thesis statement for reproductive rights

10 Essential Essays About Women’s Reproductive Rights

“Reproductive rights” let a person decide whether they want to have children, use contraception, or terminate a pregnancy. Reproductive rights also include access to sex education and reproductive health services. Throughout history, the reproductive rights of women in particular have been restricted. Girls and women today still face significant challenges. In places that have seen reproductive rights expand, protections are rolling back. Here are ten essential essays about reproductive rights:

“Our Bodies, Ourselves: Reproductive Rights”

bell hooks Published in Feminism Is For Everyone (2014)

This essay opens strong: when the modern feminism movement started, the most important issues were the ones linked to highly-educated and privileged white women. The sexual revolution led the way, with “free love” as shorthand for having as much sex as someone wanted with whoever they wanted. This naturally led to the issue of unwanted pregnancies. Birth control and abortions were needed.

Sexual freedom isn’t possible without access to safe, effective birth control and the right to safe, legal abortion. However, other reproductive rights like prenatal care and sex education were not as promoted due to class bias. Including these other rights more prominently might have, in hooks’ words, “galvanized the masses.” The right to abortion in particular drew the focus of mass media. Including other reproductive issues would mean a full reckoning about gender and women’s bodies. The media wasn’t (and arguably still isn’t) ready for that.

“Racism, Birth Control, and Reproductive Rights”

Angela Davis Published in Women, Race, & Class (1981)

Davis’ essay covers the birth control movement in detail, including its race-based history. Davis argues that birth control always included racism due to the belief that poor women (specifically poor Black and immigrant women) had a “moral obligation” to birth fewer children. Race was also part of the movement from the beginning because only wealthy white women could achieve the goals (like more economic and political freedom) driving access to birth control.

In light of this history, Davis emphasizes that the fight for reproductive freedom hasn’t led to equal victories. In fact, the movements driving the gains women achieved actively neglected racial inequality. One clear example is how reproductive rights groups ignored forced sterilization within communities of color. Davis ends her essay with a call to end sterilization abuse.

“Reproductive Justice, Not Just Rights”

Dorothy Roberts Published in Dissent Magazine (2015)

Dorothy Roberts, author of Killing the Black Body and Fatal Invention , describes attending the March for Women’s Lives. She was especially happy to be there because co-sponsor SisterSong (a collective founded by 16 organizations led by women of color) shifted the focus from “choice” to “social justice.” Why does this matter? Roberts argues that the rhetoric of “choice” favors women who have options that aren’t available to low-income women, especially women of color. Conservatives face criticism for their stance on reproductive rights, but liberals also cause harm when they frame birth control as the solution to global “overpopulation” or lean on fetal anomalies as an argument for abortion choice.

Instead of “the right to choose,” a reproductive justice framework is necessary. This requires a living wage, universal healthcare, and prison abolition. Reproductive justice goes beyond the current pro-choice/anti-choice rhetoric that still favors the privileged.

“The Color of Choice: White Supremacy and Reproductive Justice”

Loretta J. Ross, SisterSong Published in Color of Violence: The INCITE! Anthology (2016)

White supremacy in the United States has always created different outcomes for its ethnic populations. The method? Population control. Ross points out that even a glance at reproductive politics in the headlines makes it clear that some women are encouraged to have more children while others are discouraged. Ross defines “reproductive justice,” which goes beyond the concept of “rights.” Reproductive justice is when reproductive rights are “embedded in a human rights and social justice framework.”

In the essay, Ross explores topics like white supremacy and population control on both the right and left sides of politics. She acknowledges that while the right is often blunter in restricting women of color and their fertility, white supremacy is embedded in both political aisles. The essay closes with a section on mobilizing for reproductive justice, describing SisterSong (where Ross is a founding member) and the March for Women’s Lives in 2004.

“Abortion Care Is Not Just For Cis Women”

Sachiko Ragosta Published in Ms. Magazine (2021)

Cisgender women are the focus of abortion and reproductive health services even though nonbinary and trans people access these services all the time. In their essay, Ragosta describes the criticism Ibis Reproductive Health received when it used the term “pregnant people.” The term alienates women, the critics said, but acting as if only cis women need reproductive care is simply inaccurate. As Ragosta writes, no one is denying that cis women experience pregnancy. The reaction to more inclusive language around pregnancy and abortion reveals a clear bias against trans people.

Normalizing terms like “pregnant people” help spaces become more inclusive, whether it’s in research, medical offices, or in day-to-day life. Inclusiveness leads to better health outcomes, which is essential considering the barriers nonbinary and gender-expansive people face in general and sexual/reproductive care.

“We Cannot Leave Black Women, Trans People, and Gender Expansive People Behind: Why We Need Reproductive Justice”

Karla Mendez Published in Black Women Radicals

Mendez, a freelance writer and (and the time of the essay’s publication) a student studying Interdisciplinary Studies, Political Science, and Women’s and Gender Studies, responds to the Texas abortion ban. Terms like “reproductive rights” and “abortion rights” are part of the mainstream white feminist movement, but the benefits of birth control and abortions are not equal. Also, as the Texas ban shows, these benefits are not secure. In the face of this reality, it’s essential to center Black people of all genders.

In her essay, Mendez describes recent restrictive legislation and the failure of the reproductive rights movement to address anti-Blackness, transphobia, food insecurity, and more. Groups like SisterSong have led the way on reproductive justice. As reproductive rights are eroded in the United States, the reproductive rights movement needs to focus on justice.

“Gee’s Bend: A Reproductive Justice Quilt Story From the South”

Mary Lee Bendolph Published in Radical Reproductive Justice (2017)

One of Mary Lee Bendolph’s quilt designs appears as the cover of Radical Reproductive Justice. She was one of the most important strip quilters associated with Gee’s Bend, Alabama. During the Civil Rights era, the 700 residents of Gee’s Bend were isolated and found it hard to vote or gain educational and economic power outside the village. Bendolph’s work didn’t become well-known outside her town until the mid-1990s.

Through an interview by the Souls Grown Foundation, we learn that Bendolph didn’t receive any sex education as a girl. When she became pregnant in sixth grade, she had to stop attending school. “They say it was against the law for a lady to go to school and be pregnant,” she said, because it would influence the other kids. “Soon as you have a baby, you couldn’t never go to school again.”

“Underground Activists in Brazil Fight for Women’s Reproductive Rights”

Alejandra Marks Published in The North American Congress on Latin America (2021)

While short, this essay provides a good introduction to abortion activism in Brazil, where abortion is legal only in the case of rape, fetal anencephaly, or when a woman’s life is at risk. The reader meets “Taís,” a single mother faced with an unwanted pregnancy. With no legal options, she researched methods online, including teas and pills. She eventually connected with a lawyer and activist who walked her through using Cytotec, a medication she got online. The activist stayed on the phone while Taís completed her abortion at home.

For decades, Latin American activists have helped pregnant people get abortion medications while wealthy Brazilians enter private clinics or travel to other countries. Government intimidation makes activism risky, but the stakes are high. Hundreds of Brazilians die each year from dangerous abortion methods. In the past decade, religious conservatives in Congress have blocked even mild reform. Even if a new president is elected, Brazil’s abortion rights movement will fight an uphill battle.

“The Ambivalent Activist”

Lauren Groff Published in Fight of the Century: Writers Reflect on 100 years of Landmark ACLU Cases (2020)

Before Roe v. Wade, abortion regulation around the country was spotty. 37 states still had near-bans on the procedure while only four states had repealed anti-abortion laws completely. In her essay, Groff summarizes the case in accessible, engaging prose. The “Jane Roe” of the case was Norma McCorvey. When she got pregnant, she’d already had two children, one of whom she’d given up for adoption. McCorvey couldn’t access an abortion provider because the pregnancy didn’t endanger her life. She eventually connected with two attorneys: Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee. In 1973 on January 2, the Supreme Court ruled 7-2 that abortion was a fundamental right.

Norma McCorvey was a complicated woman. She later became an anti-choice activist (in an interview released after her death, she said Evangelical anti-choice groups paid her to switch her position), but as Groff writes, McCorvey had once been proud that it was her case that gave women bodily autonomy.

“The Abortion I Didn’t Want”

Caitlin McDonnell Published in Salon (2015) and Choice Words: Writers on Abortion (2020)

While talking about abortion is less demonized than in the past, it’s still fairly unusual to hear directly from people who’ve experienced it. It’s certainly unusual to hear more complicated stories. Caitlin McDonnell, a poet and teacher from Brooklyn, shares her experience. In clear, raw prose, this piece brings home what can be an abstract “issue” for people who haven’t experienced it or been close to someone who has.

In debates about abortion rights, those who carry the physical and emotional effects are often neglected. Their complicated feelings are weaponized to serve agendas or make judgments about others. It’s important to read essays like McDonnell’s and hear stories as nuanced and multi-faceted as humans themselves.

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About the author, emmaline soken-huberty.

Emmaline Soken-Huberty is a freelance writer based in Portland, Oregon. She started to become interested in human rights while attending college, eventually getting a concentration in human rights and humanitarianism. LGBTQ+ rights, women’s rights, and climate change are of special concern to her. In her spare time, she can be found reading or enjoying Oregon’s natural beauty with her husband and dog.

Statement: Reproductive rights are women’s rights and human rights

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Reproductive rights are integral to women’s rights, a fact that is upheld by international agreements and reflected in law in different parts of the world.

To be able to exercise their human rights and make essential decisions, women need to be able to decide freely and responsibly on the number and spacing of their children and to have access to information, education, and services.

When safe and legal access to abortion is restricted, women are forced to resort to less-safe methods, too often with damaging or disastrous results—especially for women who are affected by poverty or marginalization, including minority women.

The ability of women to control what happens to their own bodies is also associated with the roles women are able to play in society, whether as a member of the family, the workforce, or government.

UN Women remains steadfast in our determination to ensure that the rights of women and girls are fully observed and enjoyed worldwide, and we look forward to continued evidence-based engagement with our partners everywhere in support of rapid progress towards universal enjoyment of universal rights.

• Sexual and reproductive health and rights
• Women’s rights
• Human rights

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Reproductive Rights, Reproductive Justice: Redefining Challenges to Create Optimal Health for All Women

The World Health Organization (WHO) defines reproductive health as the state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity, in all matters relating to the reproductive system and to its functions and processes. Reproductive Justice is the complete physical, mental, spiritual, political, social, and economic wellbeing of women and girls, based on the full achievement and protection of women’s human rights. While these concepts are similar, the latter was an approach that grew out of the need to better articulate the language and realities of women of color as it related to sexual and reproductive health issues. The current U.S. reproductive health agenda is polarized to a choice or abortion issue without any alignment to other issues that predominantly impact women of color within the reproductive health framework. This article acknowledges the history and challenges of reproductive health and rights, while offering a non-polarized, more inclusive ethical course of action, using an optimal health approach with new alliances for the reproductive justice movement today.

Introduction

The 1994 International Conference on Population and Development (lCPD) in Cairo and the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing (FWCW) debated and redefined focus within the reproductive health arena. The Platform for Action and the Beijing Declaration (documents) from the conferences created an enabling national and international political environment for reproductive health. They altered the language about population and family planning issues to include human rights and intensified the interest and participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), governments and institutions worldwide in reproductive health issues ( The First World Conference on Women, 1995 ).

Including NGOs made certain that strategies were derived from consistently “listening to the voices of those closest to the ground and most importantly ensuring that programming was relevant and sensitive to community conditions and cultural norms” ( Seibert, Stridh-Igo, & Zimmerman, 2002 ).

Before attending the ICPD, a group of black women in Chicago coined the term reproductive justice, defined as the complete physical, mental, spiritual, political, social and economic wellbeing of women and girls, based on the full achievement and protection of women’s human rights ( Ross, 2007 ). This was done out of the need to better articulate the language and realities of women of color as it related to sexual and reproductive health issues and rights. Following this, in the late 90s, the Ford Foundation funded a collective of women of color –led NGOs, called SisterSong, the cornerstone for reproductive justice programming. Twenty years later, this concept or broad lens is still limited in its use to guide programming and advocacy efforts within the reproductive health arena.

Today, the U.S. reproductive health agenda is polarized around choice on abortion issue without any alignment to other issues within the reproductive health framework. This paper highlights a brief history of reproductive rights and the challenges faced as these rights evolved into the reproductive justice movement. It goes on to encourage the reproductive justice movement to adopt an even broader framework of optimal health steeped in theories that advocate for women to embrace their feminine power, a more inclusive and ethical fit for women’s health. This new framework will generate a new movement that will create fresh language, identify new allies, foster nontraditional partnerships and strengthen the capacity of the reproductive justice/optimal health movement so it fully reflects the voices of all women.

Reproductive Justice Context and History

During the 1950s and 60s, philanthropic and international development organizations focused mainly on population and reproduction. Efforts were made to better understand the causes, characteristics and consequences of the population growth trends facing developing countries. Demography was developed as an independent discipline (establishing centers for graduate study) and research was supported in reproductive and contraceptive development. Broad discussions on population policies and assistance were held to better define the design and delivery of family planning programs overseas.

The 1980s involved funding model projects to provide education and facilitate safe, affordable and effective contraceptive use and abortion services if necessary. The focus was on disadvantaged women who chose to have children safely and ensure the safe and healthy development of all children (maternal and child health programs). There was also an increased emphasis on factors influencing the demand for family planning with regard to women’s development, cultural references in developing effective population policies and increased efforts on migration/refugee issues.

The 1990s saw a conceptual shift from family planning to reproductive health and a women-centered, rights-based focus. Within this decade organizations helped emphasize the cultural and economic factors affecting reproductive health (high fertility, poor maternal health and STD/AIDS spread). They also paid special attention to disadvantaged women in developing countries through their reproductive life cycle, supported efforts against STDs/AIDS, and addressed the special needs of adolescents. The main feature of this new focus was to strengthen social science research and training to expand knowledge about the socioeconomic factors affecting reproductive health.

Funding was provided for projects that helped women articulate and act on their reproductive health needs both within the family and at the community and policy levels. This support also promoted public discussion aimed at developing ethical and legal frameworks for reproductive health appropriate to the culture and traditions of different societies. The late 1990s saw the inclusion of sexuality as integral to reproductive health.

The 1994 ICPD in Cairo shifted the emphasis from governmental aims to limit population growth to individual decision-making in reproductive health. The narrow definitions and scope of family planning programming (pregnancy and contraceptives) were expanded holistically to include an individual’s comprehensive needs (reproductive intent, contraceptive availability, client choice and satisfaction). Along these lines the inherent holistic concept of choice was reaffirmed to include freedom to decide when and whether to have children. A woman’s reproductive health was now placed within the structure of reproductive rights and empowerment i.e. accounting for power imbalances and the degree to which women’s choices are constrained. Women played a vital role in national development and had the right to control their fertility. They had the right to participate in providing direction in the formulation of policies that impacted the political, social and economic realms of their health and therefore their existence ( United Nations Population Fund (UNPF), 1994 ).

This conference and the FWCW the following year, expounded on principles that redefined sexual and reproductive health and rights programming for all women around the globe. New principles of thought, along with altering the language around population and family planning issues to include rights, helped to intensify the interest and participation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), governments and institutions worldwide in reproductive health issues ( The First World Conference on Women, 1995 ).

Unfortunately, in the United States the globally endorsed action plan did not frame sexual and reproductive health and rights programming. Instead, efforts remained fragmented and unidirectional, i.e. pro-choice.

The subsequent meetings, ICPD (1999) and Beijing Plus Five (2000) discussed progress and obstacles to implementation of the initial action plans. Both conferences highlighted that action was still needed to guarantee women their human rights. Steps were required to implement much of what was written. There was still limited demonstration of the understanding of a women’s reproductive health and its link to other issues that affected her health, rights and empowerment.

The important advances resulting from the Plus Five experiences included more female activists as members of government delegations than ever before. Another was the agreement that all forms of violence against women would be treated as a criminal offense, including marital rape. Governments re-affirmed the indicators and time-bound targets on sexual and reproductive health and stated that adolescents especially girls should also have access to sexual and reproductive health services including sexuality and life skills education.

In 1997 the Ford Foundation funded an initiative on reproductive health. Sixteen (four African American, four Asian American/Pacific Islander, four Latina and four Native American) U.S. community based organizations (CBOs) led by women of color were supported in an attempt to promote research and advocacy on reproductive tract infections (RTIs) faced by women of color ( SisterSong, 1997 ).

RTIs were chosen because of their contribution to the major health problems of women. Often undiagnosed until more severe complications arise, these preventable and treatable infections are responsible for the mortality of thousands of women each year through their association with cervical cancer, unsafe deliveries and septic abortions. The high rates of RTIs are also associated with interrelated socio-cultural, biological, and economic factors including poverty, low social status, low levels of education, racism, rapid urbanization, etc. The synergistic effects of these factors are known to reduce women’s decision-making power over their own sexuality and constrain their ability to seek quality reproductive care, thus contributing to poor reproductive health.

The initiative called The Women of Color Reproductive Health Collective or SisterSong (Loretta Ross, Dazon Dixon Diallo leading grantees) was a three-year effort to support these organizations to identify common concerns and needs and develop a plan of action for prevention and early treatment of RTIs within their communities. It also focused on identity and ethnicity and its intersections/linkages as to how women approach health and reproductive issues. The 16 organizations represented the different facets of reproductive health programming (prevention, HIV/AIDS services, midwifery, substance abuse, human/health rights advocacy, self-help care, and reproductive rights). The Collective through shared learning served as an enhanced voice to bring awareness and action to improve the reproductive health of women of color.

The Collective highlighted the need to recognize health and reproductive health as human rights issues impacted by social, political, cultural and economic factors. This broad definition of reproductive rights was revealed at the ICPD and FWCW and had been repeatedly voiced by women of color in the U.S and globally.

This broader concept now called reproductive justice was not an opposing one to the present day pro-choice/reproductive rights movement. In fact, it was inclusive. This renewed definition served to repeatedly highlight that the health and rights of women could never be analyzed without taking into consideration the «holistic» reality of a woman’s existence.

Reproductive justice is defined as the complete physical, mental, spiritual, political, social and economic wellbeing of women and girls, based on the full achievement and protection of women’s human rights ( Ross, 2007 ; Ross, Solinger, 2017 ).

The Women of African Descent for Reproductive Justice in Chicago coined this definition in June of 1994, before the ICPD in Cairo (Loretta Ross and Toni M. Bond organizers). Recognizing that the current reproductive rights movement led by middle class white women was not inclusive of minority, low income, and other marginalized women, this group of African American women started the movement of Reproductive Justice. Reproductive Justice began when the group published a statement with over 800 signatures in the Washington Post and Roll Call. Thus, acting as a catalysis for Sister Song ( SisterSong, 1997 ).

To date, SisterSong is the only national coalition in the U.S. consisting of women of color organizations working to ensure reproductive justice for communities of color” ( SisterSong, 1997 ). SisterSong believes that they have the right and responsibility to represent themselves and their communities, and the equally compelling need to advance the perspectives of women of color. They know that they can do more collectively than they can do individually. Headquartered in Atlanta, they are a blend of both young and experienced activists, academic and community scholars, grassroots and national organizations ( SisterSong, 1997 ).

Recently, two additional movements that have brought attention to women’s reproductive issues are the #MeToo movement, and the Women’s March. The #MeToo movement was founded in 2006 by Tarana Burke to help survivors of sexual violence find healing, particularly black women and girls and other young women of color from low economic communities. What began as a hashtag to spread awareness became popularized when several celebrities began to use the hashtag and spread word about the movement via their social media pages. An important turning point of the #MeToo movement came when men, and members of the LGBTQ+ communities shared their experiences. The goal of the #MeToo movement is to reframe and expand the global conversation around sexual violence to speak to the needs of a broader spectrum of survivors ( MeToo, 2006 ).

The Women’s March began on social media. Teresa Shook stated that a pro-woman march was necessary in reaction to Trump’s presidential win. In 2017, the first full day of President Donald Trump’s presidency hundreds of thousands of people gathered in the nation’s capital for the Women’s March on Washington. On the same day, many other women and supporters of the march gathered in other cities and states. The Women’s March centered around eight principles–ending violence, ensuring reproductive rights, LGBTQIA rights, workers’ rights, civil rights, disability rights, immigrant rights, and environmental justice ( Women’s March, 2017 ).

While these movements have brought awareness to those who identify as women and those effected by women’s issues, they do not address that comprehensive reproductive health care and sexual and reproductive rights are «vital human and social assets within a broader developmental agenda to reduce poverty and injustice» ( Ford Foundation, 2001 ). The agenda, defined by SisterSong highlighting the importance of the reproductive justice movement, is often overlooked in the mainstream media. Unfortunately, the agenda and access to these assets still are impacted by the inter-relationship of race, culture, gender, class and political factors thus the continuous neglect of women of color and others from low socioeconomic backgrounds.

Reproductive health and rights have become a well-established field both domestically and internationally. Key national and international organizations (i.e., International Planned Parenthood Association, NARAL-Pro Choice America, Center for Reproductive Rights, National Abortion Federation) help to form a widespread network of activism that has contributed to the visibility and progress of women’s health by engaging in political advocacy, advocating for funding appropriations and demanding increased and improved reproductive health programming. Despite these well-established networks and programming efforts there are still challenges to overcome.

Leading reproductive health organizations in the U.S. have minimally or not at all incorporated reproductive justice into their programming. They have continued to not effectively engage women of color in representation, leadership development or promotion, programmatic design, implementation or evaluation. Many of these organizations believed and argued that women of color were complacent on issues related to their reproductive health and rights. These fail to recognize that although organizing around reproductive health issues have been difficult for these women there has been long standing activism in communities of color on these issues even within the abortion rights movement. Even when women of color become involved with these organizations, they invariably fail to have a significant influence on the organizations’ agenda because it speaks to mainstream needs ( Bond, 2001 ).

There remains institutional limitations within well-established reproductive health organizations around cultural or racial/ethnic diversity. While many of these organizations have been funded over the years to diversify and have women of color in leadership roles, there has been limited success in this effort. Many have placed their focus on board representation. This does not guarantee the adequate level of diversity on the professional staff level where programmatic focus, strategic planning, evaluation and networks are concentrated.

In order to counter the adversity of the challenges, strategies need to be derived from consistently “listening to the voices of those closest to the ground, enabling self-defined needs to guide decisions, and most importantly ensuring that programming is relevant and sensitive to community conditions and cultural norms” ( Seibert, Stridh-Igo, & Zimmerman, 2002 ). The reasons are obvious. Those closest to the issues have the solutions and must advocate for those solutions thus creating social change. However social change can only occur through strong ethical leadership supported by strong organizations with visions, missions, capacity, strategic partnerships and alliances that reflect all members of the community.

In 2013 GuideStar (the largest source of up-to-date information on nonprofits) presented an article entitled “New Rankings Announced: Top 25 National Reproductive Health, Rights and Justice Nonprofits.” These were organizations identified as having an impact on multiple levels. Of the 25, four were using a reproductive justice lens to influence their work and four were led by a woman of color (SisterSong, National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health, National Network of Abortion Funds, and Forward Together) ( Morrow, 2013 ).

This report also offers insights from experts on issues within the nonprofits (i.e. impact, other organizational strengths,) and how to improve them. SisterSong received favorable comments for leadership, innovativeness, networking, justice and equity. But under organizational areas of improvements, the comments included: “needs technical assistance, not stable in finances and staffing/operations.” All too familiar repeated statements made about CBOs’ capacity especially those led by women of color.

Today when using GuideStar to search for “reproductive rights” nonprofits the yield is 3,387 organizations. If the search uses the words “reproductive justice” 1,234 organizations are identified. If the exclusion criteria, “only organizations that have provided data on diversity, equity and inclusion”, is applied the results yield, 42 organizations for reproductive rights and only 12 for reproductive justice.

Today, the U.S. reproductive health agenda both nationally and locally, largely because of the efforts to overturn Roe versus Wade, remains polarized to a choice or abortion issue without any alignment to other issues within the reproductive health framework. Women of color have often voiced that the mainstream reproductive rights framework, which addresses legal issues, is mainly one-dimensional with no consideration for the broader issues within their communities (e.g. limited or no access to health services especially prenatal care, Medicaid expansion, hysterectomies, pregnancy-related deaths, poverty, interpersonal violence, STDs/AIDS, environmental injustices, mental health issues, etc.) which impact their reproductive health and rights on a daily basis.

A more recent display of extreme infringement on women’s reproductive rights and justice are the impending abortion laws adopted in multiple states such as Alabama, Georgia, Ohio, Missouri and Mississippi. Each passed abortion bans for nearly all-reproductive scenarios with limited exceptions (if the pregnant person’s life is at risk, or if the abortion is before six weeks of pregnancy (“heartbeat bills”)). While these bans are fundamentally unsound, unsafe and unethical, this extreme agenda pushed by ill-informed and buffoonery politicians disregards the entire paradigm of why women seek abortions in the first place (i.e., rape, incest, emergency life threatening conditions, etc.).

Unfortunately, many of these efforts are initially generated in states within the existing Bible Belt and extremely conservative religion theology undermines the bans. These states, and others considering adopting similar policies, have large powerful conservative religious populations and politicians. This is another clear example of how religion has been used repeatedly as a means of controlling, disempowering, and dominating women and girls for centuries.

Health is the physical, mental, spiritual and social wellbeing of an individual and access to it is a human right. Thus, services such as abortion, the method by which one can choose not to reproduce is embedded within a woman’s right to access health services and is a fundamental human right However, for it to have become the central and only theme of reproductive health represents an extremely myopic view of a woman’s human right to comprehensive reproductive health care. This approach although targeting power imbalances does not consider the degree to which women of color choices are constrained.

Bell Hooks, a black feminist, expounded on this when she wrote in 1999: “highlighting abortion rather than reproductive rights as a whole reflected the class biases of the women who were at the front of the movement.” ‘While the issue of abortion was and remains relevant to all women, there were other reproductive issues that were just as vital which needed attention and might have served to galvanize the masses.” ... “Ongoing discussion about the wide range of issues that come under the heading of reproductive rights is needed if females of all ages and our male allies in the struggle are to understand why these rights are important. This understanding is the basis of our commitment to keeping reproductive rights a reality for all females” (Hooks, 1999).

Today the approach termed “reproductive rights” or “reproductive justice” continues to conjure up preconceived thoughts and beliefs that have become even more polarized. Unfortunately, due to this polarization, individuals instantly take a stance for (choice) or against (prolife) this vital health issue with limited knowledge and understanding.

A New Ethical Course of Action

The few women-led organizations that have adopted a reproductive justice framework for their programming efforts are laudable. They are more likely to develop the interventions or strategies needed to shift the continuous burden of poor health outcomes among women and girls especially those of color. Unfortunately, due to limited complete data and escalating poor health outcomes, it is obvious that they cannot keep doing the same thing nor do it alone. Women’s health and wellness is an overpowering issue.

Therefore, to minimize the effects of losing any more ground and capitalizing on the opportunities, a new course of action or promising next steps would be to broaden the reproductive justice framework and embrace and advocate for “optimal health” for all women and girls regardless of socio-cultural or economic limitations.

Optimal health defined by the late John T. Chissell, MD is the “best possible emotional, intellectual, physical, spiritual and socio-economic aliveness that one can attain” (Chissell, 1998). It is a continuous journey versus a destination. In his work, Dr Chissell offers an Afrocentric approach or playbook to achieving optimal health that is relevant today. Dr Chissell’s definition of optimal health is similar to that for reproductive justice and offers an expanded focus with steps. This expanded focus can enhance the existing reproductive justice framework, amplify the language and shift the paradigm to one of total wellness while offering steps for action.

Focusing on optimal health as the next level of the women’s reproductive justice movement would eliminate polarized language, silos, unidirectional programming, selective funding efforts and the myopic focus of mainstream organizations that still haunts the reproductive justice movement. A new broadened framework will produce new dialogue, engender innovative solutions, foster new partnerships and strengthen existing ones. This new agenda termed “optimal health justice” or simply “heath justice” advocates for complete wellness.

This framework will be grounded in two major theories. The first is Womanism. Created by Alice Walker, Womanism is defined as – “... the opposite of frivolous, the cultivation of community, the demand of love- ...a woman who LOVES herself unconditionally or a form of feminism that emphasizes women’s natural contribution to society” ( Walker, 1983 ).

The second is the theory of the “divine feminine.” The divine feminine is defined as – “one’s powerful inner energy that represents the feminine side of self or consciousness. It is energy that is- present, loving, nurturing, creative, intuitive, kind, empathic, community focused, collaborative, flexible, sensual (in touch with feelings versus thinking or intellect)” ( Cromwell, 2017 ).

Both schools of thought offer an innovative and even broader framework for action. Together with all women and their allies these theories will aid and sustain a movement that will target the social, political, economic, spiritual and cultural factors that perpetuate poor health outcomes among all women and girls living in the U.S.

New thoughts and frameworks nurture new partnerships. Possible new allies and nontraditional partners for sustained action of this optimal health framework is the religion and spirituality domains. Noted earlier, religion is and has been closely aligned with conservative political ideology that is often anti-choice, lacks understanding of and is non-supportive of comprehensive reproductive health care. But this new framework must consider religion and spirituality as necessary allies. Women and girls operate within these arenas and they too have poor health outcomes.

Spiritual wellbeing is an integral component of an optimal health model. The faith community, both traditional (e.g. Black Churches), and non-denominational (e.g. Buddhist, Interdenominational entities) can clearly speak in support of this new approach and not sanction opposing rhetoric or unprecedented extreme bans on essential health care (i.e. abortions). Progressive and conservative religion/spiritual voices must be encouraged and welcomed thus ensuring inclusivity, sustainability and success ( Goodstein, 2007 ).

Visibly calling for and collaborating with males or partners in a movement targeting women and their optimal health is delicate but essential. The role of men and partners must be defined and welcomed. They may highlight missing keys to multiple insights, solutions and interventions. Women do not exist in isolation. They thrive in healthy relationships with others in communities. Having strategic input and involvement from those they are in relationships with would be innovative. Also partnering with male dominated institutions (e.g. Teamsters Union, 100 Black Men, etc.) would be even more innovative ( Funk, 2007 ).

Other strong nontraditional partners to foster new relationships with could include 1199 Hospital Workers, Teacher Union, Social Workers, Nurses, American Medical Association (AMA), National Medical Association (NMA), Black Lives Matter, etc. Each could contribute to strengthening the movement and ensuring it is sustained and successful.

This broader framework will need a new paradigm of research involving researchers and community practitioners working in concert with the community (a Communiversity) to evaluate and support capacity building assistance within cultural contexts. Reinforcing the sustainability and institutional capacity of community-based organizations involved in this new movement will entail offering capacity building assistance that includes relationship building, board development, program implementation, linking local strategies to national efforts, evaluation, training, organizational growth/development/adaptability and funding.

Due to the threats to women’s health and rights under the current conservative political climate there could not be a more pertinent time to support reproductive justice efforts by broadening the focus and engaging in optimal health justice advocacy. Forging a new paradigm by embracing an optimal health approach and partnering with new and nontraditional allies (i.e., religion, spirituality, men, others) can only build and reinforce the capacity for a stronger, more inclusive and effective optimal health justice movement for all women and girls. Inclusive involvement is essential to nourish this new ethical framework, propel relevant advocacy efforts, reinforce its capacity and sustain it to ensure its success on the local, state and national levels.

Authors’ Note

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors alone. They do not reflect the official opinion of any institutions that the authors serve. The authors have no financial conflicts of interest.

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Reproductive Rights - Free Essay Samples And Topic Ideas

Reproductive rights encompass the rights of individuals to make decisions concerning reproduction, family planning, and access to reproductive health services. Essays on reproductive rights could explore the historical and contemporary debates surrounding issues like abortion, contraception, and access to reproductive healthcare. Moreover, discussions might examine the intersection of reproductive rights with gender equality, socio-economic equity, and religious beliefs. Analyzing the impact of legal frameworks, governmental policies, and social movements on reproductive rights, and examining case studies from different cultural and national contexts can provide a comprehensive understanding of the complexities surrounding reproductive autonomy and justice. A vast selection of complimentary essay illustrations pertaining to Reproductive Rights you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

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21 Reproductive Rights: A Solution, Not a Political Issue

A Solution, Not a Political Issue

Margaret M. Davis

Click to listen to this essay

The intent of Davis’s essay is clear: women should be in control of their own reproductive rights. Davis uses a combination of research and personal anecdotes to illustrate the negative impacts for women without reproductive rights and highlights those fighting for these rights. The images provided throughout the essay are effective in playing with formatting and stretching the limits of what a standard academic essay can look like. One of the most interesting aspects of this piece is Davis’s use of social media (Facebook in particular) as a form of research material. Davis observes that people use social media to create a conversation where “each person contributes their own voices to the dialogue at hand.” In doing so, Davis emphasizes how social media becomes a means for advocacy where the public are social writers.

Margaret Davis

ENGLWRIT 112: College Writing

Day Month Year

Reproductive Rights: A Solution, Not a Political Issue

The right to have a family, be given information on where to get help, and decide what to do with one’s own body should not be something a woman has to fight for. The World Health Organization defines reproductive rights as “the recognition of the basic right of all couples and individuals to decide freely and responsibly the number, spacing and timing of their children and to have the information and means to do so, and the right to attain the highest standard of sexual and reproductive health” (“Reproductive Health”). For women, these rights sometimes include: the right to legal and safe abortion, the right to birth control, the right to education and access in order to make free and informed choices, and many more. Yet what seem like basic rights women should have are, in fact, not actually enforced.

Many of the current policies for reproductive rights are at the state level, but President Trump has taken away some of these rights altogether. President Trump and the administration he appointed in the Department of Health and Human Services issued new rules making it no longer mandatory for health care insurance to cover birth control, claiming 99.9% of women will be unaffected by this change, even though over 55 million women have access to birth control for free because access to it is mandatory as stated by existing policies (Goldstein et al.). President Trump described it as stripping the new health care bill of “essential benefits” in an aim to repeal Obamacare (Pear et al.). His words are only directed to the beneficiaries of this policy and states this is a “win for religious liberty,” yet he completely ignores the female employees that this mandate will affect (Pear et al.). What is even more concerning is that women are not involved in making these decisions. People retweeted a picture of President Trump, along with former White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus; Director of the National Trade Council Peter Navarro; President Trump’s advisor and son-in-law Jared Kushner; Senior Advisor to the President Stephen Miller; and former White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon, reinstituting the global gag rule removing U.S. funding to any organizations in developing nations that offer abortions even if the organization provides those services with their own funding (Nikolau) (see fig.1). Although this issue expands further than just birth control and covering abortion rights or other means of preventative care, this issue affects 50% of the population making it a huge concern for many.

Reproductive rights should not be a political issue; it should be a solution for all women and their decision to do what they want with their bodies. As a young woman, I fear what President Trump and his administration might do to many of my rights. President Trump has made it no longer mandatory for insurance companies to provide women with birth control coverage and is trying to ban abortions for good. I decided to get the arm implant as a form of birth control and without insurance coverage, the device and the procedure would cost over a thousand dollars. For many, including myself, birth control is not only used to prevent unintentional pregnancies, but to manage period symptoms. Many men do not see birth control as necessary, but for some women, it is a treatment for health conditions such as premenstrual dysmorphic disorder or endometriosis. Because of President Trump’s new insurance policy, millions of women will be paying out of pocket for something to simply ease their daily life or make their periods even somewhat bearable. I remember many of my friends rushing to get some form of birth control right after Trump was elected before he could change the insurance policies. It was astonishing to see so many women scared for something that seems like such a basic right. It was an eye-opener for me because I never thought some of these basic rights about my body could be threatened until then. This policy is important for not only me, but half the world’s population – even if they are not under President Trump’s administration. The right to make choices for one’s own body is not ever something that should be debated by a room of a handful of men. Even in a developing nation, women should never feel their bodies are being controlled by anyone but themselves, which the current policies at hand are overstepping.

I searched Facebook for posts regarding reproductive rights around 2016 to the present, and I found three main types of posts: personal stories, concerns for the future, and posts educating the public. The message of each of those stories was the same though: reproductive rights is a choice they should have no matter what. The majority of the personal stories and concerns I found were specifically in the Facebook group, “Pantsuit Nation.” This group is a safe space for many women (and some men) to post their stories and their concerns to share with over a million others around the world. One example is a story posted by Holly Rawlings (see fig. 2). Rawlings includes personal details about the decisions she faced and what factors contributed to the decision she made in the end. Stories like these using emotional appeal get both women and men reacting and supporting the person posting. Many others in Pantsuit Nation have posted their stories about going through abortions (some legal, some not) and how the legal issues around it impacted their lives for better or for worse. Other stories included how birth control has saved their lives quite literally for health reasons. By posting as a Facebook post specifically in Pantsuit Nation rather than a tweet or on their wall, these women open up completely allowing the audience to be impacted more by their words.

The other type of posts I saw were about the public’s concerns about new policies regarding women’s rights and other politicians trying to educate the public about what is really happening. Judy Gumbo Albert voices her concern and asks people to support Planned Parenthood (see fig. 3). Albert, like many, is speaking out in order to gain support or voice an opinion. Some of the more educational posts, like one by Senator Elizabeth Warren, use the logical appeal and include facts like “Contraception not only prevents pregnancy and helps control health conditions – it gives women more chances to go to school, get jobs, create businesses, and grow our economy” (Warren). The logical appeal in conjunction with personal anecdotes of what society used to be like before all of the progress that has been made makes the reader critically reflect on the past and where we stand now. Their posts also seemed more hopeful, sometimes saying, “we must take action” or “we can’t go back to the days where women didn’t have these rights.” Again, using Facebook posts as their mediums allows the public to respond easily and voice their opinions. It is a less formal way of writing, but a conversation is still being had where each person contributes their own voices to the dialogue at hand.

After posting in Pantsuit Nation, over 3.5K people liked my post and 490 people have commented or responded to comments made (see fig. 4). Many of the comments were in agreement with my post saying, “Stay strong braveheart!” and “You go woman <3!” It was amazing to see that much support on a post that I was simply passionate about. It was also amazing to see the different perspectives people had. Women from different generations who lived during a time where birth control was illegal unless they were married responded. Other people also opened the conversation to the double standard for men: Viagra, a hormone regulator for men, is apparently covered by Medicaid. It was an astonishing experience to see in real time people adding their opinions to an existing conversation and how many women are impacted by the policy initiated by President Trump and his administration.

The right to make choices about one’s own body should never be questioned or threatened, but unfortunately, we are seeing this all around the world. Abortions, in particular, are an area of concern. Many pro-life supporters are shaming women about getting abortions, even if it is a life-threatening condition or they know they cannot support a child at that stage in their life. And when it is illegal, women still go through with abortions, only it typically is unsafe and can permanently injure them. In the most extreme, women have their boyfriends punch them in the stomach or insert knitting needles into their vagina, or even throw themselves down the stairs in order to miscarry. But the most effective way to reduce abortions is in fact to provide women effective birth control. Seems circular, right? That’s because it is. According to Planned Parenthood, over 2.2 million unplanned pregnancies are prevented each year from family planning services available through Medicaid and Title X of the Public Health Service Act, and the number of abortions in the U.S. would be two-thirds higher than it is now without these services. Millions of women are greatly impacted without these reproductive rights, and it should be a crime to let men dictate our access to basic health care.

Works Cited

Goldstein, Amy, et al. “Trump administration narrows Affordable Care Act’s contraceptive mandate.” The Washington Post , 6 Oct. 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/national/health-science/trump-administration-could-narrow-affordable-care-acts-contraception-mandate/2017/10/05/16139400-a9f0-11e7-92d1-58c702d2d975_story.html?utm_term=.ca7b622775aa .

Pear, Robert, et al. “Trump Administration Rolls Back Birth Control Mandate.” The New York Times , 6 Oct. 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/10/06/us/politics/trump-contraception-birth-control.html .

“Reproductive Health.” World Health Organization , 2018, http://www.who.int/topics/reproductive_health/en/ .

Warren, Elizabeth. Addressing President Trump’s attack on ACA’s birth control mandate. Facebook , 16 Oct. 2017, https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fsenatorelizabethwarren%2Fposts%2F863526300476531 .

Images Cited

Albert, Judy Gumbo. Concern about birth control to Pantsuit Nation. Facebook , 16 Nov. 2016, https://www.facebook.com/groups/pantsuitnation/permalink/1128652583899009/ .

Davis, Meg. Social Media Post to Pantsuit Nation. Facebook , 22 Apr. 2018, https://www.facebook.com/groups/pantsuitnation/permalink/1804665312964396/?comment_id=1810084122422515&reply_comment_id=1811223262308601&notif_id=1524768465620782&notif_t=group_comment&ref=notif .

Rawlings, Holly. Abortion story to Pantsuit Nation. Facebook , 17 May 2017, https://www.facebook.com/groups/pantsuitnation/permalink/1473303089433955/ .

Vucci, Evan. “President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office of the White House, Monday, Jan. 23, 2017, in Washington.” Humanosphere , 24 Jan. 2017, http://www.humanosphere.org/global-health/2017/01/trumps-gag-rule-endangers-the-lives-of-women-around-the-world/ .

UMass Amherst Writing Program Student Writing Anthology by Margaret M. Davis is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Reproductive Rights of Women: A Way to Gender Justice

37 Pages Posted: 16 Oct 2015

Hina Iliyas

Jamia Millia Islamia

Date Written: October 15, 2015

Women have been fighting the struggle for reproductive rights for centuries. Historically, these rights are an especially controversial subject due to the moral, ethical, and religious considerations. Do reproductive rights merely mean the right to reproduce? Or is the issue inextricably linked to the numerous questions that surround women’s reproductive freedom? The ability to reproduce seems to be what sets women apart from men. But do women have control over their own reproduction? Do women have the freedom to choose whether, when, and how many children to have? Do women have access to safe birth control methods? Do women have the right to safe abortion? Can sexuality be separated from reproduction? A big ‘NO’ in answer to many such questions led to the emergence of the women’s health movement in different parts of the world in the early 1970’s. It started as small ‘consciousness raising’ groups, which began by spreading awareness among women about the functioning of their bodies and gradually evolved into multi-faceted campaigns that have significantly influenced health policies in many countries. Human Rights are those rights, which should be available to every individual without any discrimination of any kind. Recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom. The most important right of a Human is the Right to Life. It is the supreme human right from which no derogation is permitted. It is inalienable. The Article 6(1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibit the arbitrary deprivation of life. But there are some controversial issues related to this supreme right. One such issue is the question of Right to abortion. Among other rights of women, it is believed that every mother has a right to abortion, it is a universal right. But the rights of the mother are to be balanced with the rights of the unborn. Earlier the right to abortion was not permitted and it was strongly opposed the society. The termination of pregnancy was termed to be a murder of the foetus. But due to the change in time and technology, nowadays this right has been legally sanctioned by most of the nations after the famous decision of Roe v. Wade by the US Supreme Court. But the oppositions are still present and people do believe that it should be legally prohibited. The question which is the reason for this discussion is -- whether a mother has a right to abortion vis-à-vis the right to life of the unborn. What are the International Instruments which sanction the right to abortion. What is the stand of India on this.

Keywords: reproduction, women, freedom, control, body, abortion

Suggested Citation: Suggested Citation

Hina Iliyas (Contact Author)

Jamia millia islamia ( email ).

Centre for Management Studies OKHLA New Delhi, ID New Delhi India

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Public Health in the Field: The Public Health Case for Abortion Rights

Annalies Winny

Lindsay Smith Rogers

This article is adapted from a special episode of the Public Health On Call Podcast called Public Health in the Field. You can hear the full episode here .

Please note: Throughout this article, the gendered terms “woman” and “women” are used as that’s how the CDC and other sources record related data. 

More coverage:

• Overturning Roe v. Wade and Public Health
• What We Know—and Don't Yet Know—About The Leaked Supreme Court Draft Opinion That Could Overturn Roe v. Wade

A single case before the Supreme Court will likely decide the future of Roe v. Wade.

In 2018, the Mississippi legislature passed and the governor signed House Bill 1510, known as the  Gestational Age Act , which bans abortions after 15 weeks. There are exceptions if the life of the fetus or parent is at risk—but not in cases of rape or incest. The law violated Roe v. Wade, a Supreme Court decision that protects the right to abortion prior to “viability” of the fetus, which is at around 24 weeks. The bill was quickly blocked by lower federal courts but now the law’s fate is up to the Supreme Court.

The outcome of this case— Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization —has implications for abortion rights far beyond Mississippi: A decision that previability bans are not unconstitutional could upend longstanding protections established by Roe v. Wade, the 1973 landmark case that legalized abortion nationwide. 

The conversation about abortion rights in the U.S. is a noisy one involving politics, precedents, and personal beliefs. What often gets short shrift, however, is the public health reality that restricting access to abortion results in erosion of the health of women, especially low-income and women of color. This is why abortion is so much more than a legal battle. 

The Public Health Case for Abortion Rights

Many women who were denied wanted abortions had higher levels of household poverty, debt, evictions, and other economic hardships and instabilities, according to Joanne Rosen , JD , associate director of the  Johns Hopkins Center for Law and the Public’s Health .

The findings come from a 10-year study,  The Turnaway Study , which followed nearly 1,000 women who either had or were denied abortions and tracked their mental and physical health and financial impacts. 

“The study also found that women who were seeking but unable to obtain abortions endured higher levels of physical violence from the men who had fathered these children,” Rosen says. “And people who were turned away when seeking abortions endured more health problems than women who were able to obtain [them], as well as more serious health problems.

“That gives you a sense of the ways in which being unable to obtain abortions had really long lasting impacts on these peoples’ lives.”

A 2020 study in the  American Journal of Preventive Medicine found that women living in states with less restrictive reproductive health policies were less likely to give birth to low-weight babies. Other research  published in The Lancet found that restrictive abortion laws actually mean a higher rate of abortion-related maternal deaths.

Restrictive abortion laws affect more than just the health of individuals and families—they affect the economy, too. Research from The Lancet found that “ensuring women’s access to safe abortion services does lower medical costs for health systems.”  

The  Institute for Women’s Policy Research has a host of data around how reproductive health restrictions impact women’s earning potential, including an interactive map tool, Total Economic Losses Due to State-level Abortion Restrictions. In Mississippi , for example, the data indicate that an absence of abortion restrictions would translate to a 1.8% increase of Black women in the labor force, over 2% for Hispanic women, and a leap of more than 2.6% for women who identify as Asian-Pacific Islander. This same tool calculates that removing abortion restrictions would translate to an estimated $13.4 million in increased earnings at the state level for Black women alone. 

Abortion restrictions disproportionately affect people of color and those with low-incomes. According to  data from the CDC , Black women are five times more likely to have an abortion than white women, and Latinx women are two times as likely as whites. Seventy-five percent of people who have abortions are low-income or poor. 

Mississippi, Texas, and The Supreme Court   

On December 1, the Supreme Court will hear Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization and Joanne Rosen thinks it’s unlikely the Court would agree to hear the case if they were just going to affirm the status quo. 

The case isn’t the only one on the docket, however. Texas’ Senate Bill 8, which bans abortion after six weeks of pregnancy, made headlines earlier this month and may impact SCOTUS’ ultimate decision on the Mississippi case. The high-profile law came before the Supreme Court in November 2021 and Rosen said the important thing to note is that the Court didn’t actually address whether the six-week ban is constitutional. Rather, they examined the unusual enforcement scheme of the law—where, when, and by whom the Texas law could be challenged.

Rosen says that the justices may compare the Texas law with the Mississippi law and, when considering a six-week abortion ban, a 15-week ban may seem less extreme. In this way, the Texas case could give the Court some cover to uphold Mississippi’s 15-week ban.

It’s likely to be months before an opinion is released; Rosen says the Court typically releases its decisions on high-stakes or controversial cases in June. And high stakes this is: for the future of abortion, for reproductive health rights, and for public health. 

Annalies Winny is an associate editor for  Global Health NOW . 

Alissa Zhu is a journalist and current  MSPH student at the Bloomberg School.

Lindsay Smith Rogers, MA, is the producer of the  Public Health On Call podcast and the associate director of content strategy for the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

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This article is adapted from a special episode of the  Public Health On Call Podcast  called Public Health in the Field.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Abortion — Thesis Statement for Abortion

Thesis Statement for Abortion

• Categories: Abortion Ethics

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Words: 515 |

Published: Mar 20, 2024

Words: 515 | Page: 1 | 3 min read

Table of contents

The pro-choice perspective, the pro-life perspective, ethical considerations, legal implications.

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Home > School, College, or Department > Honors > Honors Theses > 1183

University Honors Theses

An exploration of the wide-reaching effects of the repeal of roe v. wade on women's access to abortion.

Mitchell J. Foster , Portland State University Follow

First Advisor

Christopher Shortell

Date of Award

Spring 6-16-2022

Document Type

Degree name.

Bachelor of Science (B.S.) in Political Science and University Honors

Political Science

Abortion -- Government policy -- United States -- History, Abortion services -- United States -- History, Reproductive rights -- United States, Civil rights -- United States

10.15760/honors.1223

Since 1973, the federal government, through the Supreme Court of the United States, has acted to protect, the rights of women in their ability to choose to have an abortion without excessive governmental restriction. This thesis analyzes how and why access to abortion will shift in the face of the Supreme Court's overturning of Roe v. Wade (1973), likely to occur this June. This thesis begins with an in-depth description of how and why abortion became illegal, how and why abortion became legal, and how the opposition has developed against legal abortion. Through the last few decades, though especially in the last few years, most states have signed into law statutes that greatly limit a woman's access to abortion, and several have signed into law statutes that will act to ban abortion in nearly all cases if Roe is repealed. This thesis examines what precisely state law, as well as lasting precedents, put forth by the Supreme Court in other cases related to abortion, and the response of the other branches of the federal government to the issue of abortion will mean for a woman's access to abortion throughout the United States. I found, in the course of this project, that access to abortion will shift most substantially in states which do not, by constitutional interpretation or statute, protect one's fundamental right to acquire an abortion. This shift will, also, be felt most by impoverished persons, as these persons are less likely to be able to travel for abortions.

In Copyright. URI: http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ This Item is protected by copyright and/or related rights. You are free to use this Item in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s).

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https://archives.pdx.edu/ds/psu/37695

Recommended Citation

Foster, Mitchell J., "An Exploration of the Wide-Reaching Effects of The Repeal of Roe v. Wade on Women's Access to Abortion" (2022). University Honors Theses. Paper 1183. https://doi.org/10.15760/honors.1223

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Reproductive Rights as Social Rights: Building a Post-Pandemic Reproductive Healthcare Service Recovery Agenda of Kenya

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Reproductive health is crucial in female empowerment, as it enhances one’s physical and mental well-being. In Sub-Saharan Africa, national health infrastructure and institutional financing lag behind individuals’ need for access to reproductive healthcare services. The COVID-19 pandemic halted essential reproductive care delivery by limiting in-person visits and reducing workforce and funding. To meet population needs in post-pandemic life, the government needs to adjust a national rights-based framework for reproductive health to lessons from this global health crisis. This thesis aims to construct a post-pandemic reproductive healthcare service recovery framework grounded on theoretical knowledge of reproductive rights as ‘social rights’. This framework highlights the need for practical actions mentioned in the Kenyan government’s Reproductive Health Policy Strategy (2022-2032) and incorporates key informants’ lessons on reproductive justice during the COVID-19 pandemic. Interviews with 25 Kenyan reproductive health key informant organisations were conducted to collect data. Responses were initially coded using factors of the health policy framework, and any noteworthy codes were later defined during the analysis. Then, these codes were later redistributed by each factor of Political, Economic, Sociological, Technological, Legal and Environmental (PESTEL) analysis utilised in the national Reproductive Health Policy Strategy (2022-2032). Key findings are the critical impact of the government’s decisions to halt transmission being a major disruptor of RH service delivery and two distinct perspectives of returning to “normalcy” among service providers. Acknowledging the government’s role in achieving reproductive justice, this framework will be crucial in ascertaining necessary critical changes to move a step further for reproductive health equity in post-pandemic lives.

Description

Choi, Bentley (Hanul) (2023). Reproductive Rights as Social Rights: Building a Post-Pandemic Reproductive Healthcare Service Recovery Agenda of Kenya . Honors thesis, Duke University. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/10161/27037 .

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Women's Reproductive Rights: A literary perspective

Valentina Adami holds a PhD in English Studies from the University of Verona. She is Adjunct Professor of English language at the University of Verona and at the Free University of Bozen-Bolzano, and member of AIDEL (Associazione Italiana di Diritto e Letteratura), AIA (Associazione Italiana di Anglistica) and ESSE (European Society for the Study of English). Her fields of research are trauma studies; law, language and literature; bioethics, medicine and literature; ecolinguistics and ecocriticism. She has published various essays and two monographs: Trauma Studies and Literature: Martin Amis’s Time’s Arrow as Trauma Fiction (Peter Lang, 2008) and Bioethics Through Literature: Margaret Atwood’s Cautionary Tales (Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2011).

This paper examines the development of the concept of women’s reproductive rights in human rights treaties and conventions since the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights , revealing how traditional human rights formulations are often male-centered and lack a gender-sensitive approach. Since feminist speculative fiction has anticipated many of the reproductive rights issues that we are facing today, the author claims that literary texts such as Ursula Le Guin’s The Left Hand of Darkness (1969), Marge Piercy’s Woman on the Edge of Time (1976), Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale (1985), P. D. James’s The Children of Men (1992) and Sarah Hall’s The Carhullan Army (2007) can enlighten contemporary debates on reproductive rights and contribute to the development of a universal ethics of human rights that takes into account the specificity of women’s rights.

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In the Debate on Women's Reproductive Rights, Where are the Women?

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The argument quickly split down party lines (only six party members from each side voting against their party) and escalated into a debate on women’s reproductive rights.  In this heated bipartisan debate, representatives from both sides evoked emotional appeals.  Though different in message, consistent across both lines is the lack of the female voice.  While the House attempted to integrate more women in this debate, only 19 of the 222 Republican House members who voted for this bill are women.  In total, the House of Representatives only has 78 women, accounting for a meager 18% voice in the House.  Furthermore, there are no Republican women on the Judiciary Committee panel that has jurisdiction over this particular legislation.

While this bill certainly made headlines, the threat of it obtaining further approval is low.  Sources agree that the bill will not find support in the Democrat-controlled Senate, and President Obama has also already voiced his opposition.  Although no abortion laws are changing today, it is important to keep abreast on the dialogue surrounding this controversial and emotional topic.  Most importantly, government representatives must do a better job of allowing women’s voices and opinions to be heard.  Female reproductive rights issues have been considered taboo for too long, and an open dialogue in the government may help bridge the gap between women and policy.

Sources: ABC News , USA Today , and The New York Times .

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• abortion , female legislators , Gender Role , legislation related to women's health , legislators who support women's issues , reproductive rights , Women , women's health

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8 Reproductive Rights

Véronique Mottier is Fellow and Director of Studies in Social and Political Sciences at Jesus College, Cambridge (UK), and part-time professor in Sociology at the University of Lausanne.

• Published: 01 August 2013
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This article discusses feminist scholarship on three specific areas of the politics of reproduction. It first defines the concept of reproduction as the production of offspring; reproduction is also considered as a key theme of feminist theory and political practice before and after Simone de Beauvoir. The article then studies state control over the procreative choices of the citizens, specifically the eugenic population policies introduced during the first few decades of the twentieth century. The next section focuses on feminist mobilization around abortion and contraceptive rights and outlines the ways reproductive rights have been included in the political arena due to women’s movements. The article concludes with a study of the impact of the latest reproductive technologies on modern politics of gender along with the feminist responses to the challenges posed by recent improvements in this area.

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Home > Student Scholarship > THESES > 1033

Senior Theses and Projects

Abortion in america after roe: an examination of the impact of dobbs v. jackson women’s health organization on women’s reproductive health access.

Natalie Maria Caffrey Follow

Date of Award

Spring 5-12-2023

Degree Name

Bachelor of Arts

Public Policy and Law

First Advisor

Professor Adrienne Fulco

Second Advisor

Professor Glenn Falk

This thesis will examine the limitations in access to abortion and other necessary reproductive healthcare in states that are hostile to abortion rights, as well as discuss the ongoing litigation within those states between pro-choice and pro-life advocates. After analyzing the legal landscape and the different abortion laws within these states, this thesis will focus on the practical consequences of Dobbs on women’s lives, with particular attention to its impact on women of color and poor women in states with the most restrictive laws. The effect of these restrictive laws on poor women will be felt disproportionately due to their lack of ability to travel to obtain care from other states that might offer abortion services. And even if these women find a way to obtain access to abortions, there is now the real possibility of criminal prosecution for those who seek or assist women who obtain abortions post- Dobbs . To compound the problem, the Court made clear in Dobbs that its decision to revisit the privacy rights issue signals the possibility of new limitations on protections previously taken for granted in the areas of In vitro fertilization, birth control, emergency contraception, and other civil rights such as gay marriage. Finally, this thesis will examine the political and legal efforts of liberal states, private companies, and grassroots organizations attempting to mitigate Dobbs ’s effects. These pro-choice actors have, to some extent, joined forces to protect access for women in the United States through protective legislation and expanding access in all facets of reproductive healthcare, particularly for minority women who will be disproportionately affected by abortion bans in conservative states. The current efforts to mitigate the legal and medical implications of Dobbs will determine the future of women’s rights in America, not only regarding abortion but more broadly in terms of adequate reproductive care access.

Senior thesis completed at Trinity College, Hartford CT for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Public Policy & Law.

Recommended Citation

Caffrey, Natalie Maria, "Abortion in America After Roe: An Examination of the Impact of Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization on Women’s Reproductive Health Access". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2023. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/1033

Since May 15, 2023

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Home > SCRIPPS > SCRIPPS_STUDENT > SCRIPPS_THESES > 1516

Scripps Senior Theses

Beyond pro-life vs. pro-choice: reproductive rights for women of color and low-income women.

Sabrina Wu Follow

Graduation Year

Document type.

Campus Only Senior Thesis

Degree Name

Bachelor of Arts

Second Department

W.M. Keck Science Department

Elise Ferree

Alyssa Newman

Terms of Use & License Information

Terms of Use for work posted in Scholarship@Claremont .

In today’s debate over abortion, there are a multitude of additional factors to consider when restricting abortion for women of color and low-income women. The binary pro-life vs. pro-choice debate may seem like two clear-cut opposing sides, and many people find themselves agreeing firmly on one stance. However, these terms seek to implicitly portray the other stance unfavorably. Pro-life seems to imply that opponents are anti-life, or even “pro-death” and pro-choice insinuates that the opposition is “anti-choice” or favors coercion. The debate marginalizes women of color, poor women, and women from other marginalized communities because it does not take into account pre-existing conditions, such as financial incapability, harmful environmental factors and lack of social support, that restrict them from real choice to decide whether to have a child or have an abortion. Firstly, it is important to understand the complex issue of abortion in its procedure, its implications and its history in the United States, as well as the consequences upon denial of abortion and the effects of returning to a pre-Roe vs. Woe world. Abortion bans objectively affect low-income and women of color because of higher numbers of unwanted pregnancies, spatial inequalities to abortion access and its implicated costs, language barriers, financial difficulties and situational obstacles such as incarceration or environmental factors. In opposition to today’s abortion bans, it is important to get rid of the bans, prioritize women's health and work to create long-term solutions to combat economically and socially coerced abortions. We should work to reduce reasons for abortion, instead of criminalizing the procedure.

Recommended Citation

Wu, Sabrina, "Beyond Pro-Life vs. Pro-Choice: Reproductive Rights for Women of Color and Low-income Women" (2020). Scripps Senior Theses . 1516. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1516

This thesis is restricted to the Claremont Colleges current faculty, students, and staff.

Since February 28, 2020

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