write an essay on democratic socialism of jawaharlal nehru

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26 J L Nehru and Democratic Socialism

Dr.Vandana Arora

• LEARNING OBJECTIVES
• INTRODUCTION
• DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM
• IS DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY SAME? NEHRU: A TRUE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST
• SOCIALISM AND INDIA
• SOCIALISTS VS CONSERVATIVES
• ACHIEVING THE SOCIALIST STATE IN INDIA
• FEATURES OF SOCIALIST PATTERN OF SOCIETY
• PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY
• PEACEFUL SOLUTION TO CLASS CONFLICT
• SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT THROUGH PLANNING DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTION
• COOPERATIVE SOCIETY
• RELEVANCE OF NEHRU VISION IN TODAY WORLD
• MIXED ECONOMY AND MARXISM CRITICISM
• AS A DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST AS RADICAL SOCIALISTON EQUALITY
• SELF ASSESMENT

Jawaharlal Nehru was a great “Indian Democratic Socialist”. Infact, he was the harbinger of Socialist tends in Indian Nationalist Movement. Democratic Socialism is a political ideology that advocates political democracy alongwith social ownership of means of production. Again, it is an ideology that believes that both the economy and the society should function democratically to meet the needs of the whole community.

Democracy, Socialism, Capitalism, Communism, Socialistic Pattern.

Objectives :

To understand Democratic Socialism from Nehru’s Perspective

Introduction

Democratic socialism

Democratic socialism is a political ideology that advocates political democracy alongside social ownership of the means of production, often with an emphasis on democratic management of enterprises within a socialist economic system. The term “democratic socialism” is sometimes used synonymously with “socialism”; the adjective “democratic” is often added to distinguish it from the Marxist – Leninist brand of socialism, which is widely viewed as being “non – democratic” in practice.

1 Is Democratic socialism and Social Democracy Same?

1Busky, Donald F. (July 20, 2000). Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey. Praeger. pp. 7–8. ISBN 978-0275968861. “Democratic socialism is the wing of the socialist movement that combines a belief in a socially owned economy with that of political democracy. Sometimes simply called socialism, more often than not, the adjective democratic is added by democratic socialists to attempt to distinguish themselves from Communists who also call themselves socialists. All but communists, or more accurately, Marxist-Lenininsts, believe that modern-day communism is highly undemocratic and totalitarian in practice, and democratic socialists wish to emphasize by their name that they disagree strongly with the Marxist-Leninist brand of socialism.”

Democratic socialism is also sometimes used as a synonym for social democracy, although many say this is misleading because de mocratic socialism advocates social ownership of the means of production, whereas social democracy does not . 2 In simple terms, Democratic Socialism as an ideology is an extension of the liberal propagation of democracy altered to suit the needs of all the c ountries of the world . The ideology believes that democracy and socialism are one and indivisible, there cannot be a true democracy without a true socialism, and there cannot be a true socialism without a true democracy . The two come together in equality, social justice, fair share for all and an irreversible shift in the balance of wealth and power to workers and their families.

Nehru: A True Democratic Socialist

One of the main exponents of Democratic Socialism in India was the former Indian Prime Ministe r J L Nehru . He argued that Democratic Socialism could mitigate the evils of all the third world countries .

Pt . Jawaharlal Nehru was a great Indian Democratic Socialist . He was the harbinger of the socialist trend in Indian National Movement and, indeed, was instrumental in making India embark upon the path of socialism . However, he wanted to achieve the objectives of socialism gradually within the democratic framework . He was one of the few who did not take democracy forgranted but sought to explain his co nception and show how it could be brought into harmony with his conception of socialism and how it could be implemented . In this connection, he was very much influenced by the British socialists of his days. Nehru was very much moved when he saw his countrymen suffering from poverty, ignorance and disease .

He thought socialism was the only panacea for all ills prevalent in the Indian Society . He brought to bear on this central problem his modern mind and scientific temper . Scientific socialism, tempered by his intense humanism thus became his intellectual tool . He was a practical idealist . 3 In a 1963 address to the All India Congress Committee, Indian Prime Minister

2 http://www.dsausa.org/what_is_democratic_socialism

3  https://www.jstor.org/stable/41854092

Jawaharlal Nehru stated: “Political Democracy has no meaning if it does not embrace economic democracy . And economic democracy is nothing but socialism. ” 4

Nehru emphasized on fr ee and fair elections where the suffrage for the citizens is a must, for example, the goal of democratic socialism also encompasses the issues pertaining to the nationalization of means of production . They also include steps like raising the mini mum wages, removal of poverty, securing a national health plan, check concentration of economic power and demanding passage of welfare legislations for the workers . 5

Building of A Socialist Thinker

Nehru became interested in the philosophy of socialism from an ear ly period in his life, while studying law in London, he was “vaguely attracted to the Fabians and socialistic ideas .”But such ideas on socialism were formed mainly from books and not from practical experiences . In 1920, Nehru visited some of the villages i n U . P . This adventure was a revelation to him. Until now, he was ignorant of village – life and the dumb – misery of the starving peasants who were clad in rags, hunger and emancipation.

It was a novel and eye – opening experience for him and he has recalled i n his ‘An Autobiography’ “Looking at them and their misery and overflowing gratitude, I was filled with shame and sorrow, shame at my own easy – going and comfortable life and our petty politics of the city which ignored this vast multitude of semi – naked sons and daughters of India, sorrow at the degradation and overwhelming poverty of India . A new picture of India seemed to rise before me, naked, starving, crushed and utterly miserable . ” 6 International Visits and Socialism

After the Brussels Congress, Jawaharlal Nehru visited U . S .S .R . alongwith his father, Motilal Nehru and sister Krishna Nehru . Motilal Nehru

4 https://www.jstor.org/stable/ 41854084

5  http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/essay/nehrus-views-on-democratic-socialism/40303/

6  https://www.jstor.org/stable/41854093

“found it hard to understand the new Russia and the collective idea of the Soviet Union. ” But Jawaharlal was greatly impressed by the tremendous changes taking place over there .

Nehru has recalled: “My outlook was wider, and nationalism by itself seemed to me definitely a narrow and insufficient creed . Political freedom, independence, were no doubt essential, but they w ere steps only in the right direction; without social freedom and a socialistic structure of society and the state, neither the country nor the individual could develop much . In Soviet Russia, despite certain unpleasant aspects, attracted me greatly and se emed to hold forth a message of hope to the world .” This visit of the Soviet land left a profound impression on Nehru’s mind . Socialism was his new creed now, and the Soviet Union was seen as the land where such a creed flourished, despite many drawbacks. 7

Nehru wanted the model of Democratic Socialism which suits Indian traditions and ethos . He was influenced by the Fabian Socialism of Britain . He was of the opinion, that Parliamentary politics is the means of achieving socialism. Multiple social groups an d ideological groups will strengthen Indian democracy . Pluralism will become the ideological foundation of individual liberty and societal demands must have a beautiful reconciliation. 8 Socialism and India:

S o c i a l i s t s vs Conservatives:

The espousal of socialism as the Congress goal was most difficult to achieve . Nehru was opposed in this by the right – wing Congressmen Sardar Patel, Dr .Rajendra Prasad and Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari . He had the support of the left – wing Congressmen Maulana Azad and Subhas Chandra Bose. The trio combined to oust Dr . Prasad as Congress President in 1936. Nehru was elected in his place and held the presidency for two years (1936 – 37) . 9

Nehru was then succeeded by his socialist colleagues Bose (1938 –39) and Azad (1940 – 46) . After the fall of Bose from the mainstream of Indian

7 http://inc.in/CongressSandesh/123/Socialism-of-Jawaharlal-Nehru-and-Indian-National-Congress

8  https://www.upscsuccess.com/sites/default/files/documents/Unit-23%20Jawaharlal%20Nehru.pdf

9  https://kufarooq93.wordpress.com/category/indian-national-congress/

politics (due to his support of violence in driving the British out of India), the power struggle between the socialists and conservatives balanced out . However, Sardar Patel died in 1950, leaving Nehru as t he sole remaining iconic national leader, and soon the situation became such that Nehru was able to implement many of his basic policies without hindrance . The conservative right – wing of the Congress (comprising of India’s upper class elites) would continu e opposing the socialists until the great schism in 1969 . Nehru’s daughter, Indira Gandhi, was able to fulfill her father’s dream by the 42nd amendment (1976) of the Indian constitution by which India officially became “socialist” and “secular”. 10

Nehru’s a cceptance of political democracy was not unqualified. As he considered it to means to achieve the end of social democracy . “I am perfectly prepared to accept political democracy,” he said, “only in the hope that this will lead to social democracy .” He was clear in his mind that political democracy “is only the way to the goal and is not the final objective”. He saw clearly that if profound economic changes did not take place fast enough, the political struct ure would be rendered unstable . If political or social institutions stand in the way of such change, they have to be removed .

Achieving the Socialist State in India :

Socialism, whose essence is the removal of poverty and establishment of equal opportunities if not of equality in the strictest sense, has ne cessarily to suit the conditions of each country, and Nehru’s constant effort was to bring about changes without destroying the fabric of Indian society, even if certain parts of that fabric were to be replaced .

Nehru saw the socialist society as some kind of a cooperative society, in which each individual would give of his best and would find full scope for his own development . The very first step had to be the ending of the profit motive of the acquisitive society to which we are accustomed . The dilemma he faced was the result of his desire to avoid a violent upheaval that could

10http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jawaharlal_Nehru#cite_note-42_amend-44

have disastrous consequences for future generations of our people and to take the maximum number of people along with him on the new path . This was no easy task, for the vested int erests in the acquisitive society which he wanted to end were entrenched in the party and in the administrative apparatus which had necessarily to be his major instruments . Also it was these interests which were active during the freedom struggle, and even more in the years of freedom, and they were able to create the illusion of democratic functioning without active participation by the masses of our population who were to gain by the changes Nehru envisaged . 11

It must be said that Jawaharlal Nehru fully re alised the difficulties inherent in seeking radical change through democratic processes. In thinking of a form of socialism suited to our national needs and national genius, Nehru envisaged a limited place for the private sector, but he was quite clear abo ut the framework. I think it is possible to establish socialism by democratic means provided, of course, the full democratic process is available . 12

Nehru said: We have to plan at both ends . We have to stop the cumulative forces that make the rich richer and we have to start the cumulative forces which enable the poor to get over the barrier of poverty . 13

Democratic socialism is a synthesis of ‘Democracy’ and ‘Socialism’, the essence of both being equality. It is basic faith of democracy that however men differ in their individual talents and abilities they are equal in their membership of a common society. Society is imbued with the same faith. It recognises the fundamental desire of the vast majority of men and women to be co – operative in solving their common social, political and economic problems and accept this desire as a primary motivation of social organism so as to create a pattern within which the whole personality of a man can develop .

No doubt under this broader perspective one can find the common ground, but in fact both, Democracy and Socialism, as separate and

11https://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article29.html

12 shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/49272/8/08_chapter%202.pdf

13 iosrjournals.org/iosr-jhss/papers/Vol19-issue7/Version-3/L01973103105.pdf

independent systems, represent two different natures of equalities. Democracy always emphasises ‘political equality’ without taking into account the equitable distribution of wealth and socia l justice . The emphasis of Socialism, on the other hand, has always been on ‘economic equality’ without paying much attention towards political freedom and individual dignity . The insufficiencies of both are sought to be remedied under ‘Democratic Socialis m’ where ‘equality’ in the words of the late Prime Minister Nehru, ‘means not merely the equality of possessing a vote, but economic and social equality .’ It is basically accepted that neither of the equalities can be fully achieved without the help of the other . It is under this impression that Pandit Nehru declared, “Political Democracy has no meaning if it does not embrace economic democracy . And economic democracy is nothing but socialism. 14

Features of the socialistic pattern of society:

For the promoti on of freedom, a socialistic pattern of society is indispensable . It should involve the features like removal of poverty; reduction of inequalities of income and wealth; provision of equal opportunities to all; check on concentration of economic power, cur bing monopolistic tendencies; democratic values, mixed economy etc .

In his words:

“I gazed at the millions of friendly eyes that looked at me and I tried to understand what lay behind them. The more I saw of India the more I felt how little I know of her infinite charm and variety .”

Being halted by plights of the teeming millions of In dian people, Nehru adopted a socialistic pattern of society.

Belief in parliamentary democracy:

14https://www.jstor.org/stable/418540

Nehru was a firm believer in the parliamentary democracy . He had full faith on the ruling party and healthy opposition. He believed on universal adult suffrage for the success of democracy. For the success of parliamentary democracy, he put emphasis on the rule of majority, methods of discussion, negotiation, persuasion and so on .

The press, judiciary and public opinion will have a check on the legislators and will be the guard in checking corruptions in parliamentary democracy .

Peaceful solution to class conflict:

In a democratic – socialistic set – up, Nehru opined that class conflict should be ended by peaceful solution . He never believed in the Marxian idea of class struggle or communist – policy of ‘ruthless suppression’. On a democratic set – up, due caution should be taken to put an end to the class conflicts inside the society .

Social development through planning:

Another significant aspect of Nehru’s Model of Economic Development was the creation of Consciousness of Economic Planning . 15

Nehru thought to bring all – around development of the society through planning . lt will help in eliminating poverty and achieving social justice for the masses . By planning, he wa nted to raise national income and to spend them in productive channels for the improvement of the lot of the poor people of India .

The First Five Year Plan (1951 – 56), the Second Five Year Plan (1956 -61)      and the Third Five Year Plan (1961 – 66) galvanized Nehru’s democratic socialism. 16

Belief in Democratic Institutions:

15R.C. Pillai; Political Thought in Modern India p-26

16  http://www.preservearticles.com/201106238420/nehru-and-democratic-socialism.html

Nehru would not discard the democratic processes or bypass the democratic institutions in order to put his ideas into practice. In the prevalent society with a long history of feudalism, caste hierarchy, religious divergence, multiplicity of languages and customs, in fact of stratification of society in a variety of ways, it has not been easy to correlate tradition and change to work out a viable compromise between the best of cherished values and the urgency of eliminating social and economic inequalities . Jawaharlal Nehru realised that revolution in our situation had to be voluntary and thus could not be imposed . He admired the Soviet achievements and accepted the ultimate ideals of Marxism, b ut he was not ready to apply the same methods in India.

In an underdeveloped nation with many layers of development within itself, both vertical and horizontal, and with a variety of vested interests wielding tremendous influence and extremely articulate, the difficulties involved in bringing about radical changes by consent were obvious enough . Yet the alternatives to the democratic system are so risky and unpredictable that he would not lightly discard his faith, even if this meant a visible, often frustrating, slowing down of the process of change. 17

Nehru’s acceptance of political democracy was not unqualified. “I am perfectly prepared to accept political democracy,” he said, “only in the hope that this will lead to social democracy .” He was clear in his mind that political democracy “is only the way to the goal and is not the final objective”. He saw clearly that if profound economic changes did not take place fast enough, the political structure would be rendered unstable .If political or social instituti ons stand in the way of such change, they have to be removed .

Belief in Cooperative Society

Nehru saw the socialist society as some kind of a cooperative society, in which each individual would give of his best and would find full scope for his own develop ment . The very first step had to be the ending of the profit

17www.theopinionjournal.com/upload/gallery/1452700996305041198.pdf

motive of the acquisitive society to which we are accustomed . The dilemma he faced was the result of his desire to avoid a violent upheaval that could have disastrous consequences for future gene rations of our people and to take the maximum number of people along with him on the new path .

This was not an easy task, for the vested interests in the acquisitive society which he wanted to end were entrenched in the party and in the administrative ap paratus which had necessarily to be his major instruments . Also, it was these interests which were active during the freedom struggle, and even more in the years of freedom, and they were able to create the illusion of democratic functioning without active participation by the masses of our population who were to gain by the changes Nehru envisaged .

Once Nehru said that two contradictory and conflicting processes could not go on side by side that unfortunately is what has been happening . The Directive Princ iples contain a broad outline of the kind of socialist society envisaged, but the many amendments to other chapters of the Constitution that have been necessitude have brought out the dichotomy in thinking that characterised the Constitution – making body. On another plane, the formulation of the concept of “mixed economy” representated on the one hand the “half – way house” Nehru thought of and on the other the ability of the vested interests to keep “two contradictory and conflicting processes” going on side by side, a situation Nehru did not desire .

It is no coincidence that the “mixed economy” in operation has resulted in a strengthening of the monopoly and big business houses, and a consequent tightening of their hold on the administrative apparatus. If corruption has increased and the public sector has not been enlarged and strengthened to the extent it should have been, this is because of acceptance of the “mixed economy” as something of a “half – way house” .It must be said that Jawaharlal Nehru fully reali sed the difficulties inherent in seeking radical change through democratic processes .I think it is possible to establish socialism by democratic means provided, of course, the full democratic process is available. ( Emphasis added)

There has been mass awake ning as never before in our history and despite massive illiteracy our people have demonstrated their capacity to reject what is against their interests. But the real problem is that the democratic process is not yet fully developed, and the people have on ly limited choice. The limitations imposed by our circumstances, both historical and man – made, have helped both the urban and rural vested interests to twist the democratic process to suit their own ends which are diametrically opposed to the interests of the masses .

In thinking of a form of socialism suited to our national needs Nehru envisaged a limited place for the private sector, but he was quite clear about the framework. In all that counts, in a material sense, nationalisation of the instruments of p roduction and distribution seems to be inevitable .

The question is whether there can be a step – by – step approach in this matter . Our experience with the takeover of the wholesale trade in foodgrains shows that partial measures in dealing with production and distribution of essential commodities can defeat the very objective . The fate of the land reform measures has shown an administrative machinery that is not geared to the task, can work havoc . The continuing importance and influence of the big business houses seem as the direct result of the failure to involve the people at the grassroot level more and more in the processes of planning, production and distribution .

It is possible to find fault with Jawaharlal Nehru for not having made the maximum use of his popularity to force the pace of change, but to do so is to overlook the historical forces that had shaped him and the historical circumstances in which he had to function, apart from his own commitment to the democratic processes as well as to the instrum ents at his disposal . It is debatable how much more he could have achieved in his life – time, but it is indisputable that he laid firm foundations for the kind of society we want to build in this country . It is for us and for future generations to build on these foundations .

Nehru View regarding Indian Revolution

Nehru was conscious that the Indian Revolution would be long and arduous, for he said: “Leaders and individuals may come and go; they may get tired and slacken off; they may compromise and betray; but the exploited and suffering masses must carry on the struggle, for their drill sergeant is hunger .” If the social and economic burdens of the masses “continue and are actually added to, the fight must not only continue but grow more intense” . The masses would ultimately assert themselves, and of this he had not the least doubt .

Goal of Socialism and Theory of Two instruments

It was his hope that the political parties and the administrative apparatus would help the masses to assert themselves and secure their rights . He was quite clear in his mind that a leadership that failed to take the masses nearer the goal of socialism would be thrown aside, and the mass upsurge in 1969 following the elimination of the Syndicate from the Congress would appear to bear this out, even if only in a very limited sense .

Nehru said:

“We have to plan at both ends . We have to stop the cumulative forces that make the rich richer and we have to start the cumulative forces which enable the poor to get over the barrier of poverty. ”

The planning process unfortunately has not gone on the way he had intended it to, and this is where the two main instruments on which he had to depend come in .

1.     Rejection of “coat and necktie” mentality

Nehru wanted the services to “cease to think of themselves as some select coterie apart from the rest of the people”, and he rejected people with the “coat and necktie” mentality . In other words, he wanted a new type of  administrator to emerge, who could identify himself with the common people without effort and who would not become either a tool in the hands of vested interests or a self – seeker without a conscience . Unfortunately this kind of change has not come about; on the other hand, the expanded administrative structure has careerists and self – seekers in many key positions . This has to change .

2 .  Vision of making Congress a Mass Party

As for the other instrument, the Congress, it may now be in better shape than in Nehru’s time, but what he said about Congressmen remains relevant .

Congressmen should make the organisation strong and effective . Use of money for boosting individuals in the organisations is extremely undesirable. Bogus members should be weeded out . Those in the organisation for whom the Congress is not an instrument for serving the count ry, who serve themselves and exploit it for their own ends… should be turned out .

He wanted the party to be a mass party, constantly in touch with the people and reflecting their aspirations, constantly struggling to end social and economic injustice. Some changes have taken place in the sparty in recent times, but it is still far from being the kind of instrument for change that Jawaharlal Nehru wanted it to be . It is to be hoped that the new forces at work within the Congress and the mass consciousness tha t has developed in the country will make it so .

Our aim and our problems were succinctly summed up when Jawaharlal Nehru said:Socialism is the inevitable outcome of democracy . Political democracy has no meaning if it does not embrace economic democracy . An d economic democracy is nothing but socialism. Monopoly is the enemy of socialism. To that extent it has grown during the last few years, we have drifted away from the goal of socialism. 18

18https://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article29.html

C r i t i c i s m :

As a Democratic Socialist:

Nehru was not ready to sacrifi ce democratic methods for speedy progress and was firmly committed to democratic socialism.

According to Dr . Gopal, this was a flaw in the thinking of Nehru. Nehru felt that democracy and socialism were equal partners and could not be divorced . “But Nehru , although a radical in the European tradition, set out with confidence to work for this unprecedented, almost superhuman experiment of democratic socialism in a setting of Asian tradition and economic backwardness” 19

Nehru always remained a sociali st wedded to democratic practices. He made the Indians aware of the value of the parliament as an instrument of social change. As a leader of the majority party Nehru tried to act as far as possible on the basis of consensus . Communists have criticized Neh ru bitterly (R . K . Das Gupta, H . Mukerjee) for having failed to be the leader of the true socialist revolution . Nehru was, according to them, torn between socialism and Gandhism and sacrificed socialism in his devotion to democratic norms and the value of liberalism and individualism.

Nehru laid primary stress on democracy and the freedom of the individual for fear that a revolutionary equality might annihilate the individual . It is essential that assessment of Nehru’s concept of socialism should be based on the fact that Nehru always wanted to achieve a socialist reconstruction of society by democratic means rather than by violent revolution. His conviction was that socialism without democracy would be tyranny in any, and especially in the Indian context .

It is no doubt true the despite his massive personal popularity and the power at his disposal in the government and in the party, Jawaharlal Nehru could not put into practice many of the ideas he spelt out regarding the

19http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/38628/11/11_chapter%205.pdf

radical changes, social and economi c, that our society required. But this must be seen in the background of the dilemma he faced as an honest politician committed to socialism on the one hand and to democracy on the other . Rightly, he saw no contradiction between the two, for, who can deny that true democracy is the only viable basis for genuine socialism and that without advance towards the goal of socialism democracy will be bereft of meaning?

As a Radical Socialist:

Further, according to his estimate, radical solutions were impossible in the Indian situation, where super – situation, fatalism, ignorance, and class distinctions were age – old features . In such a situation socialism could be brought about by gradual, peaceful and democratic means, by a steady conversion of the people and by enli sting their support and participation. Nehru advocated a rapid progress towards radical socialism before independence. After 1947 he adjusted himself to the Indian circumstances and problems . Though he was flexible about tactics, he was rigid about goals . Nehru always considered democracy and socialism as means to the end, not the end itself .

On Equality:

Nehru contended that liberty and democracy had no significance except in the context of equality . In his presidential address to the Indian National Congress at Lahore in 1929 Nehru declared, ‘Today politics have ceased to have much meaning, and the most vital question is that of social and economic equality” Laying stress on the importance of equality Nehru asserted, “Democracy means equality and demo cracy can only flourish in an equal society” .

He realized that political liberty brought the vote but was of little use when society was riddled with poverty and economic inequality . Long back Nehru stated, ‘There cannot be ups and downs and social inequal ities in this country. These must be got rid of . We have to build up a new social order in which everyone will have the fullest opportunity for development, no  exploitation, and in which there will not be merely political democracy, but economic democracy, which means economic equality without which political democracy will be a hoax . What does it matter to one whether he has a vote or not, when he is hungry and starving. ” 20

Relevance of Nehru’s Vision in Today(Concept of Marxism and Mixed Economy):

The relevance of Jawaharlal Nehru remains undiminished today. In fact, his ideas and approach to political, economic and social issues are more relevant now than in his lifetime . It is necessary to state this basic truth and assess the continuing validity and vita lity of his approach, because some who unabashedly use his name seek to project him as a pragmatist rather than as the firmly committed socialist that he was .

It is the fashion these days to say that socialism is a vague term, that it is a slogan, and tha t there is no precise definition of what it means . This is essentially the argument of the believers in the status quo, of those who are afraid of radical change that will either hurt their own interests or destroy their pet theories .

In our context, with a long history of feudalism, caste hierarchy, religious divergence, multiplicity of languages and customs, in fact of stratification of society in a variety of ways, it has not been easy to correlate tradition and change, to work out a viable compromise be tween the best of cherished values and the urgency of eliminating social and economic inequalities .

In an underdeveloped nation with many layers of development within itself, both vertical and horizontal, and with a variety of vested interests wielding tremendous influence and extremely articulate, the difficulties involved in bringing about radical changes by consent were obvious enough . Yet the alternatives to the democratic system are so risky and unpredictable

20http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/38628/11/11_chapter%205.pdf

that he would not lightly discard his fait h, even if this meant a visible, often frustrating, slowing down of the process of change. 21

Jawaharlal Nehru realized that revolution in our situation had to be by consent and could not be by imposition. He admired the Soviet achievements and accepted the ultimate ideals of Marxism, but he did not make a secret of his reservations about applying the same methods in the case of our country. 22

The only way to maintain democracy and strengthening it is to accord solutions as per the demand of time and space . In this regard, the views and methodology of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru can become more or less ideal for those who have concern for challenges facing Indian democracy. Particularly Nehru’s stress upon healthy criticism, according opportunities to opposition, providing a platform for wide discussion on issues, call to observe and resolve problems having national interest supreme, developing a basis for broad outlook, is of utmost importance in the twenty first century for India and the world in this era of globa lization . 23

Nehru’s preference for a mixed economy seemed appropriate under the circumstances . To put it in his own words, “I am no believer in Communist theory – there is much in it which I accept in the economic theory, but basically I think it is out of date today, more especially in this atomic age . I think equally that the opposite theory is out of date in the context of modern world affairs .”

Deviation from Gandhi’s Idea:

Though Nehru findin Gandhiji’s conception of democracy something more than the ordinary, stating that “It is based on service and sacrifice, and it uses moral pressure” 24 but Nehru’s value – system was different from that of Gandhi . He believed in science and technology and their application to industrial and agricultural development an d a better ordering of social life .

21swapsushias.blogspot.com › … › ESSAY › General Studies (Mains Special) › Socialism

22 http://www.theopinionjournal.com/upload/gallery/1452700996305041198.pdf

23 http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO0904/S00143/indian-democracy-in-twenty-first-century.htm

24 http://socialsciences.in/article/jawaharlal-nehru-architect-indian-democracy

He reacted sharply against the mediaeval idea of ‘trusteeship’ which, according to Gandhi, was supposed to solve the problem of class conflict . He thought the problem was no longer merely a moral or ethical one . The worl d was clamouring for a remedy for the economic ills . It could not live by “negation alone, criticising the evil aspects of capitalism, socialism, communism, etc, and hoping vaguely for the golden mean” .

Even on the issue of violence while Nehru believed i n the democratic process and could never tolerate insurrectionary violence as a means to the construction of a Socialist society, he recognised that “force and coercion are necessary both for extern – al defence and internal cohesion” and that “Governments are notoriously based on violence” . 25

Nehru Democratic Socilaism can be summed up as Nehru was in favour of freedom. For promotion of freedom, a socialist pattern of society is in dispensable. He was also the champion of Parlimentary Democracy and for its success he laid emphasis on the rule of majority, method of discussion, negotiation, persuasion and so on. For economic advancement of India he favoured mixed economy. By Institutionalising democratic socialism Nehru adopted midway between the capitalism and communism so he preached democratic socialism.

• 25http://www.epw.in/system/files/pdf/1964_16/29-30-31/nehru_and_socialism.pdf

• R.C. Pillai; Political Thought in Modern India
• https://www.jstor.org/stable/41854092
• http://inc.in/CongressSandesh/123/Socialism-of-Jawaharlal-Nehru-and-Indian-National-
• https://www.upscsuccess.com/sites/default/files/documents/Unit- 23%20Jawaharlal%20Nehru.pdf
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Nehru’s views on democratic socialism.

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Nehru’s Views on Democratic Socialism!

One of the main exponents of Democratic Socialism was the former Indian Prime Minister Nehru. He argued that Democratic Socialism could mitigate the evils of all the third world countries.

In simple terms, Democratic Socialism as an ideology is an extension of the liberal propagation of democracy altered to suit the needs of all the countries of the world. It is an ideology that believes that the economy and the society should function democratically to meet the needs of the whole community.

The ideology believes that democracy and socialism are one and indivisible, there cannot be a true democracy without a true socialism, and there cannot be a true socialism without a true democracy. The two come together in equality, social justice, fair share for all and an irreversible shift in the balance of wealth and power to workers and their families.

Democratic socialism supports, social and economic justice and opposes the exploi­tation of workers—the actual producers of wealth. Democratic socialists work within the organized political parties and preservation of the pluralistic character of the society. The newly emerging social and economic factors transformed the character and role of the state in the changed post-industrial context.

A doctrine that propagates an ideology for the sake of change rather than underpinning of democratic socialist principles aims at a more just and equitable distribution of wealth and promotes social justice too. It also enlightens on the need to secure participatory democracy, which is also another version of political democracy extended within the ideology of democratic socialism.

Nehru emphasized on free and fair elections where the suffrage for the citizens is a must, for example, the goal of democratic socialism also encompasses the issues pertaining to nationalization of means of production. They also include steps like raising the mini­mum wage, securing a national health plan and demanding passage of legislations for the workers to strike.

The ideology throws light on the institutional reforms that should be put forward for realizing this ideology. This could mean converting the capitalistic mode of production into a better order by replacing it through a series of legislations.

The principle of equitable distribution of wealth could also mean raising the economic standard or mitigating the sufferings of the masses. The ideological reconstruction takes place by giving equal rights to citizens, irrespective of sex, language, religion, wealth or education. It must be a conscious national solidarity that includes an active political process and the vast mass of the peasantry.

Related Articles:

• Mahatma Gandhi’s View on Socialism and Communism
• Laski’s Views on Democratic Socialism

Jawaharlal Nehru

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JAWAHARLAL NEHRU: ARCHITECT OF INDIAN DEMOCRACY

Three aspects of Jawaharlal Nehru’s contribution to the growth of Indian democracy are sought to be examined, not exhaustively though, in this paper. The evolution of the idea in Nehru’s mind during the crucial years of his life when he came under the influence of several streams of thought, mostly foreign, the acceptance of the Gandhian ethic resulting in the enunciation of framework of democracy committed to secula­rism, socialism and social justice and the creation of a sound institutional base for the rapid development of the huge and diverse country constitute the three main themes on which attention is focussed in this paper. The subject of discussion is, therefore, complex and one who attempts to study such a subject has to be cautious, steering clear of vague abstrac­tions and over-simplified generalisations. To attempt to under­stand the mind of a powerful leader who wrote prolifically and spoke all over the world on a variety of subjects for over three decades and a half is indeed a tough intellectual exercise.

            India, wrote Nehru, is a curious mixture of an amazing diversity and abiding unity.1 Nehru was himself a curious and a fascinating mixture of diversity influences and streams of thought from the east and the west. He was influenced by the idealist tradition of the Indian renaissance and the national movement, especially by Gandhi and persistently endeavoured to combine idealism with realism.2 The Buddha and Ashoka were luminous stars for him in the glorious history of India.

Paper presented in a seminar on Nehru; Man, Vision and mission held at Nehru Study Centre, National P.G. College, Lucknow

The influence of Marx and Lenin was powerful on mind. Yet Marxist philosophy did not satisfy him completely nor did not satisfy him completely nor did it answer all the questions in his mind.3 “A vague idealist approach” he explained “would creep into mind, something rather akin to the Vedanta ap­proach”.4 His mind was too independent to submit itself to any kind of doctrinaire approach. “I am very far from being a communist” he conceded adding that he disliked dogmatism.5

History fascinated him. It gave him an insightful command over the past, a keen and immediate sense of the present and a rare foresight to think and plan for the future of all. Himself a historian of repute, Nehru felt that many historical writings were uncritical descriptions of events and people. He was equally drawn to science and firmly believed that scientific temper and scientific approach to problems would liberate India from economic misery and social injustice. Amaz­ing indeed was his intellectual blend – science and history, idealism and realism, literature and politics, the revolution of Marx and the non-violence of Gandhi – were all integrated in his unique personality. As Norman Cousins observed Nehru “was not one man but a procession of men.”

            The first battle was won inside his mind. In his early years Nehru raised several questions against the Gandhian approach and openly disagreed with the Mahatma on many counts. Some letters written by Nehru to Gandhiji reveal the dilemma before Nehru. He sought answers from Gandhiji and found in the Mahatma’s approach and work solutions to the many doubts that had persisted for long.6 As years rolled by Nehru became increasingly convinced by the Gandhian approach though he felt that Gandhiji was ‘an extraordinary paradox.’ He thought that when Gandhiji claimed to be a socialist, some of his followers meant by it “a kind of muddled humani­tarianism.”7 Nehru did not agree with Gandhiji’s approach to certain economic issues.

Nehru’s preference for a mixed economy seemed appropriate under the circumstances. To put it in his own words, “I am no believer in Communist theory – there is much in it which I accept in the economic theory, but basically I think it is out of date today, more especially in this atomic age. I think equally that the opposite theory is out of date in the context of modern world affairs.” But he found in Gandhiji’s conception of democracy something more than the ordinary. “It is based on service and sacrifice, and it uses moral pressure,” observed Nehru.8

 Nehru was amazed how Gandhiji could function on the revolutionary plane keeping his feet firmly planted in the rich traditions of our race and our soil, how Gandhiji could bring about revolution to millions of homes without people fully realising what was happening and how he vitalized millions of people and drove fear out of their minds.9 Nehru’s conversion to Gandhian approach, excluding a few areas, was total. A revolution, he agreed, could be silent and total, if it was based on service and sacrifice. The work left unfinished by Gandhiji had to be completed and about that Nehru spoke thus in the Constituent Assembly on February 2, 1948. “So we have to work, we have to labour, we have to sacrifice and thus prove, to some extent worthy followers of his.”

Against such a background enriched by thought and action Nehru rose to power. Change is essential, he wrote, but conti­nuity is also necessary. “The future has to be built on the foundations laid in the past and the present,” he declared.10 Undaunted by the task ahead Nehru went about preparing plans for changes in every field. India having chosen the path of ‘rapid evolution’ instead of ‘violent revolution’ Nehru launched ambitious plans in several fields which Rajni Kothari described as the challenge of simultaneous change. “No revolution can be complete,” Nehru said, “if it is only political.” The op­pressed and the exploited sections of the society deserved special consideration and Nehru felt that economic planning could go a long way in alleviating their hardship. The setting ­up of the Planning Commission and the launching of the com­munity development were landmarks in national development. He established other major institutions like the University Grants Commission, the Atomic Energy Commission and the Defence Science Organisation.

The Avadi Congress Session of 1955 saw Nehru giving India a clear direction in achieving the economic and social objectives. Speaking on the Scientific Policy Resolution in Parliament Nehru said that the aim was “to make Indian people and even Government of India con­scious of scientific work and the necessity for it.” Building heavy industries and accelerating the pace of development on the farm and in the factory received top priority. He felt that “it is on the basis of steel and power that countries are industrialised and advanced.” Simultaneously he worked for ‘trained personnel’ to effectively implement the policy. The growth of the public sector was vital though the acceptance of mixed economy underlined the importance of the private sector. Nehru did realise the utility of promoting small scale and cottage industries, though the dice was loaded heavily in favour of the public sector. All industries of basic and strategic importance in the nature of public utility services

should be in the public sector as per the industrial policy resolution. Nehru was opposed to factories concentrating on mere con­sumer goods. “You must go to the root and build up the structure of industrial growth” he exhorted. Iron, steel, coal, electricity, heavy chemicals, etc., therefore received top priority for investment. Nehru was convinced that modern technology should come in a big way to help India solve many of her chronic problems.

 Nehru’s democratic socialism was ‘a growing, dynamic conception’ something which he felt would not be rigid. It should be something that would suit the genius and require­ments of the Indian people. In the year of his death he explained the meaning of socialism in the modern world with its dynamism and its tremendous technological progress. There was a philosophical note of caution too when he said “we must not forget that the essential objective to be aimed at is the quality of the individual and the concept of a Dharma underlying i1”.11 He stated that India’s progress since independence was sub­stantial ‘considering the background of India and her people and the necessity of changing the social structure of the country.’ All that was achieved on a democratic basis, he pointed out.

            The launching of Panchayati Raj was without doubt a great step forward in taking democracy meaningfully to the people in the rural areas. The process of institution - building received further fillip when it was launched. That people should be actively involved in the process of nation - building and that India’s diversity and vastness required a wide institu­tional framework for developmental work were stressed by Nehru right from the dawn of Independence. Thanks to Nehru’s vision India not only adopted and operated successfully the Westminster type of parliamentary democracy but created new institutions to meet the challenging demands of speedy deve­lopment. In this regard Nehru’s leadership was dynamic and innovative. Most of the institutions established by him struck roots despite lack of adequate resources and lack of a large number of trained personnel. India became a shining example of a smooth transition from traditions to modernity combining the strength of the former and the confidence of the latter.

Nehru’s commitment to democracy was borne out by the respect he showed to the opposition, the Press and those with whom he disagreed. Two of his speeches made during the last months of his life referred to the threats to national solidarity and unity. He pointed out that variety should not affect unity nor should religion, caste and language disrupt national unity. From the Buddha to Gandhi, he observed, India’s heritage conveyed to the world the lesson of living harmoniously together.

 Democracy required the spirit of tolerance and co­operation and he firmly believed in India’s capacity for sustain­ing the democratic spirit. Nehru’s faith in the Indian spirit remained throughout unshaken. We are, he explained, not only industrializing the country through democratic processes but also at the same time trying to maintain the unique features in Indian philosophy and way of life and individuality of India.

   Underlying the strong institutional base Nehru laid for the growth of Indian democracy was the value system shaped under Gandhiji’s leadership, The relevance of those highly cherished values – communal harmony, non-violence and eman­cipation of the oppressed sections of the society – has not decreased with the passage of time. Even today they occupy a high place in our system though euphemistically we may describe them as national integration and social justice. Nehru’s commitment to democracy stemmed from that value system nurtured by Gandhiji. In a way Nehru’s failures too might have resulted from the difficulty of reconciling the spirit of the earlier times with the modern institutions operated by a new class of leaders. Nobody was more aware of the shortcomings and failures of the Nehru era than its maker himself.

The true democrat that he was Nehru accepted responsibility for his failures without putting the blame one others around him. His biographer described Nehru as a ‘prophet frustrated’. S. Gopalsummed up that Nehru failed to follow the adult suffrage with a speedy enforcement of land distribution and tenancy reform, a proper emphasis on education, a revision of the administrative system and control of population. “Had these steps” wrote Gopal, “been taken democracy would have been accompanied by basic changes in society and the 1950s would not now appear more and more of a faded golden age,” Nehru has also been criticised for his tolerance of corruption and his occasional fondness for flamboyant buccaneers. Probably Nehru was aware of the burden he was carrying on his shoulders when he could not throw out certain friends who were his liabilities. One can get a hint of Nehru’s problem from a state­ment he once made: “The most difficult thing in life is what to do with one’s friends”. 12

 With all its faults the Indian democracy under Nehru’s leadership grew to be the most enduring system in the third world. The uniqueness of Nehru’s democracy which was hailed as the Hellas of Asia lay in the fact that it could survive severe tests both from within and outside. Disproving some western critics who had prophesied the collapse of Indian democracy after Nehru, the Indian democracy not only survived Nehru but came out with flying colours from the most trying years that followed.

 The sudden death of Nehru and Shastri (whose succession was described as Two Successions by a Western scholar) and later of Indira Gandhi and the un-precedented drought and economic misery of the mid-sixties besides the three wars that were forced on India in 1962, 1965 and 1971 were the most severe tests faced by free India. And Indian democracy proved worthy of Nehru’s faith in it. Yet, the last two decades have witnessed a steep erosion of the value-system underlying the Indian democracy. Some of the trends that set in the Indian system would have greatly distressed Jawaharlal Nehru.

The fact is unassailable that there is no alternative to the Gandhi-Nehru framework of Indian democracy. Discarding it would be most harmful to India’s social and political life. It is only by recalling that ethos and reviving the Nehruvian spirit that we can stem the ominous drift that has set in and put the Indian democracy back on the rails. A strong and stable democracy on the lines drawn by the great architect, Jawaharlal Nehru, would ensure world peace and better future for mankind. How aptly he once asked “Who dies if India lives? Who lives if India dies?”

1 S. Gopal (ed.), Jawaharlal Nehru - An Anthology Oxford University Press, 1983, p. 238.

2 B.R. Nanda (ed.), India’s Foreign Policy - The Nehru Years, Vikas, New Delhi, 1976, p. 182.

3 Jawaharlal Nehru - The Discovery of India, Signet Press, Calcutta, 1947, p. 12.

4 Ibid.

5 Quoted in A Centenary History of the Indian National Congress, B.N. Pande (ed.), AICC (I) and Vikas Publishers, Delhi, p. 816.

6 S. Gopal (ed.), An Anthology, pp. 99-100.

7 Ibid., p. 102.

8 Ibid., p. 103.

9 Ibid., p. 114.

10 Ibid., p. 115.

11 Ibid., p. 319.

12 S. Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru - A Biography, Vol. III, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1976, p. 118.

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Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru Views on Democratic Socialism

International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Research

International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Research ISSN: 2455-2070 Impact Factor: RJIF 5.22 www.socialsciencejournal.in Volume 4; Issue 2; March 2018; Page No. 104-106

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru views on democratic socialism

Dr. Ashok Uttam Chothe HOD, Department of Political Science, New Arts, Commerce & Science College, Ahmednagaar, Maharashtra , India

Abstract As a thinker he was passionately devoted to democracy and individual liberty this made it inconceivable for him to turn a comrade. He had confidence in man and love for enterprise Dynamism and dynamic were his most loved words. This loaned to his communism a dynamic character. He trusted that communism is more logical and valuable in the financial scene. It depends on logical strategies for endeavoring to comprehend the history , the past occasions and the laws of the improvement. He pursued it, since it can persuade us the reasons of neediness, worldwide clash and government. He understood that Laissez Faire was dead and the group must be composed to build up social and financial justice. Numerous variables contributed for the development of Democratic Socialism in the brain of Nehru. In England he was dubiously pulled in to the Fabians and Socialistic Ideas. When he took an interest in national development these thoughts again blended the coals of Socialistic Ideas in his mind this enthusiasm for communism principally got from books not from the immediate contacts with the wretchedness and misuse of poor by the rich. When he straightforwardly comes into contact with neediness of workers he felt that unimportant political opportunity was inadequate and without social flexibility individuals could gain no ground without social opportunity.

Keywords: dynamism, straightforwardly, wretchedness

Introduction Democratic Socialism in the brain of Nehru. In England he After Independence, subjects of India acknowledged was dubiously pulled in to the Fabians and Socialistic Ideas. communist example of society or law based communism as When he took an interest in national development these their essential rationale and goal and credit for it goes to thoughts again blended the coals of Socialistic Ideas in his Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who tried endeavors to bring mind this enthusiasm for communism principally got from congress round it the acknowledgment, maybe semi-hesitant, books not from the immediate contacts with the wretchedness of a communist society as Indian's objective. Jawaharlal and misuse of poor by the rich. When he straightforwardly Nehru, a man with vision and dynamism was one among the comes into contact with neediness of workers he felt that couple of Indians who had left the cover of extravagance and unimportant political opportunity was inadequate and without committed his life for the country. He stayed inside the fate of social flexibility individuals could gain no ground without British jail cells for over nine years for the autonomy of the social opportunity.2 nation and to make another India free from opinion, abuse and neediness. He was instrumental in bringing communist India's Nehru’s Socialism into the financial software engineers and arrangements of He personally connected with Gandhi whom the tended to as Indian National congress and Indian constitution. He was 'Bapu' and named him as his political beneficiary Jawaharlal persuaded communist. He trusted that communism is the main did not surrender his logical approach and did not answer for all our financial shades of malice. acknowledge peacefulness as a statement of faith. He didn't acknowledge Gandhi a technique for change of heart or the Nehru’s preference for socialism Gandhi a feedback of present day human progress. The As a thinker he was passionately devoted to democracy and consequence of this autonomy of reasoning of his propensity individual liberty this made it inconceivable for him to turn a for new encounters was that the communism of Jawaharlal comrade. He had confidence in man and love for enterprise turns into a sort of mix of inverse norms of thought. At Dynamism and dynamic were his most loved words. This Nehru's communism took distinctive shapes in various loaned to his communism a dynamic character. He trusted that periods. It was the result of his own understanding as a radical communism is more logical and valuable in the financial amid flexibility development, as a supporter of peaceful scene. It depends on logical strategies for endeavoring to technique for Gandhi, as the Prime Minister and adherent to comprehend the history, the past occasions and the laws of the liberal political convention, this idea of communism can be improvement. He pursued it, since it can persuade us the order comprehensively into two classes Marxian Socialism reasons of neediness, worldwide clash and government. He and vote based socialism. understood that Laissez Faire was dead and the group must be Nehru said "I work for it considerably more on the grounds composed to build up social and financial justice. that for me it is the unavoidable advance to social and Numerous variables contributed for the development of monetary change I should like congress to wind up a

104 International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Research communist association and to hold hands with different prompt tyranny and regimentation. powers on the planet, who are working for the new Serene Strategy for setting up communist society as created by development". Nehru's crusade for communism proceeded till Jawaharlal Nehru extraordinarily contrasts from the Gandhi a his passing. In 1929 at the Lahore session of the congress procedure dissimilar to Lenin and Mao who portrayed soviet Nehru as President proclaim that since communism had turned Russia and People's China as communist Republic. Jawaharlal into the objective of the world. At the Karachi session of the did not utilize this expression in regard of the new India he congress puff 1931 and Luck now session in 1936 he repeated needed to manufacture, however utilized the expression his confidence in communism. Nehru presented the soul of communist example of society. This goal was tangle to set up communism in Part-IV of the constitution i.e. mandate undeniable communism yet just a general public whose standards of state approach. It was embraced as a model of example was communist. The utilization of the word `pattern' financial advancement. In January 1955 the 60th session of maintains a strategic distance from this peril it suggests that the Indian National Congress embraced the determination India needs to take care of the useful issues that face her based going for a communist example of society. The Indian on the wide standards of communism. National Congress in its session in 1964 embraced vote based One awesome factor which drove Jawaharlal Nehru to think communism essentially known as Nehru vain socialism. about a communist example for India was his extraordinary dedication to the popularity based estimations of life. He was Little trust on marxian socialism a communist as well as a democrat. He was a popularity based Nehru was now free to give political shape to the idea. communist. Another factor which titled the scale for a Starting from a vague attachment to Fabian communism he communist example was the acknowledgment that proceeded had been pulled in towards Marxism he came to view with presence of private area was totally fundamental for communism not just as a monetary teaching but rather as the expanded generation of national riches. In a completely main response to the ills of a debauched Capitalism at its fledged communism there can be no private area. The session in Avoid it showed up the congress put out the equation abandons us allowed to receive and embrace to our statement of faith of communist example of society. Nehru own particular necessities whatever components of significant had an enormous shortcoming towards the Marxian worth. We may discover in different frameworks. We can take rationality. As he stated "the Marxian rationality advances to the great highlights of private enterprise, communism and me in an expansive sense and comprehends the procedure of socialism and make our very own upbeat combination. Nehru history." He concurred with Marxian tenet that freedom and so apropos put it in the event that anything comrade is great, I vote based system had no significance without equity. am will take it; on the off chance that anything against Correspondence can't be set up inasmuch as the guideline socialist is great I am will take it moreover. The expression instruments of creation are exclusive. He additionally 'communist example' suggests this exceedingly significant concurred with Marx that class quality in unavoidable on the opportunity of building up our own particular image of grounds that the individuals who benefit by a current property communism without being constrained to adhere to a specific connection don't as a class deliberately consents to a change principle or dogma.6 which includes lost power and benefit. In any case, Nehru was not a standard Marxist, he firmly condemned Marxian strategy Mixed economy the basis of democratic socialism for 'savagery' and ' fascism ' of the low class socialism, Nehru In her quest for mingled economy India took the choice to attested for its triumphs in numerous fields smashes the free create what has come to be known as blended economy. Its soul of man alluding to the nonappearance of the right to substance lies in consolidating state or open endeavor in speak freely in the USSR Nehru pronounced India can't take specific fields with private venture in others. The most key after such an arrangement. It at last hampers the advance of need of India was to advance up generation. Neediness of the the country by limiting the inventive resources of normal majority couldn't be finished without more noteworthy riches man.5 being created. Under the regressive states of Indian economy with its constrained money related and specialized assets it Democratic socialism and socialist pattern of society was inconceivable for the state to assume control existing Nehru was profoundly worried about India's autonomy and mechanical concerns. It was considered spread to give private financial changes. The financial conditions in India are not endeavor a chance to proceed in fields while it was agent and quite the same as different nations . So a similar method of use state assets in building new Industries. He favored specific communism ought not to be connected to every one of the patriotism of key businesses and left the rest for private nations. He had especially confidence in singular flexibility. venture it is genuine model of his fair communist, most He trusts that political flexibility is an essential of national appropriate to unconventional Indian conditions. improvement for the arrangement of social and monetary issues. It is a necessary chore, the end being the upliftment of Economic Planning masses. Nehru contended that majority rule government and 1. After taking decision in favor of socialism pattern of communism are correlative to each other Nehru expressed, "I society, the problem remained to be tackled concerned don't perceive any reason why under communism there ought the method by which it was to be established. He not be a lot of flexibility for the individual, to be sure for more believes that neither the revolutionary socialism nor prominent opportunity than the present framework gives….." capitalist system can preserve human values. Nehru contended, vote based system without communism will 2. Nehru was deeply shocked to see the dithering Indian be joke and communism without popular government will Economy totally shaky and crippled due to prolonged

105 International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Research

imperialist, colonialist exploitation on the other hand. He was very much impressed by the success of planning in soviet Russia, hence, to improve the economy of India and remove social economic injustice. 3. Nehru evolved a peaceful method i.e. planning to achieve democratic socialism. A planned development of economy will ensure establishment of class less society on co-operative efforts. 4. He believes that planning is the only panacea. Planning will help in the proper utilization of existing resources for the benefit of all.8

Conclusion Nehru dedicated to the majority rule cause and thought of communist society and in this way maintained a strategic distance from the utilization of the expression 'communist state' He was not keen on a specific 'ism' Democratic Socialism would have made a more noteworthy interest to the majority in the event that it had been clarified to them by reasonable means law based communism which communicates not just the objective (communist request) at which the Government and the general population of India point yet in addition the technique by which it is to be figured it out. Nehru set his heart on industrializing the nation and turned to financial wanting to secure the targets put forward in the preface to the constitution and order standards of state arrangement. The monetary framework is to work in such a route as would not bring about the centralization of riches in a couple of people. This new social request is to be built up by popularity based means. On the off chance that Nehru vain model of vote based communism bombed in India, it was more because of absence of responsibility of the rulers and officials and less because of theoretical deceptions.

References 1. Mohanty DK. Indian Political Traditional (From Manu to Ambedkar), Anmol Publications Pvt., Ltd. Daryaganj, New Delhi . 1997; P-322, 2. SUDA JP. Social and Political thought in Modern India, III, Ed.II. PP.90-98, Pub. By K.Nath & Co., Educational Publishers, Meerut-2 (U.P.) ibid P.109-128. 3. HR Mukhi, Modern Indian Political thought, Surjeet Book Depot, Nai Sarak, Delhi, 1975, PP.92-97. 4. Dr. Rafiq Zakaria , Editor. A Study of Nehru Published by Times of India Press, Bombay, India, 1960, PP.212- 213. 5. Krishan Mohan, Political leadership and Indian freedom movement, Pub. By Book Enclave Jain Bhawan, Opp. N.E.I. Shanti Nagar, Jaipur, 1999, PP.201-202. 6. ibid, PP 191-196. 7. Opcit DK. Mohanty, P.327.

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Postcolonial Studies

Taylor C Sherman

Although it is often said that early postcolonial India was socialist, scholars have tended to take this term for granted. This article investigates how Indians defined socialism in the two decades after independence. It finds that there were six areas of agreement among Indian socialists: the centrality of the individual, the indispensability of work, the continued importance of private property, that the final goal was a more equal – but not flat – society, that this change had to be brought about without violence, and that the final goal of Indian socialism ought to be spiritual fulfilment. Understanding how Indians defined their version of socialism, it is argued, will help scholars re-evaluate the role of the first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, in defining the goals India pursued after independence. It will also re-orient our understanding of the expectations and limitations of the Indian state in this crucial period in Indian history.

Nehru Memorial lecture, King's College, London, 2023

Madhavan K Palat

Mostafa Mostafavi

Neha Munshi

This paper examines Jawaharlal Nehru's vision of a free India and the challenges he faced in its execution during the early years of the Independence. From the 1920s onwards, Nehru's involvement with the Indian freedom struggle through the Indian National Congress gave him a unique opportunity and experiences to develop his ideas. Nehru's involvement in the non-violent mass movements led by M.K Gandhi, his arrests, trials and long internments in the British prisons, and his experience of directly negotiating with the British for India's freedom are reflected in his writings which includes his Autobiography (1936), and his Discovery of India (1946) and his many speeches, letters, and articles. My research methodology features an examination of the three major texts written by Nehru, all of which correspond to different periods of his life. These include Nehru’s Autobiography (1936), The Discovery of India (1946) and Nehru’s Letters to Chief Ministers (1947-50). India’s freedom struggle witnessed many phases from the 1930s-40s, and in the post-Independence era of the 1950s, Nehru faced enormous challenges in articulating his vision of nation building on the principle of secular democracy. Nehru’s thoughts reveal that he envisioned a nation based on equality regardless of religion, caste, language, or culture. Within this vision, he imagined a future free India based on the principle of international co-operation politically, economically, and culturally. Gandhi’s principle of non-violence, which played a key role in India’s freedom struggle was to guide this framework.

Bipasha R O S Y Lakra (Ursula)

This paper aims to bring some of Jawaharlal Nehru’s aims and vision for a free India and elucidates on Nehru’s understanding of India’s past based on his writings in his Discovery of India. The paper also aims to connect Nehru’s vison with the current state of India with its erosion of secularism.

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9 9 Nehru and Socialism

• Published: October 1998
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Jawaharlal Nehru was an avowed supporter of socialism. In his presidential address to the Lahore Congress in December 1929, Nehru affirmed that he was ‘a socialist and republican…’, making him the enfant terrible of Indian politics. His interest in Marxism and planned economic development was stirred by the Brussels Congress and his four-day visit to Moscow in 1927. In 1933, Nehru wrote a series of articles entitled ‘Whither India?’, in which he explained why he believed in socialism and argued that capitalism had outlived its day. The crisis of 1936 had a profound impact upon Nehru; he decided to subordinate ideological considerations to his overriding loyalty to Mahatma Gandhi’s leadership and to the Congress party as the chief instrument of the anti-imperalist struggle. In truth, Nehru could not easily give up any of the three basic tenets of his political creed—secularism, democracy, and socialism.

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Indian History

Make Your Note

Legacy of Jawahar Lal Nehru

• 29 May 2020
• GS Paper - 1
• Post-independence Consolidation of India

This article is based on “Being Nehruvian in these difficult times” which was published in The Hindu Business line on 27/05/2020. It talks about the contribution of the first Prime Minister of India Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru in building Modern India.

India, since independence, has undergone profound transformations in its politics- from the dominant Congress system to Coalition era, its economics-  from a controlled “democratic socialism” to a thriving free-enterprise system, its trade -from protectionism to liberalization, and its social relations - from a rigidly hierarchical caste system to a more egalitarian policy affirming opportunities and outcomes for the “lowest” castes.

However, in recent years, a prominent change can be observed in the interpretation of History- wherein the present times the narrative around the contribution of past leaders is presented differently. One such example is of India’s first Prime Minister- Jawahar Lal Nehru.

The five principal pillars of Nehru’s legacy to India — Nation-building, Democratic institution-building, Secularism, Democratic Socialist economics, and a Novel foreign policy (Non-alignment, Panchsheel) still form the cardinal values of India.

However, some sections criticise Nehru’s policies for being responsible for India’s strategic failures as well as domestic problems like the Kashmir dispute. In this context, it is essential to understand the contribution of Nehru in the right context and its relevance for India today.

Contribution of Nehru

Institutionalisation of Democracy

• Nehru was committed to the establishment of a strong Indian nation where the concept of equal rights of citizens would override all societal divisions.
• It gave a tremendous leg up to the country’s historically discriminated sections like Dalits and religious minorities.
• It was he who established the robust tradition of parliamentary supremacy over the military that prevented India from becoming another junta-ruled Third World autocracy.
• The nature of the Nehruvian way of politics (debate and deliberation) led to development of respect for parliamentary procedures, abiding faith in the constitutional system.

Ideal of Secularism

• Nehru believed that India belonged to all who had contributed to its history and civilisation, and that the majority community had a special obligation to protect the rights, and promote the well-being, of the minorities.
• This helped in building the narrative of ‘Unity in Diversity’.

Welfare State

• Through the planned economy approach, Nehru envisaged that in a land of extreme poverty and inequality, the objective of government policy must be the welfare of the poorest, most deprived and most marginalised of the people.
• It can be reflected in creation of a framework of rights, including the right to work , the right to food , the right to education and the right to fair compensation for land , all of which have empowered the poorest of people in India.

Establishing Institutions of Excellence

• With the establishment of what is now the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO), India has achieved the status of Space power today.
• With the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) established in his tenure, Indians have a worldwide reputation for engineering excellence.
• Also, he laid the foundations of a dual-track nuclear programme due to which India achieved nuclear-capable status.
• Also, the economic policies of investing in heavy industries and protecting the nascent manufacturing sector, helped India to substitute imports to a certain extent.

Foreign Policy

• After two centuries of British rule, Nehru was determined to protect the country’s strategic autonomy without compromising independence by aligning itself to either superpower in the Cold War.
• This policy of NAM, made India one of the most distinguished leaders of Third World solidarity, reached out to the rest of the colonised world, and forged a joint front against colonialism and a reinvented imperialism.
• He developed a role for India in the world based entirely on its civilisational history and its moral standing, as the voice of the oppressed and the marginalised against the hegemony of the day.
• This gave India global reputation and prestige across the world for years, and strengthened our self-respect as we stood, proud and independent, on the global stage.

The fears of growing intolerance, communalism and inequality which may disrupt social harmony; debates in Indian intelligentsia about the erosion of democratic values, freedom of speech and autonomy of public institutions; the emergence of a new era of the Cold War between the US and China, marks the relevance of Nehruvian ideology even today.

This editorial is based on “The Swarm” which was published in The Hindu on May 28 th , 2020. Now watch this on our Youtube channel.

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Nehru’s socialism was evolutionary, inclusive, and not based on class

He was attracted to marxism but found it irrelevant to programmes for progress.

Updated - February 13, 2022 05:55 pm IST

Published - February 12, 2022 04:15 pm IST

Nehru, Gamal Abdel Nasser, President of Egypt, and Josip Broz Tito, President of Yugoslavia, were the forerunners of the Non-Aligned Movement in the 1950s.

It is a curious paradox that Nehru was a socialist who consolidated capitalism. But capitalists do not thank him for it; the left consider him inadequate; and the right have equated his socialism with the ‘Licence-Permit Raj’.

His socialism was evolutionary, not revolutionary, and it was inclusive, not based on class. It was democratic and comfortable with heterogeneity, egalitarian without levelling, committed to welfare and affirmative action, co-operative to contain destructive competition, oriented to rational planning to overcome anarchic individualism, stressed the need for the government to lead through an advanced public sector, valued local democracy and local management of utilities, and mobilised local initiative in every way. Globally, he viewed it as a movement rather than as a military bloc. In all these respects, if it was to prevail, it would be by democratic recognition rather than by bureaucratic imposition. Above all, he saw it as providing a direction, a momentum, and a value system rather than a final goal.

He was attracted to Marxism as a means to historical explanation, but he found it irrelevant to programmes for progress and even for socialism. It is doubtful whether Marxism contributed significantly to his interpretation of history, even if he obliged by peppering his Glimpses of World History with accounts of class struggles. What he understood by class reads more like social hierarchy; and he did not employ the concept of the mode of production — that magnificent obsession of so many Marxists.

United against imperialism

As a social democrat or socialist, he was liberal to his fingertips and opposed to both communism and the Soviet system. During the agony of liberal Europe in the 1930s, when fascism blanketed the continent, communism seemed the only hope, and Soviet Union the dawn of a new civilisation, as he declared at the Lucknow Congress in 1936. Thereafter, he drew the line clearly; and while the Soviet Union fascinated him for its short cut to industrialisation, its methods were appalling and the human cost hideous. He could not accept them for India.

He found many reasons to reject the communist option. The first was class war, so beloved of communists. He did not hold a brief for capitalists and landlords, but class war led to unspeakable atrocities, bitterness, and material and human destruction. Second, his objective was to unite the nation against imperialism, not to divide it between classes and leave an opening for the machinations of the imperialists. When he was tempted to class war, Gandhi restrained him.

Third, the class war pursued the interest of a class at the expense of the individual, which was anathema to the liberal Nehru. Fourth, communism was undemocratic, communist states ran one-party systems with non-competitive elections, and they deleted the fundamental rights, which Nehru so cherished. Ironically, India supplied the exception, with communists coming to power through democratic elections. Fifth, he found the communists deplorably subservient to Moscow. As he reasoned, he was not throwing off the British colonial yoke to replace it with the Soviet communist one. Sixth, communists sought a global confrontation with capitalism. He refused to participate, preferring instead an independent role that he called non-alignment.

Nehru felt India could be delivered from imperialism only by unshackling from its capitalism through some form of socialism, and from its dictatorship through some form of democracy

Well before Independence, he saw the world dividing and the need to take a position between the communists and the imperialists. During World War II, he rejected the Axis on ideological grounds and found it bad strategy to join the enemy of the enemy without ideological affinity. Hence, Subhas Chandra Bose’s grand design of joining with the Axis against British imperialism was ruled out. He was prepared to cooperate with the imperialists as a bargain for independence; and while he detested the imperialists in the Empire, he endorsed the liberal democracy in Britain.

By the same token, he could identify with the goals of communism while finding the Soviet regime odious. But both imperialism and communism wished to recruit Indian nationalism to their strategic purposes without giving anything in return. His only option was to anticipate Non-Alignment, to preserve independence of choice and to keep out of others’ wars.

Socialism provided the ideological basis for such independence. A purely nationalist position without further ideological depth could have led him either way. He cited the example of nationalist Poland in 1927 driven into the imperialist fold or of an independent Bolivia in 1928 trapped in debt to the United States and its “economic imperialism”. Promoting capitalism for growth after Independence would have sucked India back into the web of global capitalism led by Britain and America and unravelled the independence so painfully achieved. He discerned the possibility of an independent communism in China in the 1950s, but he had good reasons for rejecting communism of any kind.

Global socialism

His socialism was independent even of European socialism. He was deeply distressed to find European socialists, especially the British species, more than complicit with imperialism, and he reserved some of his harshest comments for Ramsay MacDonald, the British Labour Prime Minister. Nehru thought of socialism in global terms, but had to seek an independent trajectory for socialism in India. He did not go to the extent of positing a necessary relation between his socialism and non-alignment, but he spoke as if true independence entailed the one and the other.

But Nehru’s socialism was a minority position within the Congress and the national movement. Gandhi merely tolerated it; the principal leaders like Patel, Rajagopalachari, Rajendra Prasad, and B.C. Roy were opposed; and only Subhas Chandra Bose was a companion-at-arms for radicalising the Congress. But Bose veered away, breaking with Gandhi and allying with the Axis during the War. The Congress Socialist Party led by Jayaprakash Narayan and Narendra Deva, among others, was Nehru’s natural constituency, but they were impatient with compromise and left the Congress in 1948.

Given his isolation, Nehru had to satisfy himself with promoting an ideal rather than framing specifically socialist policies. He advocated socialism, not as an ideology but as a pragmatic necessity for eradicating poverty, reducing it to administration and problem-solving. For nearly a quarter of a century, from his socialist moment in Europe in 1927, he had on every important occasion proclaimed his socialist faith, decreed its inevitability, and reassured everybody that it was not a programme for implementation.

Welfare capitalism

In the Constituent Assembly, he refused to include socialism in the resolution on Aims and Objects, disparaging it as “theoretical words and formulae”. He even accepted the socialists’ charge of his having “sided with the capitalists”. But he felt India could be delivered from imperialism only by unshackling from its capitalism through some form of socialism, and from its dictatorship through some form of democracy. Only a democratic socialism made meaning. He did so even if that democratic socialism was in effect no more than a welfare capitalism of the kind that defined Europe in the post-War years.

Welfare capitalism was projected as an independent and democratic socialism for 40 years by its progenitor and it enjoyed a successful career thereafter until the 1980s. To expert observers like I.G. Patel, sometime governor of the Reserve Bank of India, socialism was distinctly the subordinate partner in that Nehruvian compound of capitalism and socialism: “...in this uneasy coalition, irrespective of who presides officially, the strident voice is undoubtedly that of the capitalist majority.” But far too many have expected of it a socialism of the textbook or, more ignorantly, have regarded it as of ill-omened Soviet provenance, and have variously shamed it for its inadequacies, vilified it for trying to be itself, and bemoaned its intellectual incoherence and political ineptitude.

Prosaic as ever, Nehru’s critics have not noticed the rhetorical use that he made of socialism for the moral glow that it imparted to two generations after Independence. But, most of all, his independent socialism was one of his devices to maintain India’s independence from global capitalism with its imperialist offshoot, from communism, and even from European socialism to the extent that the latter aspired to a universal role.

The writer is the editor of Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru . This is the fourth in the essay series on Nehru in the Magazine .

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Jawaharlal Nehru Essay for Students and Children

500+ words jawaharlal nehru essay.

Jawaharlal Nehru Essay- Jawaharlal Nehru is the name that every Indian is aware of. Jawaharlal was quite famous among children. Due to which the children called him ‘Chacha Nehru’. Since he loved children so much the government celebrated his birthday as ‘ Children’s Day ’. Jawaharlal Nehru was a great leader. He was a person of great love for the country.

Jaw aharlal Nehru’s Early Life

Jawaharlal Nehru was born on 14th November 1889 in Allahabad (now Prayagraj). His father’s name was Motilal Nehru who was a good lawyer. His father was very rich because of which Nehru got the best education.

At an early age, he was sent abroad for studies. He studied in two universities of England namely Harrow and Cambridge. He completed his degree in the year 1910.

Since Nehru was an average guy in his studies he was not much interested in law. He had an interest in politics. Though he later became a lawyer and practiced law in Allahabad High Court. At the age of 24, he got married to Smt. Kamla Devi. They gave birth to a daughter who was named Indira.

Get the huge list of more than 500 Essay Topics and Ideas

Jawaharlal Nehru as a Leader

Most Noteworthy, Jawaharlal Nehru was the first Prime Minister of India. He was a man of great vision. He was a leader, politician, and writer too. Since he always India to become a successful country he always worked day and night for the betterment of the country. Jawaharlal Nehru was a man of great vision. Most importantly he gave the slogan ‘Araam Haram Hai’.

Jawaharlal Nehru was a man of peace but he saw how Britishers treated Indians. Due to which he decided to join the freedom movement. He had a love for his country because of which he shook hands with Mahatma Gandhi (Bapu). As a result, he joined the Non-Cooperation movement of Mahatma Gandhi .

In his freedom struggle, he had to face many challenges. He even went to jail many times. However, his love for the country did not get any less. He fought a great fight which results in Independence. India got its’ Independence on 15th August 1947. Because of Jawaharlal Nehru’s efforts, he was elected as the first prime minister of India.

Achievements as a Prime Minister

Nehru was a man of modern thinking. He always wanted to make India a more modern and civilized country. There was a difference between the thinking of Gandhi and Nehru. Gandhi and Nehru had different attitudes toward civilization. While Gandhi wanted an ancient India Nehru was of modern India. He always wanted India to go in a forward direction. Despite the cultural and religious differences in India.

However, there was a pressure of religious freedom in the country. At that time the main motive was to unite the country. With all the pressures Jawaharlal Nehru led the country in scientific and modern efforts.

Most importantly Jawaharlal Nehru had a great achievement. He changed ancient Hindu cultural. It helped the Hindu widows a lot. The change had given women equal rights like men. The right of inheritance and property.

Though Nehru was great prime minister a problem stressed him a lot. The Kashmir region that was claimed by both India and Pakistan. He tried to settle the dispute several times but the problem was still there.

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Shri Pranab Mukherjee FORMER PRESIDENT OF INDIA Term of Office: 25th July 2012 - 25th July 2017

The tenth jawahar lal nehru memorial lecture on "nehru and parliamentary democracy" delivered by the hon'ble president of india shri pranab mukherjee at jawahar lal nehru university, new delhi, jawaharlal nehru university, new delhi : 18-01-2014.

The establishment of Parliamentary Democracy in India at independence was a momentous step in the history of the new nation emerging from a long period of colonialism. Although Parliamentary Democracy in a newly independent nation was thought to be of great risk, Nehru played a central role in making the process a success. His vision transformed the limited representative government given by the British into a vibrant and powerful institutionalised structure suited for the citizens of India. Nehru was a firm believer in freedom of thought and expression and participation of the people in the governance of the country. For Nehru, democracy and civil liberties were not merely a means for bringing about economic and social development, but, absolute values and ends in themselves.

In Nehru’s understanding, only a democratic structure which gave space to various cultural, political, and socio-economic trends to express themselves could hold India together. He also believed that the establishment of a strong and stable parliamentary system during the difficult formative years of nation-building in our country was also very essential. It was due to the strong leadership and liberal values provided by Nehru, that Parliamentary Democracy has taken root and survived in India. The enduring rules, values and conventions laid down by him enabled the democratic institution in India to shape and function. Over the years, Parliament as an institution has constantly introduced changes and new rules which have allowed it to move ahead, but the strong legacy of functioning in democratic and scientific temperament laid down by Nehru at independence has made this institution unique.

I am happy to visit the prestigious Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) of New Delhi today and I deem it an honour to have been invited to deliver the Tenth Nehru Memorial Lecture.

44 year old JNU is well known in India and abroad as a University with a ‘difference’. It is recognised as the home of the intellectually restless, insatiably curious and mentally rigorous. It is most appropriate that JNU’s guiding philosophy is Nehru’s famous description of the role of a University, namely, "A University stands for humanism, for tolerance, for reason, for the adventure of ideas and for the search of truth. It stands for the onward march of the human race towards ever higher objectives. If the Universities discharge their duties adequately, then it is well with the nation and the people”1.

JNU is amongst the first Universities in the country to emphasize the interdisciplinary approach in teaching and research and introduce the semester system, credit and grading system, 100 per cent internal examination and evaluation system as well as a dynamic admission policy. Its research and extra curricular life has been always imbued with social purpose and been of relevance to the problems of society. Moreover, the JNU Act states that the University shall endeavour to "promote the study of the principles for which Jawaharlal Nehru worked during his life-time, namely national integration, social justice, secularism, a democratic way of life, international understanding and a scientific approach to the problems of society”2.

It is keeping in mind the high quality and reputation of the faculty and students of this University as well as the objectives of its founding that I decided to choose the topic of ‘Nehru and Parliamentary Democracy’ for my lecture.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was the prime architect of modern India and her system of Parliamentary Democracy. Nehru had an abiding faith in the parliamentary process which for him meant a responsible and responsive political system which governs through consultation and discussion.

Nehru was a firm believer in freedom of thought and expression. Democracy and civil liberties were for him absolute values, ends in themselves, and not merely a means for bringing about economic and social development. There was in him what his biographer Prof. S Gopal calls "a granite core of intellectual and moral commitment to democratic values”. "I would not,” Nehru said, "give up the democratic system for anything”3.

The establishment of full Parliamentary Democracy in India was thus a momentous step in the history of a new nation emerging from a long period of colonialism. Nehru played a central role in shaping the process by which the limited representative government given by the British was transformed into vibrant and powerful institutions that suited the genius of the Indian people. Moreover, as the leader of the House-Provisional Parliament (1950-1952) First Lok Sabha (1952-1957), Second Lok Sabha (1957-1962) and Third Lok Sabha (1962-1964) – Nehru played the most important role in building our parliamentary institutions and establishing healthy practices and precedents.

The road to the Constitution

Long before freedom from foreign rule became a reality, Jawaharlal Nehru as President of the Indian National Congress in 1936 declared that India’s ultimate objective was the establishment of "a democratic state,” "full democracy” and a "new social and economic order”4.

Nehru popularized the demand for a Constituent Assembly to draft India’s Constitution and made it a central issue in the 1937 elections. Unlike in many other countries, the Constitution of India was not made by the departing colonial power. Instead, Indian leaders sat in the Constituent Assembly from December 1946 to January 1950 and after careful discussion and deliberation gave unto themselves the new nation’s Basic Law.

Interestingly, the ‘Objectives’ Resolution moved by Nehru in the Assembly on 13 December 1946, did not at all mention the parliamentary form of government. In the Constituent Assembly, many speakers argued for adoption of the parliamentary system pointing out that several generations of Indians were schooled in it and this collective experience could not be ignored. But others had doubts and voiced them stridently. Some feared a majoritarian electoral dispensation in a polity that was deeply divided and preferred a fixed-term executive. Others equated adoption of a parliamentary model with a "slavish surrender to the West”5. The Gandhians in the Assembly were keen that an indigenous system based on Village Republics be adopted, but their ideas were sought to be accommodated in other parts of the Constitution. Nehru was however not swayed by these arguments and believed that Parliamentary Democracy confirmed to our history and traditions and was best suited to enable India build a united and integrated nation from a highly pluralistic society with divisive pulls of different kinds.

The democratic ethos of the people of India

Nehru tried to visualise and evolve the most appropriate structure of governance for India keeping in mind the nature of Indian society and its long history, spread over several millennia. The process of nation-formation, Nehru said, could be strengthened by recognising the urges and aspirations of Indian people inhabiting different parts of the country with their rich, diverse culture and linguistic heritage. While moving the ‘Objectives’ Resolution in the Constituent Assembly, Nehru observed "Whatever system of Government we may establish here must fit in with the temper of our people and be acceptable to them”6. In his words: "all our institutions, including parliamentary institutions, are ultimately the projections of a people’s character, thinking and aims. They are strong and lasting in the measure that they are in accordance with the people’s character and thinking. Otherwise, they tend to break up”7.

In Nehru’s understanding, Parliamentary Democracy was necessary for keeping India united as a nation. Given its diversity and differences only a democratic structure which gives freedom to various cultural, political, and socio-economic tendencies to express themselves could hold India together. He said "this is too large a country with too many legitimate diversities to permit any so-called ‘strong man’ to trample over people and their ideas.”8

The need to educate people in democracy

At the same time, Nehru was realistic and recognized that Parliamentary Democracy was not something which could be consolidated overnight. It had to evolve and grow. It had to be absorbed by the people and demanded a great deal of investment in their political education. Nehru took pains to explain to the masses the implications of various forces working within and outside the country and international developments. He explained the logic behind important decisions through his speeches and addresses both inside and outside Parliament.

Nehru believed that all programmes and policies of the Government must be properly debated, understood, evaluated and then accepted. He sought to create a consensus on major issues so that people felt motivated and involved in the task of building the nation and in safeguarding its freedom and democratic institutions. He firmly believed that individuals had the best opportunity for self-growth as well as to serve others only in a democratic polity. Democracy promoted self-discipline and social responsibility. Nehru elaborated this point further as follows: "creative energy and a sense of freedom do not develop merely by giving a person the right to vote”9.

System which is responsible and responsive

Nehru believed that Parliamentary Democracy had the ability to mobilize the masses and involve them in the task of development and nation-building. The government remains both responsible to the people 24/7 and is also responsive to their wishes and demands at all times. An intimate relationship is forged between government and the people through Parliament. In Nehru’s words: "It is a method of argument, discussion and decision, and of accepting that decision even though one may not agree with it” 10.

Nehru also believed Parliamentary Democracy would best contribute to the establishment of economic democracy and the achieving of the goals set out in the Preamble to the Constitution, namely justice-social, economic and political.

Respect for Parliamentary Etiquette

Nehru treated Parliament with great respect and was often seen sitting patiently through long and often boring debates as an example to his colleagues and young parliamentarians. He spoke frequently in Parliament, and used it as a forum to disseminate his views to the public. Despite the majority enjoyed by the Congress Party, he ensured that the Parliament always reflected the will of the entire people. Even when he was quite ill during the last few months of his life, he did not miss any session and would even insist on rising to his feet whenever he had to speak, to maintain the decorum of the house.

Nehru’s relations with Members of Parliament was most cordial. Letters from Members of Parliament was invariably replied personally and promptly. When Parliamentary delegations led by the Speaker had to visit countries abroad, he would come to the Speaker’s Chamber and address them. He had high respect for the Office of the Speaker and observed "The Speaker has to abstain from active participation in all controversial topics in politics. The essence of the matter is that a Speaker has to place himself in the position of a judge.”11 In one of his addresses to the House when the Presiding Officer came under attack, Nehru cautioned against undermining the office. He said: "The point is not the legal right but the propriety, the desirability of doing it”12.

Nehru laid down some conventions of lasting value by upholding the Speaker’s position in the House. Once when Speaker Mavalankar wanted to see Prime Minister in his office, Nehru emphatically pointed out that it was he who would go to the Speaker’s Chamber and not the other way round. The incident demonstrates Nehru’s humility and adherence to parliamentary conventions and respect for institutions.

Providing information to the Parliament

Nehru promoted frank discussions on subjects of importance in the Houses of Parliament. He did not appreciate the use of public interest as a reason to deny information to the Parliament and sometimes intervened to give information which the concerned Minister may have denied. He was willing to share a great deal of information even on matters like defence and foreign policy. As Foreign Minister, he made it a point to have discussions from time to time on the international situation and he would often himself move motions in the House that a particular international development be taken into consideration. The result was that foreign policy debates in the Indian Parliament attracted wide attention not just in India but also in the world outside. In Delhi, foreign affairs debates were eagerly awaited and large number of diplomats and media would throng the galleries on the day of such debates.

The importance of the ‘Opposition’

Nehru was aware that the lack of an established Opposition meant significant weakness in the system. He also felt that the lack of experience and independent thinking among the large majority of backbenchers required remedial action.

Nehru opposed the banning of the Communist Party even though he was against its policies. He wanted that it should be countered by normal legal processes. He said "I do not want India to be a country in which millions of people say "yes” to one man, I want a strong opposition.”13

Nehru frequently met Opposition leaders to exchange ideas on crucial issues. He would compliment those who made good speeches and raised important issues. He maintained good personal relations with many Opposition members and never failed in showing them courtesy and consideration.

Nehru constantly asked his Ministers to welcome probing questions and debates. In the words of Prof. N.G. Ranga, eminent Parliamentarian, Nehru treated Parliament as a "comrade” and a "necessary aid to Ministers”14. Mrs. Violet Alva once observed that Nehru spoke "with the spirit of the rebel but he left no wounds behind”15.

Rights and Privileges and Question Hour

Nehru was attentive to the need to preserve and protect the rights and privileges of members. He was particular that the dignity and prestige of the House should be maintained at all times. He said, "I am jealous of the powers of this House and I should not like anyone to limit those powers”16. He took keen interest in the Question Hour and was almost always present during the Hour. He also sat through most of the debates on major issues and listened to members with attention. He would intervene and answer any difficult question and conclude or sum up a debate at any point with effortless ease.

Critical role of Elections

Nehru had tremendous faith in the capacity of poor, unlettered people to understand issues and exercise reasoned choices. He did not use the excuse of the partition of the country and the consequent communal violence or influx of refugees to postpone elections. On the contrary, he was impatient to go to the people and unhappy that elections could not be held earlier. In the election campaign for the first General Elections of 1951-52, Nehru travelled some 25,000 miles and addressed around 35 million people or a tenth of India’s then population. He constantly educated the people about the value of adult suffrage and their duty to discharge their right to vote with responsibility.

In the first general elections, over a million officials were involved. 173 million voters were registered through a house-to-house survey. Three-quarters of those eligible were illiterate. Elections were spread out over 6 months, from October 1951 to March 1952, and candidates of 77 political parties, apart from some independents, contested in 3,772 candidates in 489 constituencies. The Manchester Guardian wrote on 2 February 1952, "If ever a country took a leap in the dark towards democracy it was India”17. It was largely due to the faith people had in Nehru that such large numbers voted in the first election.

Challenges of Parliamentary Democracy

It is well known that despite the solid foundation laid by Nehru, Parliamentary Democracy in India faces numerous challenges. In recent years, questions have been raised about the Parliament’s effectiveness. There has been widespread criticism of constant disruption of proceedings, low level of attendance and debate, unruly behaviour, shrinking in the number of days that the Parliament meets and the irresponsible manner in which important legislation including the Budget gets passed with hardly any discussion.

Over the years, the single-party dominant system has shifted to a multi-party coalition system and hung parliaments, unstable coalitions as well as deep political divisions characterise the scene in centre as well as in many states. The entry of criminal elements into politics and corruption have also caused major concern. Further, the proliferation of the media with its constant quest for sensational news and the role played by influential civil society organizations, as in the case of the Lokpal Bill, show that many new forces are at work in Indian politics.

Let me add some thoughts on the Lokpal Bill and the run up to its adoption by Parliament. The Lokpal Bill has a chequered history. It was introduced as many as eight times in the Lok Sabha and considered at various stages. It was passed many times and referred to various committees. Finally, during the NDA Government, the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs headed by me scrutinized and recommended the Bill to Home Ministry for consideration of passage.

From the 1970s, the people of India have wanted the Lokpal to become a reality. When Shri Anna Hazare started his agitation for a strong Lokpal, he received support from a wide spectrum of society. No responsible and responsive government could ignore the huge public upsurge in support of the Lokpal Bill. That is why the Government decided to depute five senior ministers to sit down with five representatives chosen by Shri Anna Hazare and finalize a draft bill for introduction in Parliament.

The agitation for the Lokpal Bill thus showed that civil society can also take the lead in initiating legislation. For the first time in Indian politics, legislation ceased to be the exclusive prerogative of federal or state legislatures. Civil society demonstrated that they play an important and effective role in the legislative process and a new dimension was added to parliamentary politics.

Lessons from Nehru

Friends, what are the lessons we should learn from Nehru ?

For Nehru, people were always at the heart of our political system. Leaders and the political class exist to serve people and not the other way around. In a democracy, the Parliament is the primary instrument of good governance and social economic transformation. Parliamentarians should treat it with the deference it deserves and at the same time, recognize its potential. Our Parliamentarians and legislators must see the opportunity provided to represent the people as a great privilege and honour. Parliamentarians must at all times be sensitive and responsive to the problems and concerns of the people.

In a letter to Lady Mountbatten on December 3, 1951, Nehru revealed his passion for people and modern day Parliamentarians would do well to learn from it. He wrote "Wherever I have been, vast multitudes gather at my meetings and I love to compare them, their faces, their dresses, their reactions to me and what I say. Scenes from past history of that very part of India rise up before me and my mind becomes a picture gallery of past events. But, more than the past, the present fills my mind and I try to probe into the minds and hearts of these multitudes. Having long been imprisoned in the Secretariat of Delhi, I rather enjoy these fresh contacts with the Indian People. It all becomes an exciting adventure….”18

Secondly, disruption of proceedings cannot and should not be tolerated under any circumstance. Dissent should be expressed with decency and within the contours and parameters of parliamentary devices. Democracy should comprise of the three ‘D’s – ‘Debate’, ‘Dissent’ and ‘Decision’ not ‘Disruption’.

Figures are available for the time lost due to interruptions/adjournments from the Tenth Lok Sabha (1991-96) onwards. 9.95% of total time was lost due to interruptions in the Tenth Lok Sabha, 5.28% in the Eleventh Lok Sabha, 11.93% in the Twelfth Lok Sabha, 18.95% in the Thirteenth Lok Sabha, 19.58% in the Fourteenth and a shocking 37.77% in the Fifteenth Lok Sabha (upto the Fourteenth Session)19. It is most unfortunate that time wasted as result of disruptions has been steadily going up over the last two decades.

Thirdly, discipline and decorum must be always maintained and rules, conventions and etiquette observed. Parliamentary practices, procedures and conventions are meant to provide for orderly and expeditious transaction of business of the House. Once when a Member of Parliament indulged in conduct unbecoming of the House, Nehru himself moved a motion for the appointment of a parliamentary committee to look into the matter, even though the Member belonged to the Congress.

Nehru said "I would submit to you, Sir, and to the House, that the least we can do is to accept this and thereby given an indication to this House, to the country and to other Assemblies in India that we shall adhere strongly to behaviour that is expected of such a high Assembly as Parliament and other representative bodies in India”20. The Committee eventually recommended the expulsion of the Member from the House.

Fourthly, there has to be mutual respect and cooperation across political boundaries. The minority must accept with grace the decisions of the majority. The majority in turn must respect and to the best extent, accommodate the views of the minority. The cardinal principle of effective functioning of the Parliamentary system is that majority will rule and minority will oppose, expose and if possible, depose. But, this process must take place within the ambit of Parliamentary conventions and procedure.

Every legislator should ensure that the content and the quality of debates that take place in the chambers are of the highest order. As members of different political Parties, individual Parliamentarians would be guided by the policies of their respective Parties. Competitive politics should not however result in slowing down the progress of the country or enhancing the suffering of its people. Most issues of development and public welfare transcend political barriers. It should not be difficult to forge consensus on such issues.

Finally, Parliamentarians must see legislation as their first and foremost responsibility. It is most unfortunate that time devoted towards legislation has been gradually declining across the country. To illustrate, the first Lok Sabha from 1952-57 had 677 sittings in which 319 bills were passed. In comparison, the fourteenth Lok Sabha from 2004-2009 had only 332 sittings and passed just 247 bills. There is, in particular, need for utmost caution in matters of legislation, money and finance. It must be kept in mind that no expenditure can be incurred by the Executive without approval of the Parliament. No tax can be levied except by a law passed by the Parliament and no money can be withdrawn from the Consolidated Fund of the State without the approval of the Parliament.

No one who holds any elected office, including me, has been invited by the voters to occupy that office. Each one has gone to the voters and pleaded for their votes and support. The trust placed by the people in the political system and those elected should not be betrayed.

Parliamentary Democracy in the Nehruvian era had many distinct features. There was stability and legitimacy in the polity due to the tall leadership of Nehru and the dominant position of the Congress party. The House had many members from the national movement who shared with Nehru a common vision of nation-building and the role of Parliament in this venture. There was a shared political culture among not only among Congressmen but also the Opposition as many groups had emerged from within the Congress. Due to this political culture, it was easy to consolidate Parliamentary Democracy in the early years.

Nehru believed that democracy was something deeper than voting, elections or a political form of government. He said "In the ultimate analysis, it is a manner of thinking, a manner of action, a manner of behaviour to your neighbour and to your adversary and opponent.”21

Through Parliamentary Democracy, Nehru forged us into a nation and made us strong and self-reliant in our thinking. Nehru wrote "it is not good enough to work for the people, the only way is to work with the people and go ahead, and to give them a sense of working for themselves.”22

The Parliament for Nehru, was relevant only as long as it remained a dynamic institution evolving in accordance with the changing needs of the times. In Nehru’s words: "In a period of dynamic change, the institution of Parliament has to function with speed”23. He was candid enough to admit that the "problems of government have grown so enormously that sometimes one begins to doubt whether normal parliamentary procedures are adequate to deal with them”24. There is need for collective thinking by political parties and leaders of our country on how to ensure smooth running of our Parliament and Legislative Assemblies and whether some of the existing rules need to be amended for the purpose.

Nehru had the fullest faith in Parliament as the Supreme representative institution of the people and the "grand inquest of the nation”25. Nehru knew that Parliamentary Democracy imposed on members of Parliament formidable obligations and was the most difficult system of governance as well as one of the most exacting applied sciences. It could be said without any doubt that the parliamentary system has succeeded in India "because of the background in our country, and because our people have the spirit of democracy in them”26.

The establishment of a strong and stable parliamentary system by Nehru enabled India consolidate itself in the difficult formative years of nation-building in our country. The success of Parliamentary Democracy in India, which we tend to take for granted, was the exception and not the rule in many newly independent nations. The experience of other ex-colonial countries where first generation nationalist leaders over time concentrated all power in their own hands, or were succeeded by military rulers throws into sharp relief Nehru’s achievement in the above regard.

India inherited institutions from the British period, adapted it to her own needs and firmly established functioning and effective parliamentary institutions as a way of life. Parliamentary Democracy taking firm root and flourishing in India was to a large extent due to the strong leadership provided by Nehru. To quote Prof. S Gopal, "Achieved against daunting odds, democracy in India - Adult suffrage, a sovereign Parliament, a free press, an independent judiciary - is Nehru’s most lasting monument.”27 Once, when he was asked what his legacy to India would be, Nehru replied: "Hopefully, it is four hundred million people capable of governing themselves”28.

The question that confront us however is how we modern day Indians can live up to that legacy and make it a reality. I believe scholars such as the faculty and students of this remarkable University can play a major role in bringing back into the centre of debate Nehru’s ideals as well as practice with regard to Parliamentary Democracy. As the elections to the Parliament approaches us, this University can lead the way in building intellectual opinion that creates a congenial climate for a return to the spirit and practice of the Nehruvian days.

As I said in my address to the nation on the eve of last Independence Day, every election must become a crucial milestone in our nation’s journey towards greater social harmony, peace and prosperity. Democracy has given us an opportunity to re-create another golden age. Let us not squander this extraordinary opportunity.