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  • 30 October 2019

India’s tigers seem to be a massive success story — many scientists aren’t sure

  • Gayathri Vaidyanathan 0

Gayathri Vaidyanathan is a science journalist in Bengaluru.

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A tiger and her cubs leave India’s Bandhavgarh National Park in search of prey, which is scarce inside the reserve. Credit: Steve Winter/National Geographic

Central India — The Maruti Gypsy 44 sped along a jungle track, jolting us out of our seats. We had signed up for a wolf safari, but the trip leader had another quarry in mind. The vehicle barrelled towards a pungent smell on a hillside — a fresh tiger kill.

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Contextualising Landscape Ecology in Wildlife and Forest Conservation in India: a Review

  • Published: 11 February 2023
  • Volume 8 , pages 90–101, ( 2023 )

Cite this article

research on wildlife conservation in india

  • Vaishali Vasudeva 1 ,
  • Meera Makwana 2 ,
  • Kamana Pokhariya 2 ,
  • Orvill Jude Nazareth 2 , 3 ,
  • Shah Nawaz Jelil 2 ,
  • Meghna Bandyopadhyay 2 ,
  • Deepti Gupta 2 , 4 ,
  • Satyam Verma 5 , 6 &
  • Ramesh Krishnamurthy 1 , 2  

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Purpose of Review

Biodiversity values frequently encounter challenges from developmental needs despite having strong forest and wildlife laws in developing countries like India. Landscape ecology offers the relevant scientific backstopping and sophisticated tools to support conservation of several species. To aid the future development of landscape ecology in India within current and emerging contexts, we reviewed the spatio-temporal and thematic trends in the published research involving forest and wildlife conservation.

Recent Findings

Spatial modelling and land use land cover change assessments have been well established conceptually and methodologically, but an increase in studies involving impact of climate change on species habitat suitability is comparatively very recent. Thematic research gaps in this field include impact of scale on ecological processes, and uncertainty and error quantification in modelling. Dedicated studies on characterisation of biodiversity and its dynamics in biogeographic transition zones can scientifically inform management of forest and wildlife.

The review of 494 peer-reviewed articles published between 1994 and 2021 showed an increase in published research on landscape ecology over time. We found that the studies were dominated by the ‘Pattern–Process–Scale’ related questions and spatially clustered in the Western Ghats (biodiversity hotspot) and Uttarakhand state. Considerable research efforts are required in riverine and coastal ecosystems. Nevertheless, the increasing trend of research across themes and regions is a positive indicator of the growing role of landscape ecology in forest and wildlife management in India.

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Vaishali Vasudeva & Ramesh Krishnamurthy

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Meera Makwana, Kamana Pokhariya, Orvill Jude Nazareth, Shah Nawaz Jelil, Meghna Bandyopadhyay, Deepti Gupta & Ramesh Krishnamurthy

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Vasudeva, V., Makwana, M., Pokhariya, K. et al. Contextualising Landscape Ecology in Wildlife and Forest Conservation in India: a Review. Curr Landscape Ecol Rep 8 , 90–101 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40823-023-00084-z

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Beasts in the garden: human-wildlife coexistence in india's past and present.

\nMeera Anna Oommen

  • Dakshin Foundation, Bangalore, India

Human-wildlife encounters are characterized by a diverse array of engagements located on the continuum between the negative and the positive. In India, protracted conflict with wildlife is reflected in violence across a range of rural and urban ecologies, but is only one aspect of the multiple facets of ongoing human-non-human encounter. Within these shared spaces, there are often equally significant elements of acceptance, tolerance and reverence. Together, these are dependent on context, and can be explored via lived experiences and worldviews, and a moral economy of human-wildlife and human-human relationships. Historically, though hardly static, such relationships have been mediated by the ontological positioning of traditional societies and their embedded rules and practises. In recent years, these tenuous equilibria have been disrupted by top-down catalysts, including universalist conservation agendas percolating from the state and the global arena. This study aims to explore the changing nature of coexistence by using several historical and contemporary vignettes in relation to key species that routinely “transgress” from their primary natural habitats into the “garden” spaces of human cultivation and habitation. The study will argue that insights at the intersection of environmental history, political ecology and anthropology can improve our understanding of human-wildlife coexistence in India as well as across the world.

Introduction

Violent conflicts are an increasingly common feature of the developing tropics where attempts to conserve charismatic, yet dangerous flagship species, face resistance from people whose lives, livelihoods and worldviews are impacted. Conflict typically takes on two overlapping forms. The first pertains to fine-grained, negative interactions between local communities and wildlife, and the second, to differences between groups of people with divergent aspirations for land and nature ( Redpath, 2013 ). In India, both forms of conflict are prevalent and their significance is reflected in the numbers of human and animal casualties: ~500 people lose their lives each year to elephants ( Panda et al., 2020 ), and annually over 1.2 m snake bites result in 30,000 to 40,000 human fatalities ( Suraweera et al., 2020 ). Human casualties to other species such as large carnivores are also considerable as are those of their animal counterparts.

Across the country, there is mounting evidence of increasing conflict in zones of overlap between formally protected wild spaces and human habitation ( Anand and Radhakrishna, 2017 ). As is the case elsewhere in the developing world, an overwhelming majority of human victims of these encounters belong to poor and marginalized communities living around protected areas ( West et al., 2006 ; Barua et al., 2013 ). In most situations, the understanding of conflict is restricted to highly visible impacts such as loss of life and crop-raiding, and inputs towards reconciliation are similarly restricted towards the provision of compensation or more effective separation of people and wildlife. Conservation scholars have only recently begun to explore seriously, the hidden dimensions of conflict such as a range of opportunity and transaction costs as well as significant disruptions to psycho-social well-being ( Barua et al., 2013 ).

However, a narrative of conflict, despite its significance, is not the only storey. In India as well as across the world, a singular focus on violent encounters often neglects the multi-faceted nature of entanglements in geographies where people and wildlife have interacted and coexisted over the span of several millennia ( Sukumar, 1994 ; Morris, 1998 ; Knight, 2004 ). The engagements between the rich variety of Indian megafauna as well as equally diverse historical and contemporary human societies offer an axis of exploration for contrasting engagements in conjunction with parallel shifts in their social, economic and cultural situations. Across many rural communities and traditional societies, we find that wildlife, including dangerous species involved in conflict, are an integral part of networks of reciprocity, reverence and kinship ( Athreya et al., 2013 ; Aiyadurai, 2016 ; Oommen, 2019 ; Thekaekara, 2019 ; Nijhawan and Mihu, 2020 ). While communities sometimes retaliate with violence towards animals, local conceptualisations may also align simultaneously with accommodation, worship, and propitiation, frequently considering wildlife attacks as punishment or retribution by animals for human misdemeanours. As pointed out in the scholarship of Norton (1991) , Morris (1998 , 2000) , Franklin (1999) , and Ingold (2000) , a community's relationship with animals is neither monolithic nor homogenous, but a complex one that is contingent on circumstance, social relations and history. Therefore leaving out any set of engagements, positive, negative, or ambivalent, provides a misleading picture of human-animal relationships.

In understanding the nature of coexistence, of particular significance are India's diverse ethno-sociological traditions that range from mainstream religious affiliations to traditional animistic cosmologies, folklore, and worldviews incorporating animals into relational frameworks of giving and reciprocity, and management outcomes evolved as a consequence of ritual and taboo. While a large number of these have been of a local or regional nature, a few religious traditions have garnered widespread acceptance. Further, upheavals caused by major watersheds such as colonialism and recent discontinuities that came in the form of post-Independence legislation have nation-wide significance with strong connexions to perceptions about distributive justice and the moral economy. These are in turn translated to retaliation to animals and other forms of negative human-animal encounter, and conflicts between different groups of people. While colonial laws and policies set the stage for exclusionary conservation throughout most of the Indian subcontinent, of key significance for the post-Independence era is the impact of the Indian Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, the country's flagship conservation legislation which cemented the separation of people and wildlife; as well as recent laws such as the Forest Rights Act, 2006 which attempt the redressal of “historical injustices” (including loss of land and rights for conservation) to forest-dwelling communities. Modern conservation sensitivities driven by urban communities and mediated by a range of domestic and outside influences too play a significant role and often faces resistance from local communities.

This manuscript attempts to provide snapshots of coexistence in India via an exploration of engagements between people and wildlife that are typically categorized as “problem species.” In other words, these are species that are traditionally regarded as boundary crossers (as defined by humans) that frequent human-dominated spaces and interact with people, often causing different forms of conflict. In attempting to understand coexistence, the aim has been to review and synthesise using an interpretive approach, numerous empirical sources ranging from historical and anthropological accounts to recent work from conservation science that addresses the issue of coexistence (without delving much into anthropological theory). An effort was made to select widely distributed species on which adequate empirical scholarship on long-term interactions was available and accessible. The latter condition was instrumental in framing an adequate historical narrative as informed by historical and contemporary scholarship. The author's own long-term research has focused human interactions with two of the species (elephants and pigs). It has to be noted that the accounts of individual species presented in this manuscript are not exhaustive with respect to their historical or contemporary relationships with people and vice versa, rather, the intent has been to highlight a selection of accounts that encapsulate or highlight specific aspects of coexistence between people and animals.

While the definitions of coexistence vary according to different conservation researchers (e.g., Madden, 2004 ; Frank, 2015 ; Konig, 2020 and references there in), this manuscript follows the definition provided by Carter and Linnell (2016 , p. 575) who define coexistence as “a dynamic but sustainable state in which humans and wildlife co-adapt to living in shared landscapes, where human interactions with wildlife are governed by effective institutions that ensure long-term wildlife population persistence, social legitimacy, and tolerable levels of risk.” In the opinion of the author, coexistence does not entirely preclude elements of conflict, rather, it refers to a multidimensional and multifaceted situation in which engagements are often simultaneously located at different points on the continuum between accommodative strategies and negative interactions, but nevertheless ensures the continued existence of wildlife populations.

Beasts in the Garden

In India, free-ranging, wild species that attack people or livestock, raid crops or cause other forms of damage to human lives and livelihoods are very much part of the dynamic of zones of overlap between formally protected wild spaces and human habitation. Many are widely distributed generalists that can adapt to multiple habitats, and especially human use landscapes with their abundance of agriculture, livestock and other benefits compatible with the “merits of margins” ( Peterson, 1977 ). Most, if not all of these species, have a long history of interaction with human communities. Human-animal relationships in such zones evolved with context and are highly contingent on local lived experiences over an extended period of time. These can be examined through a series of explorations of several widely distributed species that routinely “transgress” from the forest and other natural habitats into the “garden” spaces of human habitation—big cats (tigers and leopards), elephants, wild pigs and other ungulates—which have not only figured significantly in conflict in India but are also accommodated within positive, ambivalent and contradictory relationships.

In his seminal article on “the war against ‘dangerous’ beasts in colonial India,” Rangarajan (1998) points to the subcontinent's diverse heritage of entanglements with large carnivores such as tigers, that simultaneously symbolise power and danger. In some quarters, tigers were considered the inveterate problem species, to be eliminated on account of their attacks on livestock and their occasional propensity to kill and devour people. In others, especially during the late colonial era, they assumed a new reputation as the saviours of agriculture and even as embodiments of “gentlemanly virtue” ( Rangarajan, 1998 , p. 299, see also MacKenzie, 1988 ). While the latter sentiments were attributed to colonial officers as well as the Indian elite who questioned the wisdom of removing this top predator which brought down the numbers of crop-raiding ungulates, tigers were also extensively hunted for sport by the very same constituencies.

On the whole, neither conflict nor peaceful cohabitation were a given, prompting Rangarajan (1998 , p. 299) to point out as misleading, a universal romanticised notion of harmonious coexistence or that of all-out conflict. Cohen (2012) too points to the dynamic and anthropocentric nature of human-tiger interactions ranging from the extermination and subjugation under colonial hunting and vermin control to their representation as charismatic conservation icons and playthings in contemporary tourism. Tracing engagements with tigers in diverse contexts before, during and after the colonial watershed provide further support to this.

Local historical conceptualizations of man-eating tigers and leopards, especially beliefs in human to animal transformation, and vice versa, are useful avenues for exploration in this regard, and find parallels with other situations such as the werewolf in European folklore ( MacKenzie, 1988 ). Shapeshifting and therianthropy are informative with regard to coping strategies that benefit coexistence, as well as community cohesion and related social dynamics. Liminal areas of the fringes of human occupation were particularly conducive to the development of such beliefs ( Brighenti, 2017 ). An example is the historical (and even contemporary) belief among the Kondh communities of Odisha that a man-eating tiger or cattle lifter was a were tiger (practitioner of kṛāḍi mliva ) or person whose soul or life force entered a tiger by divine facilitation and carried out malicious acts ( Brighenti, 2011 ). Related accounts equated the man-eater with the earth goddess ( Darṇi Pēnu ) herself, who, enraged at the lack of human sacrifices (traditionally known as Meriā ) devoured her victims ( Macpherson, 1852 ). The belief in human to animal transformations not only cut across class and caste boundaries but was geographically widespread encompassing the central and eastern parts of the subcontinent. For instance, the colonial official William Sleeman was informed by the Raja of the princely state of Maihar (in the Bagelkhand region of Central India) that the tigers who killed large numbers of people were in fact men who had mastered the “science” of converting themselves into tigers. In the latter's opinion, Gonds and other “wild people from the jungles” were to be paid sums of money for propitiating marauding tigers by prayers and sacrificial offerings ( Sleeman, 1844 , p. 165).

Tigers were venerated as part of the Saiva cult in many places; tiger worship in Central (by the Santals of Chota Nagpur, the Kurku and Bhomkas of Hoshangabad) and Northwestern India (by the Baghel Rajputs and the Bhils in Rajputana) was common and the species figures prominently in totemic representations ( Bhattacharya, 1947 ). While killing of tigers under the colonial bounty system for exterminating vermin was commonplace in these regions (bounties were paid for an estimated 56,000 tigers between 1875 and 1925, excluding about 13 years for which data is unavailable), vermin killing itself was viewed differently by different communities: the Baghel Rajpiuts who claimed descent from tigers, refused to provide baits for white hunters, as did the Khonds in Ganjam who believed tigers to be their ancestors ( Rangarajan, 1998 ). In many instances, forest-dwelling communities such as the Gonds responded with physical resistance, refused to divulge information about the whereabouts of tigers or admonished white hunters when tigers and other carnivores were killed ( Rashkow, 2014a , b ). Others killed tigers when there was a necessity, or avoided them on the whole.

Individual animals were sometimes identified as just cattle-lifters or as individuals that did not harm humans, with some constituencies viewing these individuals as somewhat affable predators that also needed to eat to survive (Interesting parallels can be drawn here between modern conservation contexts such as those in parts of Scandinavia where hunters support the rights of large carnivores such as wolves to exist—including reinstating populations by reintroduction—but favor the extermination of individual animals that are perceived to be behaving unnaturally, i.e., deviating from normalcy in behaviour, genetics or spatial boundaries, Von Essen and Allen, 2020 ). For many local communities, the relationship depended on the amount of the reward offered or the nature of local exigencies. The whole scenario was tied up heavily with agrarian practises, arming of the population (the iniquities of the Arms Act which prevented local populations from keeping firearms was particularly problematic), and the politics of sport hunting ( Rangarajan, 1998 ).

Similarly, in northeastern India, the Garos, Rabhas, Bodos, Mikirs, Karbis, Tiwas and Khasis and the Naga communities have folklore about tigers and leopards, and several clans also claim kinship with tigers ( Aiyadurai, 2016 ; Lyngdoh, 2016 ; Brighenti, 2017 ). Different forms of human-animal transformations that were conceptualized by the communities as either malevolent entities or special individuals selected by deities to execute certain roles, or ancestral spirits embodying the essence of clans ( Lyngdoh, 2016 ). While some of these relate to warriorhood and headhunting, and even the use of “animal doubles” to attack their enemies, others consider it a curse or disease, and yet others such as the Mishmis claim strong kinship with tigers ( Aiyadurai, 2016 ; Lyngdoh, 2016 ; Brighenti, 2017 ). Some, such as the Khasi attribute attacks on livestock to the needs of a local tiger deity ( Lyngdoh, 2016 ).

Despite a heavy influence of modern Western education and Christianity, there is evidence of a continuing presence of traditional animistic beliefs in were tigers and different forms of human-animal transformations in which the misdemeanours committed by these individuals are somewhat condoned ( Brighenti, 2017 ). A significant aspect is that the presence of these traditions do not preclude the hunting of tigers by some groups. However hunting and lethal control itself in many traditional societies was historically guided by different forms of rules, ritual and taboo though in the contemporary period there has been an erosion of strong community rules and control in many places.

For groups such as the Mishmi of Arunachal Pradesh who continue to acknowledge strong kinship links with tigers (they consider tigers as their brothers born of the same mother) and typically refrain from their killing, modern conservation has been problematic. In situations of last resort, i.e., when individual tigers become dangerous, they follow a pragmatic approach and occasionally kill or trap their “problematic brother” bringing them into direct conflict with India's conservation laws ( Aiyadurai, 2016 , p. 312). In recent years, these communities have opposed a unilateral, top-down decision by the government to declare parts of their richly forested landscapes under the Dibang Wildlife Sanctuary and further plans by conservationists and the state to elevate its status to that of a Tiger Reserve. These designations entail restrictions on the community on access and use of the forest. The Mishmi who consider themselves to be conservationists and guardians of the forest, managing their resources through ritual and taboo, view such acts as detrimental to their livelihoods as well as infringing on their cultural rights ( Aiyadurai, 2016 ). This signifies that even in spaces with high levels of organic “cultural capital” ( Bourdieu, 1986 ) and close kinship ties with key species such as tigers, the imposition of conservation can not only disrupt a largely peaceful set of relationships but also result in conflict with a community's own cultural icon which received some amount of protection. Modern conservation with its exclusionary ethic (evidenced by continued efforts to maintain pristine spaces for tigers) is seen by most local communities as immensely problematic.

In certain persistent regional epicentres of man-eating such as the Sunderbans of Bengal, though tigers themselves were not venerated, Dakshin Ray or Dakshinraj, and other presiding deities of tigers such as Badagazikhan, Kalugazikhan and Bonbibi (Banabibi) were worshipped by local groups such as woodcutters, hunters and boatmen belonging to both Hindu and Muslim communities ( Bhattacharya, 1947 ). This syncretic tradition involved a number of prayers and propitiation exercises. However, in recent years, as pointed out by Jalais (2008) , nationalistic passions and universalist notions (both Western and upper middle class) engendered the “cosmopolitan” tiger (see also Cederlof and Sivaramakrishnan, 2007 for cosmopolitan/ metropolitan and native/ indigenous conceptions of nature) far removed from its local counterparts in places such as the Sunderbans. Such a disjunct is detrimental to coexistence. A recent set of incidents in Yavatmal in Central india involving a tigress that had killed several people is also a case in point. Officially known as “T1” the tigress was rechristened by activists and the media as “Avni” (Earth), the killing of this tigress witnessed protests from large sections of urban animal lovers who objected to this decision.

Further, the oft quoted, yet contested (e.g., Carter et al., 2012 ; Rai, 2012 ; Goswami et al., 2013 ) conservation mantra that tigers and humans cannot coexist has been used as a justification to create exclusionary spaces for tiger conservation in India ( Bejoy, 2011 ). Relocation of local forest-dwelling communities has been one of the hallmarks of protected area establishment in India ( Rangarajan and Shahabuddin, 2006 ). In the case of tiger conservation, a significant criticism of the government's displacement and relocation of forest-dwellers contrasts with its accommodative stance on tourists and other urban visitors into protected areas ( Bejoy, 2011 ). Some tiger conservationists consider bringing “a tiger in the drawing room” via tourism a pragmatic conservation tool through a protectionist conservation and by the outward expansion of tiger habitats through incentivizing private land holders, agro-corporates and tourism entrepreneurs ( Karanth and Karanth, 2012 ). Others point out that this amounts to colonial style “green grabbing” ( Vidal, 2008 ) of rural land with its already known undesirable outcomes: agrarian distress, migration, exclusion, and alienation and loss of ties with land, and rights of local communities ( Rai, 2012 ). However, on the question of coexistence, at least some carnivore ecologists have been known to support a pragmatic, context specific strategy. For instance Karanth and Gopal (2005) suggest that “tactics ranging from lethal control of tigers at one end of the spectrum to relocation of human settlements at the other would have to be part of the mix…” in establishing “sustainable landscapes.”

The leopard, unlike its more charismatic cousin, the tiger, is mostly unseen, yet emphatic in its presence in many human-modified landscapes. While historically, problems such as man-eating had a very regional dimension, in contemporary times, this adaptable species not only continues to exploit the farmland niche, but has on occasion successfully crossed over into urban spaces, living off livestock, domestic dogs and occasionally attacking humans (e.g., Athreya et al., 2013 ; Ghosal and Kjosavik, 2015 ). The most notable regional geography with regard to conflict with leopards is the Himalayan state of Uttarakhand (particularly the districts of the Garhwal Himalaya) where attacks on people have been a chronic phenomenon at least since the colonial period and continue to report an average of about 60 incidents each year ( Sondhi et al., 2016 ). The presence of a “man-eater” is a significant daily stressor for local communities, which combined with ineffective mitigation measures (typically limited to payment of compensation and translocation) continues to generate negative perceptions and occasional retaliation against leopards. In other parts of India, leopards figure much less prominently in conflict. This is exemplified by the situation in the Valparai Plateau, a plantation landscape in southern India, where largely neutral perceptions of leopards and associated accommodative human behavioral responses are the norm with occasional shifts towards negative reactions (coinciding with attacks on humans) ( Sidhu et al., 2017 ). At the positive end of the spectrum, in other sites such as Rajasthan, in northwestern India, leopards have received some amount of active protection by local Jain and Gujar communities and community-based organizations ( Kumbhojkar et al., 2019 ).

As is the case of tigers, leopards too have been incorporated into networks of social relations both historically and in the contemporary sphere. Like tigers, individual leopards involved in conflict (especially predation on humans) have long been considered to be possessed by malevolent spirits. The Rudraprayag leopard (which killed over a hundred people) which was shot by Jim Corbett in 1926 was emphatically regarded an evil spirit that could not be vanquished. (An interesting parallel can be found in Patterson's 1907 account that the Indian coolie labourers on the Kenya-Uganda Railway—many of whom fell victim to the lions—considered the Tsavo lions to be evil spirits). In many parts of the country, the wearing of claws and teeth of leopards and tigers as amulets and pendants is supposed to ward off misfortune and provide the wearer with courage, health and wealth. There is a widespread perception of leopards as protectors in parts of Himachal Pradesh, where they are strongly embedded in local myth and folklore and considered the vahana (vehicle/ mount) of the local goddess (like the tiger is to the Goddess Durga) ( Dhee et al., 2019 ). Ethnographic characterised research in these systems reveal that local communities view leopards as complex, thinking individuals and with whom the sharing of space is negotiated ( Dhee et al., 2019 ). In the central Indian state of Maharashtra, which is by relatively lower levels of conflict in agrarian habitats with a high density of leopards, Athreya et al. (2013) report a high level of social tolerance to leopards and other predators and suggest an exploration of “social carrying capacity” that promotes coexistence with carnivores in such spaces.

A closer examination of this situation by Ghosal and Kjosavik (2015) arrives at two sets of relations borne out of distinct ontologies that operate together in the same spatial setting by mutual accommodation and co-opting. The first, revolving around the village deity Waghoba (represented by tiger or leopard iconography, wagh denotes tiger or leopard) is prominent among tribal communities and involves a network of reflexive and reciprocal relations with leopards that inhabit the landscape. Livestock depredation within this framework is viewed either as retribution for disrespect or as an act of benevolence or necessity by Waghoba ( Ghosal et al., 2015 ). The annual festival of Waghbaras celebrating the benevolence of the deity (in livestock protection) is characterized by ritual sacrifices and feasting, which are also considered to promote social stability and cohesion as well as contribute critical animal protein. The second, the “legal-scientific leopard” of state-sponsored conservation has a heritage of dualism of people and nature. Local forest managers, however, negotiate both spheres and enable both sets of practises. This integration of traditional and the modern ontologies engenders a hybrid coexistence perspective that appears to be somewhat beneficial for the continued survival of the species in this landscape without too much conflict.

Modern conservation and tourism have combined to provide another axis of interaction between big cats and the Indian public. While tiger-viewing safaris in national parks are more popular in terms of scale, leopards too are increasingly considered part of the attraction. Sightings of known individuals leopards are particularly sought after. This is exemplified by the case of a melanistic leopard inhabiting the environs of the Kabini forest in southern India. Known variously as Karia (lit. translation Blackie), Saaya (shadow) and Blackie, this black leopard and his encounters with other local resident leopards (Cleopatra, Scarface) are widely anthropomorphised in the media, and spark frequent interest among urban wildlife enthusiasts (e.g., Bangalore Literature Festival, 2020 ; The Indian Express, 2020 ). However, in stark contrast to these positive sentiments, individual leopards involved in conflict cause fear and apprehension among local communities, and typically suffer a different fate in relocation or lethal control.

For sentient species with high behavioural plasticity and adaptability, the immediate local context and embedded interactions with local communities are of paramount significance. The types of entanglements in such interactive contexts reveal as much about the elephants as the human societies that live within their range. Although highly visible negative incidents and interactions receive inordinate focus, recent nuanced explorations shows that elephant landscapes can be broadly placed along a continuum of more or less peaceful coexistence (e.g., Thekaekara and Thornton, 2016 ), episodic conflict (e.g., Oommen, 2019 ), or more continuous and protracted conflict (e.g Münster and Münster, 2012a ). Generalising interactions as peaceful coexistence or conflict, however, beyond an immediate regional or even local geographical unit is problematic as elephants are capable of a wide range of behavioural repertoires. Similarly the diverse human communities living within elephant landscapes tend to display an equally varied set of responses between and within social groups.

As pointed out by Sukumar (1994) , elephant incursions into human habitation and vice versa have been an ongoing feature throughout the range of this species. Early references to agriculture-centric interactions as well as a range of multi-faceted engagements with elephants can be found in numerous Indian historical and literary sources ( Sukumar, 2011 ). The bardic poetry of the Sangam literary tradition of Early Historical (300 BCE to 300 CE) Tamilakam (the ancient Tamil microregion comprising most of southern India) exemplifies this. Crop-raiding and everyday conflicts, ivory extraction and elephant capture figure extensively in these representations, along with an equal diversity of allusions to the sentience and sociability of elephants ( Oommen, 2019 ). Coexistence with this species, therefore has had many dynamic and contradictory facets over millennia.

As a more general pattern, human-elephant relationships are known to have a strong temporal dynamic that is often directly linked to the length of time local communities have spent with elephants. Migrant communities, especially recent agriculturalist settlers who have poor familiarity with elephant movements and behaviour are often located on the negative end of the spectrum ( Thekaekara and Thornton, 2016 ; Oommen, 2019 ). This is exemplified by the case of early- and mid-twentieth Century Syrian Christian migrants to the frontier forests of the Western Ghats who either continue to be in conflict with elephants in many places or have begun to develop accommodative relationships after decades of occupation ( Münster and Münster, 2012a , b ; Thekaekara and Thornton, 2016 ; Oommen, 2019 ). This is often in stark contrast with indigenous forest-dwelling groups whose engagements with elephants are traditionally less confrontational and reflective of ways of life that have evolved from constant interaction and accommodation between both parties. For these communities, elephants are not only part of the landscape but are important deities and community members embedded within relational networks. To cite an example, Bird-David (1990 , 1999) studies report how the Nayaka (Kattunayaka/n) of southern India often relate to elephants that pass by without reacting to them or harming people as “ devaru ” (superpersons/ divine persons) or “ anadevaru ,” whereas elephants that they encounter in some form of conflict are simply referred to as elephants ( ana/e ). Such forms of justification and discrimination of elephants as persons or individuals, or as objects, are highly contingent on situation.

As intelligent and interactive social beings, elephants provide fascinating opportunities for exploring issues related to nonhuman personhood and its role in coexistence outcomes. While traditional societies typically attribute personhood to many species, elephants on account of their high levels of sentience and consciousness have often been accommodated within a wider network of intimacy and trust than most other species. The behavioural peculiarities of individual wild elephants that frequent human habitation are sometimes known to village communities resulting in both positive and negative views. For example, a mostly harmless makhna , Nadodi Ganesan ( nadodi can be roughly translated as “village loafer”) was fondly regarded by local communities in the Gudalur landscape in southern India ( Thekaekara, 2019 ) (Here, parallels can be drawn with the Finnish “yard-wolf,” a designation given to a wolf that is habituated to and frequents human-dominated spaces, resulting in legal and ethical dilemmas for its removal, Ojalammi and Blomley, 2015 ). A long history of capture and training, and heritage of working elephants have also contributed to the public understanding of elephants as individuals and nonhuman persons.

In India, the elephant figures extensively in religion and mythology both on account of its links with mainstream, non-sectarian gods such as Ganesha/Ganapati in Hindu, Buddhist and Jain traditions. Elephants as totems of autochthonous clans and the havoc caused by wild elephants figure among the various origins suggested for this non-sectarian deity worshipped widely under various appellations across the Indian subcontinent and beyond as the remover of obstacles (.e.g., Michael, 1983 ; Ayuttacorn and Ferguson, 2018 ). Even Judaeo-Christian traditions within India such as those of the Kerala Christians established strong connexions with this charismatic species. For instance, construction rules of most early Syrian Christian churches in the erstwhile kingdoms of Travancore and Cochin (part of present day Kerala) mandated prominent iconographic representation of a working elephant and a wild elephant, as well as a number of elephant related features ( Menachery, 2014 ).

As in the case of large carnivores such as the tiger, in the colonial era, elephants represented a paradox. In many places, the government had to walk the tight rope balancing elephant populations by keeping agriculturalists safe and sportsmen happy, while at the same time ensuring revenues from ivory extraction and elephant labour. In many regions of the subcontinent, elephants, due to their economic and symbolic importance, received a greater degree of formal protection before mainstream conservation laws were enacted. In some regions, post-Independence conservation with its blanket laws for preservation created zones of anomaly where conflict with forest fringe farmers escalated; in others especially those occupied by traditional forest-dwellers, their status as a highly sentient species positively entangled in religion and folklore continued.

To understand and enable a dynamic perspective on human-elephant encounters within temporal and regional (e.g., the Wayanad District) frames, Münster and Münster, 2012b use “the notions of ‘frontier,’ ‘fortress,’ and (precarious) ‘conviviality’.” Planning on-the-ground coexistence strategies in elephant landscapes is likely to be a complex process given the history of interactions with the species in a particular area, the nature of land use as well as that of the wide diversity of local communities that interact with it. However, it has to be kept in mind that positive relationships with elephants unless organically evolved are difficult to engender or sustain.

One of the most iconic images of prehistoric representations from the Bhimbetka rock shelters in central India is that of a mutant boar chasing a tiny fleeing human. While it is not known what the primaeval artist exactly intended to communicate, legends, myths and iconography of ferocious giant boars appears at frequent intervals throughout India's recorded history. The legend of Komban, the wild boar that destroyed crops in the Tamil province of Kongu Nadu and the “ veeragallu ” (hero stones) scattered across Karnataka—many of them commemorating deeds of valour against ferocious boars—are examples ( Oommen, forthcoming a ). Enigmatic and intelligent, pigs are known to challenge farmers, trappers and hunters in as many ways that have been devised to outwit them. But the “heavy” meat of wild pigs was equally sought after in ancient Indian zoology that was a “catalogue of meats” and Vedic pharmacopoeia that treated the “universe as a kitchen” ( Zimmermann, 1982 ). Local communities as early as the Sangam period benefited not only from the meat of pigs, but planted their grain in the soft soil of hillslopes rooted around by wild boar ( Oommen, 2019 ).

When viewed through the lens of history, the Indian wild pig shared a diverse set of relationships with local communities across the subcontinent. However, in the contemporary conservation scenario dominated by influences from the Global North, wild pigs, despite their cultural significance and impacts on fringe cultivators, remain a forgotten species due to their supposed lack of charisma and sentience [e.g., ( Oommen, forthcoming a )]. This contrast is particularly stark when compared with conservation icons such as elephants, dolphins, etc. which are frequently highlighted in conservation discourses as being imbued with sentience and sapience. The long-term engagement between people and pigs on the subcontinent has resulted not only in widespread conflict with agriculturalists, but also a range of complex socio-economic and cultural arrangements ranging from religious proscriptions among mainstream societies to ritual and taboo among hunting communities (e.g., Oommen, forthcoming a ; Oommen, forthcoming b ).

Worship of the boar-headed god Varaha (an avatar of the god Vishnu represented iconographically as half man-half boar, or in completely zoomorphic forms) who lifted the Earth from the primordial flood (by bodily rescuing the earth goddess, Bhu), and the reputation of Varaha and his offspring as creators of mayhem, likely alluded to the crop-raiding tendencies of wild swine. Similarly, the wrathful Vajravarahi (the female form of Varaha) in Tāntric traditions was believed to transform the novice nuns of her monastery into sows and unleash them on her enemies. Despite, or because of their destructive nature, propitiation rituals and sacrifices towards enhanced human and livestock fertility, improved agricultural yields and soil fertility, the foretelling of rain, and protection from epidemics were common, and sacrifices involving pigs were particularly significant for many Dravidian rituals ( Oommen, forthcoming a ).

In parts of Northeast India as well as the Andaman and Nicobar islands, pigs are not only considered to be critical elements for nutrition, but also considered to be of great significance for a range of cultural engagements of local tribal communities. Andamanese communities such as the Jarawa and the Ongee, for whom wild pigs provide critical sustenance, regulate their hunting through different forms of resource habitat taboos (RHTs) as well as rituals and myths ( Pandya, 1993 , 2009 ). In northeastern India, the etymologies of several Naga clans originate from pigs, as do several storeys of village establishment which involve farrowing sows, runaway pigs and hunted boars (e.g., Hutton, 1921 ; Mills, 1922 ). Such diverse multifaceted engagements including origin storeys, folklore, and hunting rituals from both the islands as well as India's northeastern region are beneficial for conservation in these regions ( Oommen, forthcoming a ; Oommen, forthcoming b ).

Most historical societies (as well as contemporary traditional ones) managed at least an uneasy level of coexistence with wild pigs. Numbers were kept under control as part of management of populations, utilisation for nutritional sustenance and a range of cultural practises that also promoted tolerance and reverence. On the other hand, coercive top-down control that prohibited people from hunting or culling of this species has been hugely problematic as it neglects the enormous impact wild pigs have on agriculture. During the colonial period, local prohibitions on the removal of wild pigs were effected in order to manage adequate number of boars for pig-sticking, a form of hunting favoured by colonial officers and members of the Indian royal families. While a number of other lesser problematic species were declared as vermin, pigs were spared despite their daily depredations on village agriculture, leading to extensive rule breaking and illegal killing of pigs ( Hughes, 2014 ; Oommen, 2020 ). Gold and Gujar (2002) analysing peasants' memories from the erstwhile kingdom of Sawar in Rajputana report that prohibitions on killing pigs by local rulers led to impoverishment and revolts by villagers.

The recent dynamics of forest fringe villages across the country tell a similar storey of wild boar depredations as a consequence of wildlife preservation laws. In addition to being a persistent and highly effective crop raider that often results in farmers abandoning agriculture (wild boar pestilence has occasionally led to local famines among farming communities—e.g., Sunseri, 1997 ; Walker, 2001 ), wild pigs are highly fecund animals whose numbers tend to explode when provided adequate protection. Moreover, a lack of understanding by urban people and conservationists about how dangerous pigs are also figure prominently in discussions with local communities. Studies from both Kerala and Uttarakhand show that local people frequently blame government apathy and mismanagement in dealing with wild pigs, leading to a disruption of already tenuous coexistence scenarios with the species (e.g., Govindrajan, 2018 ; Oommen, 2019 ). In the Uttarakhand region, local people believed that that pig numbers increased after a pregnant sow escaped from the Indian Veterinary Research Institute. Continuing protection to pigs accorded by the Forest Department led to claims that the government was needlessly sympathetic to the descendants of an errant domestic pig instead of being concerned about the welfare of local people who suffered from their depredations ( Govindrajan, 2018 ). Such claims have strong links with concerns about distributive justice and have been highlighted in other studies as well.

Other Ungulates

In 2015, “ Bishnois: Environmentalists since the fifteenth Century ” authored by Franck Vogel, a photojournalist specialising in environmental issues was one of several catalysts garnering worldwide public attention to the Bishnois, a small, yet significant community primarily comprised of agriculturalists, residing in northwestern India. The community observes strict prohibitions against killing animals and cutting trees, Bishnoi women are known to even occasionally breastfeed orphaned offspring of blackbuck ( Antilope cervicapra ) and chinkara ( Gazella bennettii ) fawns. The community are believed to have derived their name from the 29 ( bish noi ) divinely-ordained rules (handed down in the fifteenth century by Guru Jambheshwar/ Jambhoji) that are integral to their central goal of purity. The history of the Bishnoi is steeped in the legend of the Khejarli massacre in which more than 300 community members, led by a local woman, Amrita Devi, sacrificed their lives protecting a khejiri ( Prosopis cineraria ) grove from the king's army. As part of their rules, each Bishnoi village also maintains an oran , or common land reserved for planting trees and for grazing land for wildlife. Ungulates such as blackbuck and chinkara are also allowed to feed on crops to a large extent.

Although syncretic in origin (a mixed transitory origin including Islamic antecedents for the now Hindu Bishnoi has been suggested—see Jain, 2011 ; Reichert, 2015 ), Bishnoi “environmentalism” provides an interesting backdrop to explore coexistence in relation to several mainstream aspects of morality, duty and virtue embodied in Hindu dharma (which can be translated, albeit simplistically, as moral code). While the scholarship on this is extensive and complex, an examination of early (c. 1500—c. 1000 BCE) and later Vedic (c. 1000—c. 600 BCE) philosophies that give rise to fundamental religious texts of ancient India provides basic insights. As opposed to the dvaita (duality) early Vedic conceptualisation in which the ultimate reality ( Brahman ) and the individual soul ( atman ) existed in distinct realities, the later Vedic advaita (non-duality) conceptualisation viewed duality only as illusory ( maya ) in nature. The central, recurring themes of the latter include the interconnectedness of the elements as well as that between human and non-human beings, and the omnipresence of the divine in everything including non-human animals ( Chapple, 1993 ; Dwivedi, 2003 ). The ideas of rebirth and cyclical change ( samsara ) and the transmigration of the soul through various animal bodies, especially the concept of “ Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam ” (the world is one family) as outlined in the Upanishads encourages kinship with animals.

The central ideas of advaita philosophies align with respect for animals and concomitant duties towards them. This is reflected in traditional beliefs such as those of the Bishnois as well as modern movements in the region such as Swadhaya ( Jain, 2011 ). However, as pointed out by Sivaramakrishnan (2015) , the presence of sacred elements alone does not reflect a deliberate environmental ethic. Many traditions both historical and contemporary, do not label their own work as environmental in nature, rather along with a number of religious and social outcomes, sustainability and kindness to animals are nevertheless, beneficial collaterals ( Jain, 2011 ). The debate as to whether some of these Indic theologies are genuinely environmental in nature is still unresolved despite an extensive body of scholarship (e.g., Doniger, 1976 ; Patton, 2000 ; Nanda, 2005 ; Nelson, 2006 ), however, they provide an interesting set of insights to understand human-nature relations.

Harking back to the Bishnois, a closer analysis of the community's worldviews and day-to-day engagements with animals reveal complexity and contradiction. While on the one hand several aspects of the teachings of Jambhoji is definitely is in place (e.g., the community's traditional opposition to hunting and prosecution of hunters, protection of trees), there are also other characteristics which seem to be in opposition with the stereotype as a peaceful community and their idealised representation as a group with an entirely harmonious relationship with nature. For instance, in contrast with articulated ethical mandate to protect animals, pigs are an exception and are often viewed by community members with revulsion. From time to time, the community also appears to be in violent opposition with other caste groups. Further, Reichert's 2015 interviews with Bishnois themselves point to an acknowledgement of different forms of romanticisation as well as a recent “greening” of the community by both insiders and outsiders,” occasionally for the benefit of Western audiences.

Key Learnings From the Indian Context

In India, as well as among traditional societies elsewhere, longer range histories of human-animal interactions can be characterised by a lack of dualism between people and nature. Communities with longer-term engagements with predators and other problem wildlife typically evolved a range strategies that appear to be on the whole beneficial to coexistence in shared spaces. In his wide-ranging, yet controversial commentaries on mythology and religion, Frazier (1922, p. 413) points to numerous examples of worship and propitiation of “obnoxious” species ranging from locusts and birds that decimate crops, rats and mice that destroy grain, and crocodiles that attack humans. As pointed out in the preceding sections, there are close parallels here with Indian traditions where nearly every species characterised as causing harm or conflict appear to have links with propitiation. Anthropological scholarship from across the world supports this, and shows that many species involved in predation on people and livestock, crop-raiding and other forms of harm have been long accommodated by local communities and assume sometimes contradictory spiritual and material roles (e.g., Lopez, 1978 ; Knight, 2004 ; McGregor, 2005 ; Pooley, 2016 ).

Coexistence between humans and wildlife was typically facilitated by what can be understood as different forms of balanced reciprocity and affordances by interacting parties. Human relationships with animals are often guided by informal institutions consisting rules, norms and prohibitions that are derived from autonomous decision-making by traditional communities. A long history of anthropological explorations have affirmed the effectiveness of adaptive responses that not only ensure the long-term sustainability of species and natural resources (though rules may not be explicitly directed at conservation) but also promote social identity and cohesion of communities themselves ( Rappaport, 1968 ; Harris, 1971 ; Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1976 ; Johannes, 1981 ). Among these, different types of resource and habitat taboos (RHT) (e.g., food, hunting and seasonal and habitat-related taboos), which are the result long-term adaptive engagements of a society in a landscape often serve overlapping social, ecological and psychological ends ( Gadgil and Guha, 1993 ; Colding and Folke, 2001 ).

Measures that promote coexistence, especially in relation to hunting and utilisation species that figure predominantly within such systems of rules can still be gleaned from examinations of traditional societies in parts of central (e.g., Ramnath, 2015 ) and northeast India (e.g., Aiyadurai, 2016 ; Nijhawan and Mihu, 2020 ) and the Andaman islands (e.g., Radcliffe-Brown, 1922 ; Pandya, 1993 , 2009 ). Hunting rituals and taboos that require a strict adherence to various rules such as refraining from overhunting, asking for permission and forgiveness to take life, and entreatments to ensure the future availability of animals are a large part of these local coexistence frameworks. The perception and treatment of individual animals is also significant and context driven. In some contexts, local communities may favour the elimination of individual animals on account of their idiosyncrasies including ecological and behavioural features that deviate from a commonly accepted species norm (for close parallels with other contexts, see Von Essen and Allen, 2020 ). In others, the behaviour of individual animals (e.g., man eating tigers), despite being involved in catastrophic attacks of people, is justified in some contexts through explanations such as therianthropy, where the blame is in effect shifted from the animal to that of misbehaving or malevolent humans.

In contrast with a lack of separation between people and nature as embedded within indigenous and traditional ontologies, colonial and post-colonial policies which enabled the creation of exclusionary protected areas and strengthening hands-off approaches to most species appear to have created a strong rift in the once-operational organic relations between the two. This strict separation between people and wildlife has been detrimental to long-term coexistence as, in most of the country, local communities began to view wildlife as government property, contest the presence of wild species outside protected areas, and question the impact of top-down conservation on local livelihoods and rights.

When viewed through the lens of moral economy ( Thompson, 1971 ; Scott, 1977 , 1990 ), the nature of conflict and coexistence underwent a distinct shift towards the articulation of resistance and inequality and in ensuing power struggles with the state and outsider stakeholders including conservationists. As pointed out by Pooley et al. (2017) in the context of human-predator relations, working out what conflicts are really about is critically important. As these authors point out, what may superficially look like human-wildlife conflicts may have more to deal with underlying differences between human actors with incompatible goals related to land and wildlife. Their embedment in wider societal conflicts and power equations, and the social constructions of landscapes has also been pointed out by several others (e.g., Ghosal et al., 2015 ). Conflicts between people as well as the historical contexts of these differences are therefore critical to understanding the dynamics of coexistence. As exemplified by the case of the Mishmis opposition to the establishment of a tiger reserve in northeast India ( Aiyadurai, 2016 ) or that of Chenchu hunter-gatherers asked to make way for a tiger reserve acerbically suggesting to conservationists for the same to be instead established in the urban centre of Hyderabad ( Guha, 1997 ), conservation entails resistance and discontent. Hegemonies imposed by the state and powerful outside groups go a long way in disrupting local equilibria, and bring to the surface concerns about the loss of rights and autonomy, and a lack of distributive justice.

In this context, a recurring phenomenon relates to conjectures circulating among local inhabitants that allude to secret introductions of wildlife by the government. Both Ghosal et al. (2015) and Oommen (2017) point to instances where local communities believe that tigers from zoos (local inhabitants claim that these individuals are easily identifiable on account of their preference for livestock and poor hunting skills) were introduced into their landscapes by the Forest Department in Maharashtra and Kerala. There are similar accounts relating the introductions of leopards in Himachal Pradesh ( Dhee et al., 2019 and references therein), though these could have some links with relocation of individuals involved in conflict from other human-dominated landscapes. To local communities, such acts often signify the government's heavy handedness and apathy to people. Similar parallels can be read in the storey of the runaway domestic sow and government protection for pigs in Uttarakhand ( Govindrajan, 2018 ). Accounts of clandestine wolf reintroductions in Norway ( Ghosal et al., 2015 ) show that such conceptualisations incorporating conspiracist theories and claims of introduction of tame animlals, hybridisation, etc. are as much a part of modern, Western ideas of wildlife as they are in India.

The relationship between the state and its local citizens is paramount here. Through the delineation of PA boundaries and exertion of ownership over animals (through overarching legislation such as the Wildlife (Protection) Act), the post-independence Indian state denied legitimacy to existing local relations between people and animals (e.g., Ghosal and Kjosavik, 2015 ). In the process, potentially fruitful alternatives for governance were also likely lost or diluted. As discussed before, in many cases, what people may in effect be resisting, is conservation which is imposed without adequate consultation or buy in. In yet others, it may be the lack of rights, tenure and autonomy that turn people against wildlife.

The dynamics of coexistence is also guided by newer developments that are strongly entangled with a suite of factors that fall under the umbrella of modernization including technological change, globalisation, proliferation of media and other influences (for a modern Scandinavian parallel, see Von Essen, 2018 ). For instance, proliferation of firearms as well as roads have resulted in expanding the scale of hunting in India's northeastern region. In this region, other influences that have brought about shifts in values and ethics include conversion from animism to Christianity (e.g., breakdown of some taboos) as well as the increasing influence of urban conservation groups that have campaigned against hunting (e.g., surrender of firearms and other hunting weapons). In recent years, the influence of social media is extremely relevant in mediating public perceptions of conflict and coexistence, both positive as well as negative. Coexistence is therefore contingent on a dynamic and changing set of interlinked values.

Concerns, Caveats and Ways Forward

The Indian context is very expansive, from multi-ethnic and multi-religious scenarios, to the influences of mass movements, public intellectuals and external factors. These are overlapping influences. On the one hand, interpretations of the Indian context in support of modern environmentalist sensibilities tend to be shoehorned into a valorization of Eastern traditions and religious practises such as Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism based on superficial similarities. For instance, similar to Inden' s 1986 caution about Orientalist constructions of India in general, Patton (2000) points to the common tendency among both ecologists and Indologists to privilege passages in Hindu scriptures that allude to a Romantic ideal of harmony with nature. Strong critiques of simplistic religious environmentalism can be found in the work of several scholars including Nelson (2006) , Doniger (1976) , and Nanda (2005) . As these authors point out, such readings are problematic and have consequences in modern interpretations that allow only a narrow set of acceptable human relationships with animals and the adoption of specific and limited environmentalist ideologies such as those encompassed within the Hindutva mobilisations of the Hindu Right (to the exclusion of others) ( Sivaramakrishnan, 2015 ). For example, in the modern sphere, despite limited overlap in fundamental philosophy and traditions, PETA mobilises the diasporic Jain community for promoting its arguments in favour of veganism and animal liberation ( Laidlaw, 2010 ). Similar examples can be found in Sivaramakrishnan' s (2015 and references therein) explorations which analyse environmental ethics within Indian environmental history, and also frequently highlighted examples such as Bishnoi environmentalism ( Jain, 2011 ; Reichert, 2015 ).

Similarly, an unpacking of the term “tolerance” in the context of wildlife pestilence is also required. In spaces of unequal power relations, what may be viewed as tolerance is likely to have strong political ramifications it is difficult to ascertain if expressions of tolerance by local communities is just limited to social and cultural acceptance of a particular species, or a coping mechanism used to justify and overcome helplessness in the face of such problems.

On the other hand, there is the question of understanding Indian contexts for coexistence against categorisations imposed by Euro-North American conceptualisations of environmentalisms ( Nadasdy, 2005 ). In the same way that a universal moral ethic for conservation is highly problematic, so is a monolithic, narrow view of coexistence defined only by scientists or environmentalists. Looking at the broad spectrum of environmentalism (see Nadasdy, 2005 ) for instance, a “dark-green” perspective of coexistence derived from radical ecocentric notions is likely to vary significantly from that of the broader conceptualisations of “light-green” or reform environmentalists which may include including some level of lethal control of problem animals or continued hunting, or harvesting at viable levels. In fact, many traditional societies that were discussed in previous sections conceive of hunting as essential to their very existence and identity, as has been pointed out emphatically in other contexts as well ( Nadasdy, 2007 ). As pointed out by Morris (1998) and Ingold (2000) , human-animal relationships are never homogenous or monolithic, but complex, multifaceted and locally co-constituted.

Therefore, the need to accept pluralism in knowledge and practise embodied in calls for “cognitive justice” ( Visvanathan, 1997 ) is particularly relevant in the case of coexistence. Nadasdy's 2007 recommendation for accepting the ontological assumptions of indigenous groups as literally and metaphorically valid is also food for thought. This means that views of local communities living with wildlife who are the custodians of situated knowledges, local traditions and lived experiences need to be privileged and accepted in ways that may be anathema to the ontological boundaries and barriers of scientists and conservationists. In the same way that Baviskar (2011) cautions against “bourgeois environmentalism” and Jalais (2008) argues for accommodating the views of the people who live with “wild” tigers as opposed to those who embrace the “cosmopolitan” tiger far removed from reality (see also Cohen, 2012 ), the nature of local coexistence could be defined by the lived experiences and conceptualisations of communities who actually share spaces with wildlife. Different forms of social and cultural capital ( Bourdieu, 1986 ) embedded within the lived experiences of local communities are particularly relevant as they provide for alternate ways of knowing, interacting and coexisting with wildlife. A phenomenological approach to coexistence that privileges the subjective, lived experiences and sensibilities (e.g., Husserl, 1913/1963 ; Heidegger, 1971 ) as opposed to a universal ethic would be pragmatic. These need not be just for indigenous animist societies, but for the vast majority of rural populations for whom traditional practises and modern lived experiences intersect to form sometimes hybrid or newer relationships with wildlife. This may also mean diverging from “hands-off,” preservationist conservation ideals and the re-examination of “third rail” issues such as hunting, culling, etc. that are pragmatically appropriate or culturally embedded within a particular geography.

Further, this also means questioning the patronising assumptions of the knowledge/ information deficit model—in this context, that local communities do not really know their animals or are not already aware of the positive interactions and social relations with wildlife. An emerging acceptance by conservationists of the simplistic conceptualisations on human irrationality (e.g., Knopff et al., 2016 ; Bombieri et al., 2018 ) as put forward by the heuristics and biases school (e.g., Tversky and Kahneman, 1992 ) is also at play when it comes to the public understandings that may impact human animal relationships. This politics of conservation is reminiscent of Kipling's exhortation (in The White Man's Burden, The Times , February 4, 1899, London) to serve the best interests of “new-caught, sullen peoples…,” a civilising mission that is all too familiar in the Southern conservation contexts that is based on a widespread mistrust of the ability of local communities to manage on their own. In reality, while there have been examples of indigenous destructions of environments, for some communities and contexts, religious and spiritual leanings engender an organic/unconscious conservation ethic including that of “animal persons,” ( Snodgrass and Tiedje, 2008 ). Sponsel's argument for a “middleground” ( Sponsel, 2001 , p. 170) between “romantic myth” and “oversimplified counter to romanticism” in viewing indigenous communities either as protectors or destroyers of nature is, therefore, relevant ( Snodgrass and Tiedje, 2008 , p. 8).

Academic scholarship aligning with radical protectionist conservation paradigms such as compassionate conservation (e.g., Wallach et al., 2018 ) promote an impression that sentience, sapience and sociality in animals is a new discovery that calls for support of a universal moral conservation ethic that shuns any form of violence. However, as mentioned before, ontological equality and personhood figure prominently, if not fundamentally, in many traditional animist cosmologies, but within the communities' own cultural models and social relations that are locally contingent ( Hallowell, 1960 ). Hunter-gatherers and rural communities routinely incorporate animals into such frameworks, understanding animals as individuals with consciousness, morality, spiritual power and intentionality, and people and animals are located within webs of reciprocal relations. In some contexts, animals may be exterminated but in others, there may be explicit injunctions against destroying even individual animals that are involved in catastrophic conflict. Within local systems, these serve as critical anchors for social cohesion and ecological sustainability and form important ingredients of coexistence. However, their significance is highly specific to context as opposed to recent cosmopolitan theorisations that argue for a universal conservation ethic such as that espoused by the proponents of compassionate conservation and associated ideologies (e.g Wallach et al., 2018 ; Wallach, 2020 ). The difference is important as these are not shared equally/ uniformly (either by communities or even by individuals within them), are of varying ethical obligations, and are activated depending on context ( Snodgrass and Tiedje, 2008 ). Such a shift away from moral monism towards a pluralistic system of values aligns strongly with Norton's 1991 convergence hypothesis which encourages local freedom and determination, and context specific adoption of priority rules and decisions. Here, Neumann's 2004 caution to conservationists against moral extensionism or the attribution of moral standing to non-human animals outside traditionally located human spheres of ethics and morality is also critical. The consequences of viewing animals a certain way (e.g., humanising wild animals) are strongly related to our perceptions and treatment of our own species who behave differently from us. Using the example of African Parks, he points to the influence of such moral and discursive narratives in normalising violence against poachers. Similarly, as has been shown elsewhere, injunctions against hunting, meat eating, animal sacrifices and similar practises situated outside modern Western ethical frameworks could align with intolerance related to race, ethnicity or religion ( Boaz, 2019 ; Oommen et al., 2019 ).

Learning coexistence from traditional societies is not easy either. Anthropological scholarship on different ontological positionings of communities have shown that these notions can vary across different cultures (e.g., Viveiros de Castro, 1998 ; Ingold, 2000 ; Descola, 2013 ). Nijhawan and Mihu (2020) point out that efforts by conservation organisations to co-opt them into formal conservation strategies have often been ineffective, and may in fact create unintended adverse consequences. Efforts in other countries such as Madagascar ( Sodikoff, 2012 ) have shown that simplistic translation of such rules are unlikely to succeed, and the embedded, context-specific nature of such rules within traditional systems cannot be emphasised enough.

Species such as elephants, pigs and some large carnivores are particularly adept at responding to local stimuli especially those relating to fear, risk and opportunities whereas in landscapes occupied by others (e.g., snakes, though many such species have more complex social dynamics than we typically assume) human behavioural modification or the removal of problem individuals may be the more pragmatic approach. In India, human relationships with snakes is a particularly interesting subject for potential insights as regional pockets such as Agumbe in Karnataka and Burdwan in Bengal have scenarios in which snakes live in close (sometimes intimate) proximity to people without being harmed (Romulus Whitaker, personal communication).

A take home lesson is that within spaces of interaction, the actions of both animals and people influence each other. When viewed from this perspective, contact zones remain negotiated spaces, with the boundaries of engagements and “transgressions” being drawn both by opportunity and fear. Further, violent, traumatic events, though relatively rare in number, are often strongly imprinted in memory, calling for further research on such interactions. In wild spaces, human fears are more immediate and pressing whereas the opposite holds true for animal interactions resulting in differently viewed landscapes of risk. While technical definitions vary according to disciplinary focus, the concept of “landscape/s of fear” has been examined from ecological ( Laundré et al., 2001 , 2010 ) and social ( Tuan, 1979 ) perspectives, for both people and animals, and could serve as a useful starting point for local evaluations of violent as well as non-violent encounter. As pointed out by Tuan (1979) , fear is one of the primary forces that shape us (fear of animals, darkness and heights being key universals among humans). Similarly, studies of predation risk in animal systems reveal numerous anti-predator responses that involve substantial costs and trade-offs for individuals and “risk effects” that prevent them from engaging in other useful behaviours, as well as resulting in increased physiological stress, and eventually “fitness costs” that translate to long-term demographic changes ( Lima and Dill, 1990 ; Brown, 1999 ) could serve as the ethological extension of coexistence studies. For example, for several species, conservation has resulted in a watering down of “landscapes of fear” ( Laundré et al., 2001 , 2010 ), as hunting, harvesting and persecution of animals has reduced in some spaces. These topics require further research and exploration.

In the preceding sections, a range of explorations of historical and contemporary engagements between people and wildlife were examined. These provide empirical evidence for both positive as well as negative or ambivalent relationships. As pointed out by Frank (2015) , such interactions are emphatically context-laden, and dynamic as opposed to being fixed to any particular location on the continuum.

A general pattern that emerges here, especially in the context of historical relations is that in many instances, indigenous ontologies typically engendered multifaceted engagements ranging from reverence and propitiation to elimination of wildlife, but nevertheless enabled coexistence, at least in the generic sense of the term. These have been disrupted by modern conservation whose predominantly top-down nature privileges only a narrow set of acceptable relationships while excluding and marginalising a range of human practises. Modern conservation's adherence to moral and ethical positions aligned with urban sensitivities (e.g., wildlife watching in protected areas from which local communities have been excluded) has been particularly problematic as this has contributed to the disruption of organic relationships and the emergence of distributive justice concerns, eventually leading to discontent and even retaliatory attacks. While the clock cannot be dialled back, it is nevertheless important to look towards local and rural worldviews that are synergistic with coexistence at a broad scale. As opposed to exclusionary measures that create and reinforce dualism between people and nature, they tend to be more inclusive especially on account of their potential for shared decision-making, and their legitimacy with respect to organic origins and lived experiences.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Ethics Statement

Ethical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent for participation was not required for this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements. Ethical review and approval was not required for the animal study because this is not a field study involving animals.

Author Contributions

The author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and has approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

I am grateful to reviewers, AA and EV as well as editorial comments from SP for significantly improving the manuscript. I would also like to thank Kartik Shanker for comments and suggestions, and Dakshin Foundation for institutional support.

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PubMed Abstract | Google Scholar

Keywords: coexistence, conflict, India, human-animal relationships, conservation

Citation: Oommen MA (2021) Beasts in the Garden: Human-Wildlife Coexistence in India's Past and Present. Front. Conserv. Sci. 2:703432. doi: 10.3389/fcosc.2021.703432

Received: 30 April 2021; Accepted: 23 June 2021; Published: 21 July 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Oommen. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Meera Anna Oommen, meera.anna@gmail.com

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Bringing biodiversity and conservation to the forefront in India

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  • The National Mission on Biodiversity and Human Well-Being, set for debut, seeks to bring biodiversity and conservation to the forefront of Indian science, policy, and society’s attention.
  • From addressing biodiversity knowledge gaps and restoring biodiversity in a range of habitats to developing an early warning system for zoonoses, the Mission’s activities will not be restricted to protected areas or specific geographical regions.
  • Biodiversity science may turn out to be the most critical science in meeting Sustainable Development Goals and Targets, especially in the face of converging crises, such as climate change and COVID-19.

From addressing biodiversity knowledge gaps, restoring biodiversity in a range of habitats to developing an early warning system for zoonoses, the National Mission on Biodiversity and Human Well-Being , seeks to bring biodiversity and conservation to the “forefront” of Indian science, policy, and society’s attention.

Conservation biologists and ecologists associated with the Mission, under the Biodiversity Collaborative, posit that the mission will help meet conservation and sustainable development goals in several ways. They underscore that “activities under the mission will not be restricted to protected areas or some specific geographical regions.”

Home to nearly eight percent of global biodiversity on just 2.3 percent of global land area, India contains sections of four of the 36 global biodiversity hotspots. India’s unique and diverse ecosystems, distributed across many landscapes, rivers, and oceans are economically valuable too. The (asset) value of India’s forests adjusted for inflation was estimated to be at INR 128 trillion in 2018 (or 1.78 trillion USD using current exchange rates).

But “we do not know enough about biodiversity or wildlife anywhere in India,” emphasised the Biodiversity Collaborative members in an email to Mongabay-India. The Collaborative, a growing network of Indian conservation biologists and ecologists, was awarded a seed grant by the Principal Scientific Advisor (PSA) in 2019 to develop the program for the National Mission.

They are currently implementing a preparatory phase project for the Mission to be hosted by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change, with the National Biodiversity Authority as the nodal institution for managing it. On account of the COVID-19 pandemic, the launch of the Mission’s full-fledged implementation is likely to get delayed.

The Mission has two components. Its centerpiece, NISARG Bharat (National Initiative for Sustained Assessment of Resource Governance), will document and map India’s biodiversity, including its rich biocultural diversity, to enable conservation and sustainable use of biological resources. The second component will consist of six programs, each with field-based projects to realise the identified Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). These will not be restricted to protected areas or some specific geographical regions, according to the Collaborative.

Noting that the mission has an expansive mandate, the Collaborative explained, “For example, a specific programme devoted to the enhancement of biodiversity in agro-ecosystems. Another important programme seeks to restore biodiversity in a range of habitats–grasslands, forests, wetlands, to name a few. Although the mission will have several core programmes, a large amount of resources will be dedicated to grants for research and action programmes relevant to biodiversity in any location.”

Commenting on the Mission’s framework, environmental geographer Ruth DeFries, who is not associated with the Collaborative, said the well-being of all people in all countries, and India in particular, is tied to biodiversity and wildlife surviving amid high human pressures is a “remarkable achievement.”

“The ability to grow food, filter clean water, and provide other resources depend on healthy, diverse ecosystems. I don’t know of other examples where countries have so explicitly recognised this connection, which is to India’s great credit,” DeFries told Mongabay-India.

“Inherently, many people in India value nature and diversity. Despite substantial challenges, the investments that society has made in conservation have paid off. Wildlife populations have fared better than in many other places. That does not mean that society should be complacent in the face of threats to biodiversity, but the ability of wildlife to survive despite high human pressures is a remarkable achievement,” said DeFries.

“India has a rich history of conservation movements, which speaks to the value people place on nature and biodiversity. On the other hand, conservation success can create difficulties for people who live near nature, such as crop-raiding and livestock predation by wildlife. For conservation to be successful, ways to mitigate these problems are critical,” she said.

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Ecological restoration

While India faces several challenges in the sustainable use of biodiversity, its investments in transdisciplinary biodiversity science are not commensurate with the severity of these challenges. India faces several “pressing” policy and governance challenges, outlined members of the Biodiversity Collaborative in Opinion: Envisioning a biodiversity science for sustaining human well-being .

The effective and time-bound implementation of the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, and ensuring both legitimate forest tenurial rights and forest conservation will require changes in governance, now dominated by top-down approaches, they noted in the opinion piece. Additional challenges include the restoration of degraded lands and wetlands, ensuring ecological flow regimes in rivers, and assessment and monitoring of biodiversity in the face of rapid environmental change and resource exploitation, especially in a world impacted by COVID-19.

Additionally, the declaration by the United Nations of 2021–30 as the UN Decade on Ecosystem Restoration is drawing worldwide attention to the challenge of restoring natural ecosystems that have been degraded or converted (for agricultural use, for example).

The Collaborative stressed that India must capitalise on the national and global emphasis on ecological restoration in this coming decade. The National Mission seeks to enable restoration across the country by (a) developing national guidelines, (b) helping create a community of restoration practitioners across the country, and (c) providing pilot funding for restoration projects where outcomes will be monitored.

But how crucial is wildlife (its protection and the role it plays in ecosystems) in ecosystem restoration? Restored habitats provide essential landscape linkages for wildlife. “Traditionally, wildlife refers to all undomesticated animal species. So any species that is naturally a part of an ecosystem is wildlife. Wildlife is part of biodiversity, and biodiversity is critical to ecosystem function and ecosystem services provisioning. Conversion of wetlands and land, as well as habitat loss, results in the loss of wildlife and biodiversity,” the Collaborative said.

“Restoration aims to restore vegetation, habitat, and ecosystem function. As habitats recover, wildlife associated with these habitats will return, re-colonising these restored lands, which in due course will result in an increased population of wildlife and habitat connectivity. Increases in coverage of conservation and restoration targets across diverse biomes can be achieved in India through both land sharing and land sparing approaches that take into account opportunities for enhancing existing and new livelihood and employment opportunities linked to diverse ecosystem services.”

“So yes, restoration is great for wildlife. If we only consider large mammals as wildlife, then not all restoration may be suitable to provide breeding habitats for large mammals (if they are small patches, for example). But restored habitats are sure to promote connectivity, providing stepping stone habitats within corridors between protected areas,” the Collaborative explained.

Early warning system for zoonoses

The Biodiversity and Health programme of the Mission will look into two aspects of how biodiversity can improve healthcare – one will create an interactive citizen’s portal on India’s medicinal plants to provide reliable information for managing human, livestock, and crop health. The second aspect will investigate the relationships between biodiversity loss and patterns of infectious diseases that spread to humans from animals (such as SARS, Nipah, and swine flu).

“In India, we do not have much in the way of an early warning system, and developing that is part of the mandate of the OneHealth and zoonoses programme of the Mission. Our biosafety policies are largely not cognisant of these concerns,” the Collaborative stressed.

“For example, the 2020 MoEFCC advisory on the import of live exotic species does not refer to the possibility that some of these may harbour zoonotic diseases. Owing to high population density, its rich biodiversity, and high livestock population, India has been identified as a global hotspot for the emergence of infectious diseases (Allen et al., 2017),” it added.

While the areas of rich biodiversity may serve as a source of new pathogens, most pathogens are generalists, and they infect more than one host, giving rise to reservoir species whose ecology may be impacted due to biodiversity loss. It is critical to assess the influence of biodiversity loss on the risks posed by emerging disease to predict and prevent future disease outbreaks, they said.

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The biggest knowledge gap we face is that of wildlife health. “We need to revive OneHealth wildlife surveillance programmes that were initiated in the 1960s by epidemiologists such as Dr. P. K. Rajagopalan, and the legendary bird man Dr. Salim Ali, and use modern satellite tracking as well as genomic and viromic analyses to understand the movement of pathogens at global scales. This is especially important given that species distributions are predicted to alter due to climate change.”

Igniting public interest in biodiversity

The Collaborative also recognises the opportunity from the COVID-19 experience on people’s fascination with biodiversity. Early this year, the lockdown period birthed citizen science initiatives and even personal projects that are highlighting India’s urban biodiversity. The Aichi Biodiversity Target 1 (2010-2020) states that by 2020, at the latest, people are aware of the values of biodiversity and the steps they can take to conserve and use it sustainably.

While most of the targets will not have been reached by the end of 2020, the Earth Negotiations Bulletin (ENB) underscored the need to “ramp up collective ambition and willingness to do better in defining and implementing goals and targets for the next decade.”

Holding that biodiversity science “may turn out to be the most critical science” in meeting Sustainable Development Goals and Targets, the Collaborative underlined that biodiversity is “not a burden to be shouldered, but an essential benefit for our survival to be celebrated.”

“Such a deep connection and understanding of our human reliance on biodiversity can only come through targeted, local-level awareness and participation that incorporates the languages and cultures of our society. What is needed is a massive campaign for public engagement, with components that include mass communication and grassroots engagement. This will require broad involvement, from the largest organisations and government departments to small local groups and committed individuals. As the experience of the past few months has shown, people are inherently curious and fascinated by biodiversity, and it is that latent interest that needs to be sparked,” the Collaborative added.

Asked on rethinking the Wildlife Protection Act, (WLPA) V.B. Mathur, Chairperson, National Biodiversity Authority, noted that updated scientific data and information on wild species and their habitats need to be integrated into the Act’s legal provisions.

“Change is a natural process and therefore re-visiting the provisions of Wild Life Protection Act (WLPA), which was enacted  48 years ago in 1972 is a logical step. Further, in the last four decades, a lot of scientific data and information about the wild species and their habitats has become available, which needs to be integrated into the legal provisions of the WLPA in order to make them more effective in the conservation and management of wild species. This is particularly relevant in the context of the six Schedules of WLPA,” Mathur added.

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Shifting the needle on biodiversity conservation in India

In some ways India could be considered test case for the rest of the world, as it works out how to feed its population of 1.3 billion people in a sustainable way. The challenge is to achieve this feat without degrading the land, soil and water resources, destroying the country’s rich diversity of flora and fauna, or causing serious smog in cities like Delhi.

One project, implemented by India’s National Biodiversity Authority and supported by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) through funding by the Global Environment Facility , helped to achieve this through improved biodiversity utilization for improved rural livelihoods. The project ran from 2011 to September 2019.

India is a leading country in having established a comprehensive legal and institutional system to realize the objectives of the Convention on Biological Diversity . The third objective of the Convention—access to genetic resources and fair, equitable sharing of benefits—is being implemented in India through its Biological Diversity Act (2002) and Rules (2004).

The National Biodiversity Authority is recognized globally for its pioneering work to implement the Convention and fully operationalize the access and benefit-sharing provisions, among others through a national network of Biodiversity Management Committees, alongside the establishment of People Biodiversity Registers.

Biodiversity Management Committees are local level, statutory bodies, based on the 2002 Act, and require the selection and involvement of at least two women members through a democratic selection process, and are vested with enormous responsibilities. The Committees lead local processes of reaching consent in accessing bioresources by the proposed users (including researchers, private companies, governments). This encourages sustainable use and documentation of available resources through people’s biodiversity registers, as well as through the decision-making process for the conservation and sustainable use of biological resources.   

Titled  Strengthening the Implementation of the Biological Diversity Act and Rules with a Focus on its Access and Benefit Sharing Provisions , the project aimed to improve access to biological resources, assess their economic value and better share their benefits among local people. It covered 10 of the country’s 29 states: Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, West Bengal, Goa, Karnataka, Odisha, Telangana, and Tripura.

Many people may not know that India has significant global hotspots of biodiversity. Sikkim, for instance, has 422 species of birds and 697 species of butterflies, 4,500 species of flowering plants, 362 species of ferns and fern allies, and a rich diversity of orchids.

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Assessing the economic value of tradable bioresources

“The project assessed and quantified the economic value of tradable bioresources at local, state and national levels to determine potential for benefit sharing,” says UNEP biodiversity expert Max Zieren, who worked with the project. “This has already helped pinpoint prospective users of available bioresources in India, assess market value chains and determine the willingness to pay by users. It has also facilitated new research and investments in prospecting for biological resources for possible economic use,” he adds.

At the same time, this process will help national and state-level decision makers to prioritize conservation action through, for example, the application of appropriate economic instruments (taxes, fees or royalties), the estimation of costs due to resources’ depletion, the need for restoration or conservation efforts, as well as the collectors’ willingness to accept sustainable harvesting standards and support benefit generation through local livelihoods.

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So far, the project has established 315 biodiversity management committees to validate the data held in 140 peoples biodiversity registers—on flora, fauna and traditional knowledge. To help build local knowledge, the project also trained 25 young botanists in each state.

“The project—through leadership by the National Biodiversity Authority, was very successful in enabling many consultations between ayurvedic drug manufacturing agencies, academics, private research laboratories and bioresource-based industries—including on some very innovative potential uses of bioresources,” says Zieren.

“This helped their understanding and willingness to invest in research and potential product development. To date, over 400 access and benefit-sharing agreements have been signed between providers—mostly local communities—and users (such as national and international companies). Initial revenue from these agreements has raised US$1,800,000 for state biodiversity funds,” he adds.

For more information, please contact Max Zieren: [email protected]

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Conservation of Wildlife: Legal Issues and Challenges in India

10 Pages Posted: 16 May 2014

Supriti Trivedi

Indira Gandhi National Open University (IGNOU)

Date Written: January 27, 2014

Wildlife refers to all non-domesticated plants and animal species which live and grow in areas which are uninhabited by human. It also includes organisms and fungi. Wildlife is found in all ecosystems such as forests, plains, grasslands, deserts and all other areas with a specific characteristic and different forms of wildlife. This article mainly focuses on the wildlife in India and the available legal provisions to protect and conserve the wildlife. India is a country with rich and diverse forms of flora and fauna which makes it a biodiversity hotspot in the world. As human induced activities increased and development started taking place on a large scale, the wildlife and the ecosystems began to be affected by it. This called for some measures by the government to protect the wildlife and their habitat with the help of stringent legal provisions and conservation strategies. The Article highlights on the importance of conservation of wildlife and the problems faced in implementing these conservation measures with a reference to various forms of threats faced by these wild animals and plants. The article further goes on to describe the various legal provisions and Acts enforced and enacted in India in consonance with the international standards towards protecting and conserving the wildlife and biodiversity of the country. This article also highlights various problems and challenges in implementing these Acts and their reasons and also provides possible solutions for effective implementation of these legal provisions so as to maintain a balance of the environment and life forms on the earth.

Keywords: Wildlife Conservation, Wildlife Protection, Biosphere, National Parks, Sanctuary, Biodiversity

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Supriti Trivedi (Contact Author)

Indira gandhi national open university (ignou) ( email ).

Maidan Garhi school of social sciences New Delhi, 110068 India

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120 Years of Wildlife Conservation in India – Conservation History

Published by vibhav on 01/09/2023 01/09/2023.

India has long conservation history which started from ancient times. Though this long conservation history helped us to save many of our wild animals, plants and ecosystems through the ages, the last 120 years were considerably very important. Industrial revolution & population explosion has impacted our environment and natural ecosystems on a great scale and we lost many species during this period. Various conservation oriented work has also be done during last 120 years which helped us to revive the lost ecosystems and also helped to stop the human induced species extinction.

Table of Contents

1904: Kaziranga visit by Mary Curzon, the wife of Lord Curzon, the then viceroy of India

The history of conservation was started in Kaziranga when Mary Curzon, the wife of then viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, has paid a visit to this area. The Kaziranga was quite famous for the population of Indian One Horned Rhinoceros but to her surprise the Lady Curzon does not find any during her visit. This has made her to think about the conservation of rhinos. She immediately urged Lord Curzon to take effective steps so that the population of the rhinos can recover. Her effort and effective action taken by Lord Curzon led to recover the population of rhinos and establishment of Kaziranga National Park, a highest degree of protection to the wild land.

1905: Conservation of Asiatic lions in Gir

Asiatic Lion is a subspecies of African Lion and they were once distributed in larger parts of Asia, North Africa and perhaps a part of Europe. Their area had been shrunk and the small population were confined to a small area in the state of Gujarat in Western India at the end of the 19 th century. This area known as Gir, was under the jurisdiction of Nawab of Junagarh. Worried about the dwindling population of the lion in Gir due to large scale hunting & poaching Nawab of Junagarh has taken a strong decision to stop the hunting of the lions. He completely banned all types of hunting of lions in Gir and refused any hunting permit. In the year 1905 there were only 60-70 lions left in the wild, then after this ban, in the year 1936 when first census was conducted by Nawab has given the figure of 287 lions in Gir landscape. After independence when this state merged with India, the government taken effective steps to give the area highest degree of protection so that lion could survive in their natural habitat.

Asiatic Lion walking in jungle of Gir National Park in India.

1935: First National park of India has been declared

This year is remarkable in the history of wildlife conservation in India, as India’s first National Park ‘Hailey National Park’ was declared in this year. Major part of Kumaon hills and some part of Garhwal hills in present day Uttarakhand was given protection to conserve the unique wildlife of the region. The park was named after the then Governor of United Province, (Uttarakhand was part of United Province during that time) Sir Malcom Hailey, to recognize his work for the wildlife conservation and local community.  The park was later renamed after the river Ramaganga, which flows through the park. The name again changed in year 1956 as Corbett National Park , after Jim Corbett who has done lots of conservation work in this area. He was known to kill many man-eating tigers and leopard and simultaneously have created awareness on wildlife conservation which ultimately led to a positive attitude of local people towards wildlife.

A tigress walks on the Ramganga riverbed at Jim Corbett National park

1952: First Indian Board for wildlife (IBWL) was constituted

Indian Board for Wildlife was created to advise the central government on various nature & wildlife conservation related issues. After independence it was felt by the conservation community that due to uncontrolled hunting of wildlife and large scale deforestation during British period many species are on the verge of extinction and if immediate attention is not paid, they will go forever. The need of a committee with representative from all stakeholders in wildlife conservation was strongly felt and then in 1952 such of the committee was formed. The role of the committee was advisory and they advise the central government on various matters related with wildlife conservation. Once the committee was constituted, many state governments took initiative and formed a similar kind of committee which can advise state government on wildlife conservation.

The IBWL under the section 5 of Wildlife Protection Act was replaced by a statutory board renamed as National Board for Wildlife (NBWL).

The committee is chaired by Prime Minister while the minister of environment and forests is vice chairman.

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1957: First big Mammal reintroduction project within India

At the inaugural session, Indian Board for wildlife in year 1952 has discussed about the conservation of Asiatic Lions in Gir forests. They were worried about the last surviving population of Asiatic Lion, which was on high risk of extinction. They have discussed the issue at in the meeting and came out with the conclusion that a second home is urgently needed for them.

The experts have agreed upon the name of the forests situated south from Varanasi in Vindhyan ranges of Central Indian Highlands. The forest was declared as a wildlife sanctuary and named Chandrprabha, after the river flows through it. Few individuals from Gir forests then shifted to Chandraprabha, initially they did well and their population have multiplied but due to lack of strong laws and patrolling, they fell to poachers when they crossed the border towards a bigger forested area in Bihar state.

Though this project failed but it was a great step taken by the policy makers which further helped to take decision on matters related with similar issues.

Lioness waiting for prey at gir national park

1963-65: First wildlife research in India was conducted by Dr. George Schaller in Kanha National Park

Dr. George Schaller, a world renowned wildlife biologist who has done many pioneer studies on endangered animals was invited by Indian government to do the similar study on tigers. He was shifted to Kanha National Park in a forest bungalow with his family for the study. He made a hide in Kanha meadow to observe wildlife at close quarter. His study was the first scientific study on wildlife in India. He has published a book ‘the Deer and the Tiger’ on his findings during the research work, which is still a ready reference for those who are doing research on tigers in central India.

1969: WWF India office started

World Wide Fund for Nature, is an international non-profit organization working in the field of wildlife conservation and climate change. Being one of the largest organization in the world in their respective field, the need was felt to have an office in India also. The Prime Minister of India Smt. Indira Gandhi has taken the initiative and an office of WWF was opened in Delhi on Lodhi Road. The space for the office was donated by Pirojsha Godrej, an Indian businessman.

1972: The Wildlife Protection Act is enacted, providing legal provisions for wildlife conservation and protection

In the year 1969 India hosted the 10 th General Assembly of IUCN (International Union for Conservation of Nature) the issues related with the conservation of wildlife was discussed at large. As an outcome, our Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi has formed a task force to work on a dedicated law for wildlife conservation in India. The law was formulated and was enforced from 1972. The wildlife protection act 1972 was later amended several times but the foundation stone laid by Smt. Indira Gandhi helped to protect our keystone species. The act is one of the strongest act for wildlife protection in the world.

1973: Launch of Project Tiger, a major conservation effort aimed at protecting the Bengal tiger

Project tiger, one of the largest wildlife conservation project was launched in India on first April 1973. Initially only nine tiger reserves were declared but now the number has reached to more than 53. This was the one of the most ambitious project started by our conservation minded Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi.

A census of tiger was conducted in late sixties which showed a disappointing figure of 1800 individuals left in the wild. The Prime Minister acted swiftly and a draft report was prepared by Mr. Kailash Sankhala, who has been made the first director of Project Tiger . As per the latest census India holds around 3682, which is more than 75% of the global population. We could achieve this figure because of the project tiger only.

1985: Kaziranga National Park, Manas National Park and Keoladeo Ghana National Park was awarded World Heritage Site of UNESCO

A remarkable year, as three of our National Parks got the international recognition in this year. UNESCO has awarded Kaziranga, Manas and Keoladeo Ghana National Park as the natural world heritage sites of importance. Later few more protected areas has also been added and at present the list has eight natural world heritage site and there are many more in the tentative list.

2005: Indian Rhino Vision 2020 Established

Indian one horned rhinos are one of the highly endangered species of rhinos, they are found only in India, Nepal and Bhutan. Indian state of Assam is one of the stronghold of this species. Kaziranga and Manas National Parks have suitable habitat to increase their population but there were cases of poaching where rhinos shot by poachers for their horn. Indian Rhino vision 2020 is an ambitious program established to increase the rhino population to 3000 in seven protected areas of Assam by the year 2020. These seven protected areas are, Kaziranga, Pobitora, Orang, Manas, Laokhowa, Burachapori and dibru Saikhowa. The target population of rhinos was almost achieved and the project was closed in April 2021.

Indian One Horned Rhino in Kaziranga

2009: Project Snow leopard was launched

Snow leopard is a keystone species of high Himalayas. Being a top predator of high altitude Trans Himalayan landscape, their survival is essential for the health of the ecosystem. Worried about the dwindling population of Snow Leopard, government of India has launched Project Snow leopard in 2009. The aim of the project is to safeguard and conserve India’s unique natural heritage of high altitude wildlife populations and their habitats by promoting conservation through participatory policies and actions. The project covered all the high altitude Himalayan region of India. You too can help us conserve this majestic wild cat by contributing to our motto of “conservation through tourism”, book snow leopard tour in India .

2008: First all India tiger census by Camera trap conducted

In the early years of 21 st century we have lost all tigers from two of our reserves. This local extinction has been caused by large scale poaching by organized poaching gangs. Reacting to the grievous situation the central government have formed a task force to work on the cause and remedial measures. An all India tiger estimation to know the situation and performance of other tiger reserves was suggested and then Wildlife Institute of India and ministry of environment, forest and climate change joins hands to conduct a this exercise. This was decided to do it by camera trap method so that the data obtained is more correct as compared to the earlier pugmark method. The census came out with a shocking no. of 1411 tigers left in all our tiger reserves, much lesser than the no. of tigers when project tiger was started. The government acted swiftly and several measures have been implemented and decided to conduct this tiger estimation exercise to know how the reserves are doing.

2023: Tiger estimation report out for the year 2022

On the occasion of Global Tiger Day, our prime minister Mr. Narendra Modi have launched the ‘Status of tigers, co-predators and      prey in India-2022’. The good news for the conservationists, scientists and tiger lovers that India has achieved a remarkable tiger figure within the span of 16 years. The tiger numbers according to new report is 3682, which accounts for more than 75% of tigers in the world. This is the increase of 2271 tigers from the first camera trap census which was conducted in the year 2006.

The above list of conservation milestone is very brief and there are so many more achievement on conservation in India which we will discuss in our coming blogs.

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India’s Wildlife Conservation Efforts: Success Stories And Challenges

India is home to many varieties of species, around 7.6% of all mammal species, 12.6% of birds, and 6.2% of reptiles.

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India is known for its rich biodiversity and is home to a many varieties of wildlife species and ecosystems. Even after many   threats from habitat loss, poaching, and climate change, India has made a lot of efforts to conserve its natural heritage.

India’s Wildlife Conservation Initiatives

India is home to many varieties of species, around 7.6% of all mammal species, 12.6% of birds, and 6.2% of reptiles. To safeguard this diversity, India has established over 106 national parks and 564 wildlife sanctuaries.

The Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 is a main measure that  bans the trade of endangered species and makes  protected areas for wildlife conservation. One major conservation effort is Project Tiger, started in 1973 to save the Bengal tiger from poaching and habitat loss. Thanks to this project, India has about 70% of the world’s tigers, with around 3,167 in the wild. The success of Project Tiger has led to the creation of many tiger reserves, helping the tiger population recover.

Success Stories in Wildlife Conservation

Project elephant.

Project Elephant was launched in 1992 and mainly focused on protecting the Asian elephant and its habitats. The initiative works on managing elephant populations and reducing human-elephant conflicts by establishing corridors and promoting community awareness. States like Karnataka and Assam have reported positive outcomes, with increased elephant populations and fewer conflicts.

Indian Rhino Vision 2020

The Indian Rhino Vision 2020 aims to increase the population of the Greater Horned Rhinoceros, transferring individuals to suitable habitats across Assam. Since its launch in 2005, the initiative has successfully boosted the rhino population to over 3,700 individuals, showing a remarkable recovery .

Return of the Asiatic Lion

Conservation efforts in Gir Forest National Park have led to a significant rebound of the Asiatic lion population. From about 20 individuals in the early 20th century, the population has grown to over 700 today. This success is all because of habitat protection, anti-poaching measures, and community involvement.

Challenges Faced By Wildlife Conservation

Despite these successes, several challenges are faced .

Habitat Loss

Urbanization, agriculture, and infrastructure development lead to habitat loss. They also cause fights and distances between humans and wildlife, which threatens wildlife and disrupts ecosystems.

Poaching and Illegal Wildlife Trade

Poaching remains a dangerous threat as people still demand body parts in illegal markets. Even after the laws and efforts of the Wildlife Crime Control Bureau, poaching continues to destroy conservation efforts.

Climate Change

Climate change impacts wildlife and their habitats by changing weather patterns, temperatures, and rainfall, which affects food availability and breeding patterns. Conservation programs must adapt to these changes to ensure species survival.

Participation Of Community In Conservatio n

Local communities are the mainstays of effective wildlife conservation. Many projects now focus on education and involve people, making them feel responsible for the care of local wildlife. These initiatives first give people responsible and alternative job opportunities, which reduces the use of natural resources and also decreases conflicts between animals and people.

In India, efforts to conserve wildlife have shown both successes and problems. Programs like Project Tiger and Indian Rhino Vision 2020 have achieved a lot but have also faced issues like habitat loss and the changing climate that still threaten wildlife. In the coming years, it is important to have some cooperation between the government, communities, and international supporters, which will help tackle the problems related to conservation and protect wildlife for future generations.

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Balancing Renewable Energy with Wildlife Conservation: Insights from S P Yadav

India's renewable energy push is crucial for economic growth and climate change mitigation, but it must balance development with wildlife conservation, says s p yadav of the international big cat alliance. drawing on models like the uae’s successful artificial houbara bustard breeding program, yadav advocates for similar strategies in india..

Balancing Renewable Energy with Wildlife Conservation: Insights from S P Yadav

India's need for renewable energy is undeniable for its economic growth and climate change efforts, but it shouldn't be at the cost of depleting natural resources, according to S P Yadav, director general of the International Big Cat Alliance.

In a conversation with PTI editors, Yadav, who has been pivotal in India's Project Tiger and Project Lion, emphasized exploring balanced approaches to meet energy demands while safeguarding wildlife. He cited the UAE's success in breeding houbara bustards through artificial insemination without endangering the species as a model worth replicating in India.

The Supreme Court recently acknowledged the right against adverse climate change impacts as a fundamental right, highlighting the need for harmony between renewable energy projects and wildlife conservation. Rajasthan and Gujarat, major hubs for solar and wind energy, also serve as habitats for the endangered Great Indian Bustard, making this balance even more imperative.

(With inputs from agencies.)

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