if the pregnant person’s life is at risk, or if the abortion is before six weeks of pregnancy (“heartbeat bills”)). While these bans are fundamentally unsound, unsafe and unethical, this extreme agenda pushed by ill-informed and buffoonery politicians disregards the entire paradigm of why women seek abortions in the first place (i.e., rape, incest, emergency life threatening conditions, etc.).

Unfortunately, many of these efforts are initially generated in states within the existing Bible Belt and extremely conservative religion theology undermines the bans. These states, and others considering adopting similar policies, have large powerful conservative religious populations and politicians. This is another clear example of how religion has been used repeatedly as a means of controlling, disempowering, and dominating women and girls for centuries.

Health is the physical, mental, spiritual and social wellbeing of an individual and access to it is a human right. Thus, services such as abortion, the method by which one can choose not to reproduce is embedded within a woman’s right to access health services and is a fundamental human right However, for it to have become the central and only theme of reproductive health represents an extremely myopic view of a woman’s human right to comprehensive reproductive health care. This approach although targeting power imbalances does not consider the degree to which women of color choices are constrained.

Bell Hooks, a black feminist, expounded on this when she wrote in 1999: “highlighting abortion rather than reproductive rights as a whole reflected the class biases of the women who were at the front of the movement.” ‘While the issue of abortion was and remains relevant to all women, there were other reproductive issues that were just as vital which needed attention and might have served to galvanize the masses.” ... “Ongoing discussion about the wide range of issues that come under the heading of reproductive rights is needed if females of all ages and our male allies in the struggle are to understand why these rights are important. This understanding is the basis of our commitment to keeping reproductive rights a reality for all females” (Hooks, 1999).

Today the approach termed “reproductive rights” or “reproductive justice” continues to conjure up preconceived thoughts and beliefs that have become even more polarized. Unfortunately, due to this polarization, individuals instantly take a stance for (choice) or against (prolife) this vital health issue with limited knowledge and understanding.

A New Ethical Course of Action

The few women-led organizations that have adopted a reproductive justice framework for their programming efforts are laudable. They are more likely to develop the interventions or strategies needed to shift the continuous burden of poor health outcomes among women and girls especially those of color. Unfortunately, due to limited complete data and escalating poor health outcomes, it is obvious that they cannot keep doing the same thing nor do it alone. Women’s health and wellness is an overpowering issue.

Therefore, to minimize the effects of losing any more ground and capitalizing on the opportunities, a new course of action or promising next steps would be to broaden the reproductive justice framework and embrace and advocate for “optimal health” for all women and girls regardless of socio-cultural or economic limitations.

Optimal health defined by the late John T. Chissell, MD is the “best possible emotional, intellectual, physical, spiritual and socio-economic aliveness that one can attain” (Chissell, 1998). It is a continuous journey versus a destination. In his work, Dr Chissell offers an Afrocentric approach or playbook to achieving optimal health that is relevant today. Dr Chissell’s definition of optimal health is similar to that for reproductive justice and offers an expanded focus with steps. This expanded focus can enhance the existing reproductive justice framework, amplify the language and shift the paradigm to one of total wellness while offering steps for action.

Focusing on optimal health as the next level of the women’s reproductive justice movement would eliminate polarized language, silos, unidirectional programming, selective funding efforts and the myopic focus of mainstream organizations that still haunts the reproductive justice movement. A new broadened framework will produce new dialogue, engender innovative solutions, foster new partnerships and strengthen existing ones. This new agenda termed “optimal health justice” or simply “heath justice” advocates for complete wellness.

This framework will be grounded in two major theories. The first is Womanism. Created by Alice Walker, Womanism is defined as – “... the opposite of frivolous, the cultivation of community, the demand of love- ...a woman who LOVES herself unconditionally or a form of feminism that emphasizes women’s natural contribution to society” ( Walker, 1983 ).

The second is the theory of the “divine feminine.” The divine feminine is defined as – “one’s powerful inner energy that represents the feminine side of self or consciousness. It is energy that is- present, loving, nurturing, creative, intuitive, kind, empathic, community focused, collaborative, flexible, sensual (in touch with feelings versus thinking or intellect)” ( Cromwell, 2017 ).

Both schools of thought offer an innovative and even broader framework for action. Together with all women and their allies these theories will aid and sustain a movement that will target the social, political, economic, spiritual and cultural factors that perpetuate poor health outcomes among all women and girls living in the U.S.

New thoughts and frameworks nurture new partnerships. Possible new allies and nontraditional partners for sustained action of this optimal health framework is the religion and spirituality domains. Noted earlier, religion is and has been closely aligned with conservative political ideology that is often anti-choice, lacks understanding of and is non-supportive of comprehensive reproductive health care. But this new framework must consider religion and spirituality as necessary allies. Women and girls operate within these arenas and they too have poor health outcomes.

Spiritual wellbeing is an integral component of an optimal health model. The faith community, both traditional (e.g. Black Churches), and non-denominational (e.g. Buddhist, Interdenominational entities) can clearly speak in support of this new approach and not sanction opposing rhetoric or unprecedented extreme bans on essential health care (i.e. abortions). Progressive and conservative religion/spiritual voices must be encouraged and welcomed thus ensuring inclusivity, sustainability and success ( Goodstein, 2007 ).

Visibly calling for and collaborating with males or partners in a movement targeting women and their optimal health is delicate but essential. The role of men and partners must be defined and welcomed. They may highlight missing keys to multiple insights, solutions and interventions. Women do not exist in isolation. They thrive in healthy relationships with others in communities. Having strategic input and involvement from those they are in relationships with would be innovative. Also partnering with male dominated institutions (e.g. Teamsters Union, 100 Black Men, etc.) would be even more innovative ( Funk, 2007 ).

Other strong nontraditional partners to foster new relationships with could include 1199 Hospital Workers, Teacher Union, Social Workers, Nurses, American Medical Association (AMA), National Medical Association (NMA), Black Lives Matter, etc. Each could contribute to strengthening the movement and ensuring it is sustained and successful.

This broader framework will need a new paradigm of research involving researchers and community practitioners working in concert with the community (a Communiversity) to evaluate and support capacity building assistance within cultural contexts. Reinforcing the sustainability and institutional capacity of community-based organizations involved in this new movement will entail offering capacity building assistance that includes relationship building, board development, program implementation, linking local strategies to national efforts, evaluation, training, organizational growth/development/adaptability and funding.

Due to the threats to women’s health and rights under the current conservative political climate there could not be a more pertinent time to support reproductive justice efforts by broadening the focus and engaging in optimal health justice advocacy. Forging a new paradigm by embracing an optimal health approach and partnering with new and nontraditional allies (i.e., religion, spirituality, men, others) can only build and reinforce the capacity for a stronger, more inclusive and effective optimal health justice movement for all women and girls. Inclusive involvement is essential to nourish this new ethical framework, propel relevant advocacy efforts, reinforce its capacity and sustain it to ensure its success on the local, state and national levels.

Authors’ Note

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors alone. They do not reflect the official opinion of any institutions that the authors serve. The authors have no financial conflicts of interest.

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Statement: Reproductive rights are women’s rights and human rights

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Reproductive rights are integral to women’s rights, a fact that is upheld by international agreements and reflected in law in different parts of the world.

To be able to exercise their human rights and make essential decisions, women need to be able to decide freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their children and to have access to information, education, and services.

When safe and legal access to abortion is restricted, women are forced to resort to less-safe methods, too often with damaging or disastrous results—especially for women who are affected by poverty or marginalization, including minority women.

The ability of women to control what happens to their own bodies is also associated with the roles women are able to play in society, whether as a member of the family, the workforce, or government.

UN Women remains steadfast in our determination to ensure that the rights of women and girls are fully observed and enjoyed worldwide, and we look forward to continued evidence-based engagement with our partners everywhere in support of rapid progress towards universal enjoyment of universal rights.

• Sexual and reproductive health and rights
• Women’s rights
• Human rights

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The Importance of Women's Reproductive Rights

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21 Reproductive Rights: A Solution, Not a Political Issue

A Solution, Not a Political Issue

Margaret M. Davis

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The intent of Davis’s essay is clear: women should be in control of their own reproductive rights. Davis uses a combination of research and personal anecdotes to illustrate the negative impacts for women without reproductive rights and highlights those fighting for these rights. The images provided throughout the essay are effective in playing with formatting and stretching the limits of what a standard academic essay can look like. One of the most interesting aspects of this piece is Davis’s use of social media (Facebook in particular) as a form of research material. Davis observes that people use social media to create a conversation where “each person contributes their own voices to the dialogue at hand.” In doing so, Davis emphasizes how social media becomes a means for advocacy where the public are social writers.

Margaret Davis

ENGLWRIT 112: College Writing

Day Month Year

Reproductive Rights: A Solution, Not a Political Issue

The right to have a family, be given information on where to get help, and decide what to do with one’s own body should not be something a woman has to fight for. The World Health Organization defines reproductive rights as “the recognition of the basic right of all couples and individuals to decide freely and responsibly the number, spacing and timing of their children and to have the information and means to do so, and the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” (“Reproductive Health”). For women, these rights sometimes include: the right to legal and safe abortion, the right to birth control, the right to education and access in order to make free and informed choices, and many more. Yet what seem like basic rights women should have are, in fact, not actually enforced.

Many of the current policies for reproductive rights are at the state level, but President Trump has taken away some of these rights altogether. President Trump and the administration he appointed in the Department of Health and Human Services issued new rules making it no longer mandatory for health care insurance to cover birth control, claiming 99.9% of women will be unaffected by this change, even though over 55 million women have access to birth control for free because access to it is mandatory as stated by existing policies (Goldstein et al.). President Trump described it as stripping the new health care bill of “essential benefits” in an aim to repeal Obamacare (Pear et al.). His words are only directed to the beneficiaries of this policy and states this is a “win for religious liberty,” yet he completely ignores the female employees that this mandate will affect (Pear et al.). What is even more concerning is that women are not involved in making these decisions. People retweeted a picture of President Trump, along with former White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus; Director of the National Trade Council Peter Navarro; President Trump’s advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner; Senior Advisor to the President Stephen Miller; and former White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon, reinstituting the global gag rule removing U.S. funding to any organizations in developing nations that offer abortions even if the organization provides those services with their own funding (Nikolau) (see fig.1). Although this issue expands further than just birth control and covering abortion rights or other means of preventative care, this issue affects 50% of the population making it a huge concern for many.

Reproductive rights should not be a political issue; it should be a solution for all women and their decision to do what they want with their bodies. As a young woman, I fear what President Trump and his administration might do to many of my rights. President Trump has made it no longer mandatory for insurance companies to provide women with birth control coverage and is trying to ban abortions for good. I decided to get the arm implant as a form of birth control and without insurance coverage, the device and the procedure would cost over a thousand dollars. For many, including myself, birth control is not only used to prevent unintentional pregnancies, but to manage period symptoms. Many men do not see birth control as necessary, but for some women, it is a treatment for health conditions such as premenstrual dysmorphic disorder or endometriosis. Because of President Trump’s new insurance policy, millions of women will be paying out of pocket for something to simply ease their daily life or make their periods even somewhat bearable. I remember many of my friends rushing to get some form of birth control right after Trump was elected before he could change the insurance policies. It was astonishing to see so many women scared for something that seems like such a basic right. It was an eye-opener for me because I never thought some of these basic rights about my body could be threatened until then. This policy is important for not only me, but half the world’s population – even if they are not under President Trump’s administration. The right to make choices for one’s own body is not ever something that should be debated by a room of a handful of men. Even in a developing nation, women should never feel their bodies are being controlled by anyone but themselves, which the current policies at hand are overstepping.

I searched Facebook for posts regarding reproductive rights around 2016 to the present, and I found three main types of posts: personal stories, concerns for the future, and posts educating the public. The message of each of those stories was the same though: reproductive rights is a choice they should have no matter what. The majority of the personal stories and concerns I found were specifically in the Facebook group, “Pantsuit Nation.” This group is a safe space for many women (and some men) to post their stories and their concerns to share with over a million others around the world. One example is a story posted by Holly Rawlings (see fig. 2). Rawlings includes personal details about the decisions she faced and what factors contributed to the decision she made in the end. Stories like these using emotional appeal get both women and men reacting and supporting the person posting. Many others in Pantsuit Nation have posted their stories about going through abortions (some legal, some not) and how the legal issues around it impacted their lives for better or for worse. Other stories included how birth control has saved their lives quite literally for health reasons. By posting as a Facebook post specifically in Pantsuit Nation rather than a tweet or on their wall, these women open up completely allowing the audience to be impacted more by their words.

The other type of posts I saw were about the public’s concerns about new policies regarding women’s rights and other politicians trying to educate the public about what is really happening. Judy Gumbo Albert voices her concern and asks people to support Planned Parenthood (see fig. 3). Albert, like many, is speaking out in order to gain support or voice an opinion. Some of the more educational posts, like one by Senator Elizabeth Warren, use the logical appeal and include facts like “Contraception not only prevents pregnancy and helps control health conditions – it gives women more chances to go to school, get jobs, create businesses, and grow our economy” (Warren). The logical appeal in conjunction with personal anecdotes of what society used to be like before all of the progress that has been made makes the reader critically reflect on the past and where we stand now. Their posts also seemed more hopeful, sometimes saying, “we must take action” or “we can’t go back to the days where women didn’t have these rights.” Again, using Facebook posts as their mediums allows the public to respond easily and voice their opinions. It is a less formal way of writing, but a conversation is still being had where each person contributes their own voices to the dialogue at hand.

After posting in Pantsuit Nation, over 3.5K people liked my post and 490 people have commented or responded to comments made (see fig. 4). Many of the comments were in agreement with my post saying, “Stay strong braveheart!” and “You go woman <3!” It was amazing to see that much support on a post that I was simply passionate about. It was also amazing to see the different perspectives people had. Women from different generations who lived during a time where birth control was illegal unless they were married responded. Other people also opened the conversation to the double standard for men: Viagra, a hormone regulator for men, is apparently covered by Medicaid. It was an astonishing experience to see in real time people adding their opinions to an existing conversation and how many women are impacted by the policy initiated by President Trump and his administration.

The right to make choices about one’s own body should never be questioned or threatened, but unfortunately, we are seeing this all around the world. Abortions, in particular, are an area of concern. Many pro-life supporters are shaming women about getting abortions, even if it is a life-threatening condition or they know they cannot support a child at that stage in their life. And when it is illegal, women still go through with abortions, only it typically is unsafe and can permanently injure them. In the most extreme, women have their boyfriends punch them in the stomach or insert knitting needles into their vagina, or even throw themselves down the stairs in order to miscarry. But the most effective way to reduce abortions is in fact to provide women effective birth control. Seems circular, right? That’s because it is. According to Planned Parenthood, over 2.2 million unplanned pregnancies are prevented each year from family planning services available through Medicaid and Title X of the Public Health Service Act, and the number of abortions in the U.S. would be two-thirds higher than it is now without these services. Millions of women are greatly impacted without these reproductive rights, and it should be a crime to let men dictate our access to basic health care.

Works Cited

Goldstein, Amy, et al. “Trump administration narrows Affordable Care Act’s contraceptive mandate.” The Washington Post , 6 Oct. 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/trump-administration-could-narrow-affordable-care-acts-contraception-mandate/2017/10/05/16139400-a9f0-11e7-92d1-58c702d2d975_story.html?utm_term=.ca7b622775aa .

Pear, Robert, et al. “Trump Administration Rolls Back Birth Control Mandate.” The New York Times , 6 Oct. 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/06/us/politics/trump-contraception-birth-control.html .

“Reproductive Health.” World Health Organization , 2018, http://www.who.int/topics/reproductive_health/en/ .

Warren, Elizabeth. Addressing President Trump’s attack on ACA’s birth control mandate. Facebook , 16 Oct. 2017, https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fsenatorelizabethwarren%2Fposts%2F863526300476531 .

Images Cited

Albert, Judy Gumbo. Concern about birth control to Pantsuit Nation. Facebook , 16 Nov. 2016, https://www.facebook.com/groups/pantsuitnation/permalink/1128652583899009/ .

Davis, Meg. Social Media Post to Pantsuit Nation. Facebook , 22 Apr. 2018, https://www.facebook.com/groups/pantsuitnation/permalink/1804665312964396/?comment_id=1810084122422515&reply_comment_id=1811223262308601&notif_id=1524768465620782&notif_t=group_comment&ref=notif .

Rawlings, Holly. Abortion story to Pantsuit Nation. Facebook , 17 May 2017, https://www.facebook.com/groups/pantsuitnation/permalink/1473303089433955/ .

Vucci, Evan. “President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office of the White House, Monday, Jan. 23, 2017, in Washington.” Humanosphere , 24 Jan. 2017, http://www.humanosphere.org/global-health/2017/01/trumps-gag-rule-endangers-the-lives-of-women-around-the-world/ .

UMass Amherst Writing Program Student Writing Anthology by Margaret M. Davis is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Reproductive Rights of Women: A Way to Gender Justice

37 Pages Posted: 16 Oct 2015

Hina Iliyas

Jamia Millia Islamia

Date Written: October 15, 2015

Women have been fighting the struggle for reproductive rights for centuries. Historically, these rights are an especially controversial subject due to the moral, ethical, and religious considerations. Do reproductive rights merely mean the right to reproduce? Or is the issue inextricably linked to the numerous questions that surround women’s reproductive freedom? The ability to reproduce seems to be what sets women apart from men. But do women have control over their own reproduction? Do women have the freedom to choose whether, when, and how many children to have? Do women have access to safe birth control methods? Do women have the right to safe abortion? Can sexuality be separated from reproduction? A big ‘NO’ in answer to many such questions led to the emergence of the women’s health movement in different parts of the world in the early 1970’s. It started as small ‘consciousness raising’ groups, which began by spreading awareness among women about the functioning of their bodies and gradually evolved into multi-faceted campaigns that have significantly influenced health policies in many countries. Human Rights are those rights, which should be available to every individual without any discrimination of any kind. Recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom. The most important right of a Human is the Right to Life. It is the supreme human right from which no derogation is permitted. It is inalienable. The Article 6(1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibit the arbitrary deprivation of life. But there are some controversial issues related to this supreme right. One such issue is the question of Right to abortion. Among other rights of women, it is believed that every mother has a right to abortion, it is a universal right. But the rights of the mother are to be balanced with the rights of the unborn. Earlier the right to abortion was not permitted and it was strongly opposed the society. The termination of pregnancy was termed to be a murder of the foetus. But due to the change in time and technology, nowadays this right has been legally sanctioned by most of the nations after the famous decision of Roe v. Wade by the US Supreme Court. But the oppositions are still present and people do believe that it should be legally prohibited. The question which is the reason for this discussion is -- whether a mother has a right to abortion vis-à-vis the right to life of the unborn. What are the International Instruments which sanction the right to abortion. What is the stand of India on this.

Keywords: reproduction, women, freedom, control, body, abortion

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Hina Iliyas (Contact Author)

Jamia millia islamia ( email ).

Centre for Management Studies OKHLA New Delhi, ID New Delhi India

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