dirty politics in the philippines essay brainly

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Works That Work, No.9 ,

May the Worst Politician Win

by  Justin Zhuang (1596 words)

Entertaining as well as educational, this gently satirical card game inspired by the dirty politics of the Philippines hopes to open Filipinos’ eyes to the tricks their politicians play.

When he first moved to the Philippines for work two years ago, P. J. Lim encountered political campaigning in the unlikeliest of places—at funerals.

‘Some people are so poor that they can’t afford funerals, so politicians fund them, and you see their faces all over the condolence messages,’ says Lim, who hails from neighbouring Singapore. ‘It is ridiculous and it is real.’

That encounter sparked a conversation with his Filipino friend, R. B. Ting , about the crazy things that happen in that country’s politics. As the duo drew up a list that ran the gamut from marrying a celebrity to sex scandals, and even kidnapping opponents, they decided to create a game out of these examples in time for the Southeast Asian nation’s presidential elections in May 2016.

Politricks’ cards are inspired by the various ‘tricks’ Filipino politicians have used to win elections. The ‘Free Lechon Day’ card references the practice of distributing roast suckling pig (a popular but expensive dish in the Philippines) to sway voters. The ‘Bribe the Media’ card is inspired by cases of politicians offering money to journalists to cover their events or smear their opponents. The ‘Marry a Celebrity’ card points to the fact that many politicians are married to celebrity wives—what many feel is a strategic ploy to boost popularity.

Politricks is a card game where players do whatever it takes to win the most votes in an election. Living up to its tagline of ‘Guns · Goons · Gold’, the deck of 104 cards offers players the tricks, trapos (Filipino slang for archetypal politicians) and money they need in order to ambush, rig and bribe their way into power. From winning votes by offering the public free lechon (a popular pork dish in the Philippines), disrupting rivals by hiring protestors, or gaining an unfair advantage as ‘The Military Man’, every aspect of this satirical game is based on real-life events in the Philippines and the country’s political culture.

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The ‘Pork Barrel Scam’ card, for instance, refers to a 2013 scandal where several members of the Philippines congress allegedly siphoned off funds designated for development projects. Another ‘Accuse of Foreign Blood’ card was inspired by the recent controversy surrounding presidential candidate Grace Poe . Rivals questioned her eligibility as Poe had renounced her citizenship when she emigrated to the USA, although the Filipino-born had reacquired it when she returned years before running for office. Besides cards based on historical events, there are also money cards denominated in the various bribes popular amongst Filipino politicians, including pang-yosi (cigarette allowance) and pang-load (mobile phone allowance).

‘Everything you see in the deck looks ridiculous, but it all happened,’ explains Lim. ‘Some of it happens all the time.’

The duo felt a game similar to Monopoly and Cards Against Humanity, which they often play when not working their corporate jobs, was the best way to spark a conversation about this state of affairs. Such a fun format also ensured they would not sound preachy. As Ting explained at the game’s official launch, ‘People don’t want to be lectured, especially our generation, the millennials. We are showing what it is, and people make their own judgements when they play the game.’

Besides entertaining gameplay, the cards also offer amusing designs by Filipino illustrators Christian ‘Ice’ Gecolea and Armelle Garcia . They centre on the character Sir Pol, who is depicted carrying out the various tricks in comical situations such as posing as a lechon and being caught with his pants down in an affair. With his bloated form, pompadour hairstyle, and wearing the barong , a traditional formal garment of the Philippines, Gecolea says Pol is the epitome of the ‘generic politician physique’ in his country. The character also bears an uncanny resemblance to Joseph Estrada , a former president of the Philippines, and now mayor of Manila. Similarly, the trapos cards look like caricatures of well-known Filipino politicians, including the previous vice-president Jejomar Binay as ‘The President’s Lapdog’ and Imelda Marcos , the widow of the late Filipino dictator Ferdinand Marcos , as ‘The Mayor’s Wife’.

‘It’s kind of unfortunate, yet at the same time funny, that a number of politicians here in the Philippines are easy to depict since most of them gained their votes by doing the most outrageous things,’ explains Gecolea.

‘Whatever difficulty is thrown at them, the Filipinos remain optimistic and upbeat about life. But the country is not giving them the right opportunities.’

The creators would not confirm that these figures inspired the images (the game even comes with a disclaimer that ‘All characters & events appearing in this work are fictitious’) and according to Lim, the game was never about singling out individuals. In researching for this game, Lim and Ting spoke with representatives of both politics and the media to ensure their game was based on a list of tricks from all sides. Advice from journalists—and, as Lim notes, many Philippine journalists have been killed over the years—led them to use humour to take the sting out of their observations. ‘We actually toned down a lot of the things in our game,’ he says. ‘As outrageous as it is, the direction is more about poking fun and not pointing fingers to say someone is corrupt.’

Since Politricks’ launch in March 2016, thousands of copies have been sold for 600 Philippine pesos (US$12.10/€11.20) a deck. During the run-up to the presidential elections, retail stores such as the Fire Sword Board Game Café in Metro Manila could hardly keep stock long enough to display it. J. C. Pulido, a partner in the café, calls the game a ‘fairly accurate’ portrayal of the state of politics. ‘While Filipinos won’t admit it out loud, almost all, if not all, of the dirty activities depicted in the game do happen behind the scenes during our national elections,’ he says.

Corruption plagues Philippine politics to this day. On 18 February, 2017 the front page of the Philippine Daily Inquirer featured stories about the current president, accused of using his office to gain illegal wealth, about a senator accused of peddling illegal drugs, and about officials sacked over the ‘pork barrel funds’ scandal.

Although this entirely Made in Philippines game is about a less-than-savoury aspect of the country, Lim says they also tried to highlight the beauty which surprised him when he was based there for a year and a half. Politricks’ 19 vote cards depict the different regions of the Philippines, and illustrate their unique and colourful attractions from the mountainous ranges of the Cordilleras to the colourful Dinagyang Festival in Iloilo. ‘Whatever difficulty is thrown at them, the Filipinos remain optimistic and upbeat about life. But the country is not giving them the right opportunities,’ says Lim.

He adds that dirty politics is not unique to the Philippines and the game could very well describe elections elsewhere too. Pointing to how Donald Trump got elected in the 2016 United States elections, he says, ‘It’s all about playing tricks. It’s all about stirring up the emotions of the silent majority.’ But rather than seeing Politricks as a cynical response to politics, Lim says this game lays all the cards on the table to offer a ‘realistic’ view of any election. ‘If your end is to create a better life for the people and in doing so you need to have blood on your hands, it boils down to a personal choice,’ he says. ‘There is no right or wrong.’

Justin Zhuang is a Singapore-based writer interested in design and culture. He was amazed at how everyday Filipinos use creativity to take on their politics.

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Y-Speak: Dirty elections by the Filipinos, for the Filipinos

ONLY one word comes to mind when Philippine elections is mentioned: dirty.

It has long been a controversial event in Philippine politics. This is a time when cheating, corruption, and killings are widespread all over the country.

Ever since the start of elections for the first President of the Philippines, it has been a dirty self-serving political games played to win the most coveted prize of all—a seat in the Philippine political office.

The Filipinos blame the aspiring politicians, with their Michiavellan games, their Sun Tzu power plays. Often overlooked is the contribution that the media has, the COMELEC has, and even the Filipino people themselves.

The Greedy Politicians

Emilio Aguinaldo, dubbed as the first Filipino traitor, was always speculated to kill his presidential rivals. Rumors had it, that he did nothing when Andres Bonifacio and General Luna was killed because they were his rivals in obtaining the presidency.

This controversy was very much refreshed in the Filipino minds when the movie General Luna was opened to the public.

Here the obvious problem is in fact a candidate’s thirst for power wherein they are willing to commit the mortal sin of murder to abolish any rivals that could beat them in elections.

Another example is the 1949 dirty elections by Elpidio Quirino wherein he was accused by Carlos P. Romulo and Marvin M. Gray in their book The Magsaysay Story (1956) of intimidating his opponents by the use of military force.

Perhaps the most popular exhibition of dirty politics in the Philippines is the infamous Marcos scandals.

Benigno Aquino was a forerunner of winning the elections against Marcos in 1973 but Ferdinand Marcos cancelled the elections.

We fastforward to the “snap” elections of Marcos and Cory Aquino wherein Marcos attempted to cheat his way into winning back the votes he lost in his presidential run.

Here we see again the greed of politicians taking over the democracy that the Filipinos expected when they were set free from colonizers.

These are the greed of politicians at work.

The Irresponsible Media

Next, let us see how the media takes a role in the dirty elections as well.

In 1992, Miriam Santiago sought to become the second woman president of the Philippines. The votes were very close and she could have won the presidency. However, here we see the media, perhaps hired by other politicians or perhaps not, set out to destroy the senator and turn off her supporters. Santiago’s mental health was questioned.

In an article written by Philip Shenon in May 10, 1992 in The New York Times, he says that “Mrs. Santiago's opponents are well aware of her popularity, and she has become the target of a well-orchestrated rumor campaign, abetted by some of leading Manila's newspapers. There have been suggestions that she is mentally unbalanced and that she suffered a nervous breakdown a decade ago.”

This was the time that Miriam was dubbed as “Brenda” meaning “brain damage” by the media circulating rumors that she was not quite right at the head.

Fidel V. Ramos won the presidential race in 1992.

Although it is the media’s role to inform the citizens of the wrongdoings of the candidates who are seeking office, one has to question their loyalty to the Filipino people.

They are bought. They are paid to write and air news about political candidates to ruin their reputations.

Instead of helping the people become wise decision-makers, they are making fools of their fellow Filipinos by feeding them false information in exchange for a brown envelope.

They just become propagandists.

The “trustworthy” Comelec

Of course let us not forget the Comelec.

The scandal of Comelec that shook the whole nation was when Gloria Macapagal Arroyo ran for president against actor Fernando Poe Jr.

Nobody has forgotten the “Hello Garci” scandal. The alleged recordings of Arroyo asking Comelec Commissioner Virgilio Garcilliano if she will still lead by 1 million.

This is an act of electoral fraud by Garcilliano. One can wonder just how many other Comelec officials are in cahoots with politicans.

In the more recent Comelec scandal, a whistleblower said that Jejomar Binay allegedly bought 7 million votes for 20 pesos each which amounted to more than 1 billion pesos in the 2010 elections. This vote-buying, if true, may have been the reason why he won as Vice President last 2010.

The country cannot assure a fair voting if the Comelec itself is biased.

The stupid, perhaps uneducated Filipino people.

One stakeholder is often overlooked when we talk about dirty elections—the Filipinos themselves. Often we hear of vote-buying by politicians, but we do not hear much of the Filipinos who can be bought by money or goods.

These are citizens who are willing to give up their right to vote and their right to democracy in exchange for a few hundred pesos and a week’s worth of food.

Filipinos are also quite lazy when it comes to voting. According to Comelec, they are expecting three-fourths of the registered voters to vote in the upcoming elections in 2016.

One fourth of the country is not voting and their votes could be game changers.

Another reason why Filipinos are also to blame is because of their blind predilection for celebrities turned politicians.

Perhaps we can call this corruption of the mind. Celebrities are often favored by the Filipinos.

A good example of this is former President Erap Estrada. Estrada whose famous tagline is “Walang kaibi-kaibigan at walang kamag-anak-kamag-anak” gained country-wide popularity as an actor who starred in many feature films. He used his popularity as a means to gain a seat in office.

The Filipinos are all too pleased with his decision to become a politician, supporting him and voting for him until he eventually became President of the Philippines.

There are many actors who ran for office and won because of their work as an actor. Examples of these are Lucy Torres-Gomez, Bong Revilla Jr., and Vilma Santos.

Another well-known name outside politics, a quintesstial celebrity turned politician, shows just how blind Filipinos are when it comes to voting for candidates that are actually qualified for office—Manny Pacquiao.

Pacquiao became congressman by a landslide of votes even beating old names for a seat at the House of Representatives. The best thing about this is, he rarely even shows up for work.

Dirty elections

With all this, it seems as if the elections and politics in the Philippines will never improve.

Dirty elections by the Filipinos, for the Filipinos.

Take the scandals and media coverage each presidential candidates are facing right now: the American Poe, a daughter of the beloved actor FPJ, the corrupt Binay, facing charges of corruption everywhere, the incompetent Mar Roxas, who performed less than satisfactory in managing the victims of typhoons, and the ‘Punisher’ Rodrigo Duterte, who is attacked by human rights accusations.

We see the role of the candidates themselves in turning this election dirty—Roxas and Duterte arguing like children on national tv. We see the role of media who loves to expose charges and accusations and sensationalized news about the candidates. We see the role of COMELEC who promises to have a fair voting for 2016. We see the role of Filipinos, their passion (or lack thereof) in Philippine politics. Everything is in chaos and it seems like history will once again repeat itself.

Still, a political analyst of The Manila Times, Yen Makabenta, remains optimistic about the upcoming 2016 elections. He writes about how 2016 may be a game changer in Philippine politics. His byline says it all: Elections 2016: A chance for change.

In his article, he says that “Millennials are beginning to demand better (they are interested in solutions for present problems, and future plans, not to be stuck in the past)”.

He presents the youth as possible game changers saying “Tomorrow’s world will not be built by yesterday’s men who helped tear down the fabric of Philippine democracy, and weakened the political institutions.”

Another expert, Manuel L. Quezon III of Philippine Daily Inquirer, analyzes the 2016 elections in his “The Great Referendum: The national election of 2016”.

He emphasizes the importance of media in this elections: “Here media and academe can make a difference, just as committed bloggers and others can, too. There is also a perceptible demand for debates between the candidates.”

He also says that the Presidential candidates are giving the Filipinos four options of a possible government which has never quite happened before: continuity for populism, Binay, who is a traditional politician, experimentation for populism, Duterte, for his plans of federalism, experimentation for reform and populism, Poe, and of course, continuity and reform, Roxas who will continue what politicians before him did.

Quezon remarks that the elections this 2016 will be quite different from the past, calling it The Great Referendum. It will probably be the first and last of its kind.

He ends the article with the words “You will be the judge”, referring to Filipinos and how in the end, it will be them who will ultimately decide the outcome of the 2016 elections. Only one word comes to mind when Philippine elections is mentioned: dirty.

In the end it is self-interest that makes politicians, the media, Comelec, and Filipinos to act dirty.

But will 2016 finally change this?

Analysts hope that this will end the long controversial elections held in the Philippines.

If the predictions of political experts are indeed true and this elections will become a game changer for Philippine politics, one thing is for sure: the politicians, the media, Comelec, and the Filipinos all have a role to play and it is with great hope that they play it just and right. (Isabel Victoria Sanchez)

Isabel Victoria is a student of Ateneo de Davao University.

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Philippine Politics Become Even More Dangerous

Since the election, last spring, of President Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines has witnessed the effects of increasingly demagogic politics on its culture and institutions. While Duterte has won praise domestically and internationally for some of his efforts, including plans to resolve the southern insurgency and strategies to reduce economic inequality in the Philippines, he also has increasingly personalized politics, while dramatically undermining the rule of law. Campaigning as a demagogue, he has often governed as a demagogue, brooking little opposition and overseeing bloody policies. His war on drugs, which has descended into a bloody killing spree with few seeming constraints on the power of the security forces, is but one example of how the rule of law has deteriorated in a few months. [The New York Times has a compelling and graphic new look inside the antidrug campaign here .]. Duterte also has threatened journalists and other members of civil society, while embarking upon a foreign policy that has bewildered many Philippine security experts. The president’s mercurial style, although popular with many Philippine citizens so far, has often made it difficult to know what policy initiative---in both domestic and foreign policy---to take seriously, and which to ignore.

The country’s politics, always noisy and vibrant, have become especially dangerous, and currents of opposition to Duterte appear to be forming. After Duterte’s administration approved the burial of the body of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos in a hero’s cemetery, with little warning, anti-Duterte protests have swelled in Manila. (Although Duterte comes from a left-leaning background, he has long expressed warm feelings for the Marcos family, and Duterte’s father served in the former dictator’s cabinet.) The protests, which began as Philippine citizens realized Marcos was going to be interred, quickly spread from Manila to other parts of the country, and included not just older Filipinos who remembered the Marcos era but some younger men and women who objected to the burial, and who used the demonstrations to voice anger at some of Duterte’s dictatorial approaches to politics.

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As Mong Palatino notes in The Diplomat , Duterte seems to have underestimated the strong lingering anger over the Marcos era and over giving Marcos any hero’s burial. The president also seems to have underestimated the possibility that anti-Marcos burial protests could become rallying points for supporters of the previous administration, and opposition parties, to air grievances about Duterte’s policies and approach to governing. Duterte’s administration, meanwhile, has repeatedly responded to the demonstrations by calling the protesters agitators who are seeking to foment violence.

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Now, just after the burial demonstrations, a new crisis has emerged. In the Philippines, the vice president and the president are elected separately, and so the country often winds up with a vice president and president from different parties---indeed, two political figures who are major rivals and who clash, rhetorically, for the president’s whole term. This is the current situation; in the same election in which Duterte was elected president, Leni Robredo, a respected human rights lawyer and former mayor from a different party as Duterte, was elected vice-president.

Predictably, Robredo and Duterte, who is not known for his interest in human rights norms, have clashed from the first day of his administration. While she was given a Cabinet position in addition to her vice presidency---she was working as a housing secretary in the Cabinet---Robredo claims she was essentially frozen out at Cabinet meetings and her agency was ignored. Earlier this month, she quit her position as housing secretary, while retaining her post as vice president. She told reporters she had sent Duterte a letter saying “remaining in your cabinet has become untenable.” More worryingly, she publicly insinuated that the administration had been maneuvering to remove her from the vice presidency, possibly to replace her with Ferdinand Marcos Jr, the son of the former dictator and a close ally of Duterte’s. According to Bloomberg , she warned of a “plot to steal” the vice presidency from her.

There are several dangers from Robredo and Duterte becoming more publicly alienated from each other. Duterte could maneuver more aggressively to replace Robredo, though the constitutionality of such a move would prove challenging. Still, if he succeeded he might trigger much larger protests, since Robredo is nearly as popular as the president. The second, also worrying implication, is that Robredo could increasingly be seen, by many Filipinos who oppose Duterte’s brutal style of governing, as a viable alternative leader---especially if Duterte continues to abuse the rule of law. Although Duterte’s actions are dangerous, corrosive to the rule of law, and potentially dislocating to the Philippines’ safety and security, if his opponents want to challenge him they should do so in the legislature and the courts and the media. Doing so in these ways would push back against the president’s reported abuses while reinforcing the rule of law. But too often in the past, Philippine leaders have been forced from power in murky, sometimes extralegal ways---and having a vice president beloved by Duterte’s opponents exacerbate the risk of some kind of extralegal challenge to the presidency.

One does not have to look too far back for an example of a controversial, even dangerous president being removed through questionable means---with his vice president ready to take over and possibly playing a role in his ouster. In fact, this is roughly what happened to former president (and now mayor of Manila) Joseph Estrada in 2001. He was replaced by his vice president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Estrada was no role model. His removal certainly rid the Philippines of a president who did little to promote the rule of law---after stepping down following massive street protests, an impeachment, and the withdrawal of army support for him, Estrada was later convicted of graft. In office, he had weathered massive allegations of graft and widespread complaints from advisors and foes alike that he was uninterested in public policy. But Estrada’s removal, a combination of a legal process, street protests, and a kind of coup, did little to strengthen Philippine institutions or set any precedent for how to address illegal activities by a president.

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Why the 2022 Philippines election is so significant

There are 10 candidates vying to replace Rodrigo Duterte as president, but only two really matter.

The Philippines goes to the polls on May 9 to choose a new president, in what analysts say will be the most significant election in the Southeast Asian nation’s recent history.

Outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte leaves office with a reputation for brutality – his signature “drug war”  has left thousands dead and is being investigated by the International Criminal Court (ICC) – economic incompetence, and cracking down on the media and his critics.

Duterte has also been criticised for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed at least 60,439 people in the archipelago.

There are 10 people battling to replace him, but only two stand a chance of winning.

The first is frontrunner Ferdinand Marcos Jr, popularly known as “Bongbong” and the namesake of his father, who ruled the Philippines as a dictator until he was forced from office and into exile in a popular uprising in 1986.

The second is Leni Robredo, the current vice president and head of the opposition, who has promised more accountable and transparent government and to reinvigorate the country’s democracy.

“This election is really a good versus evil campaign,” University of the Philippines Diliman political scientist Aries Arugay told Al Jazeera. “It’s quite clear. Duterte represents dynasty, autocracy and impunity. Robredo stands for the opposite of that: integrity, accountability and democracy.”

What happens on election day?

Some 67.5 million Filipinos aged 18 and over are eligible to cast their vote, along with about 1.7 million from the vast Filipino diaspora who have registered overseas.

Polling stations will open at 6am (22:00 GMT) and close at 7pm (11:00 GMT). The hours have been extended because of the coronavirus pandemic and the need to avoid queues and crowds.

Once the polls close, counting gets under way immediately, and the candidate with the most votes wins. There is no second round so the name of the new president could be known within a few hours. The inauguration takes place in June.

As well as the presidential race, Filipinos are choosing a new vice president – the position is elected separately to the president – members of congress, governors and thousands of local politicians including mayors and councillors.

Politics can be a dangerous business in the Philippines and there is the risk of violence during both campaigning and the election itself.

In one of the most horrific incidents, dozens of people were killed and buried by the roadside in 2009 by a rival political clan in what became known as the Maguindanao massacre .

Who is in the running for president?

Opinion polls suggest Marcos Jr remains in the lead although Robredo appears to be closing the gap.

The 64-year-old dictator’s son attended the private Worth School in England and studied at Oxford University – Marcos Jr’s official biography says he “graduated” but the university says he emerged with a “special diploma” in social studies.

He entered politics in the family stronghold of Ilocos Norte in 1980, and was governor of the province when his father was forced out of power and democracy restored.

In 1992, he was elected to congress – again for Ilocos Norte. Three years later, he was found guilty of tax evasion, a conviction that has dogged him ever since but does not seem to have hindered his political career.

Marcos Jr was elected a senator in 2010, and ran unsuccessfully for the vice presidency six years later when he was pipped to the post by a resurgent Robredo.

On the campaign trail, Marcos Jr has talked of “unity” but has provided little detail on his policies and has avoided media interviews and debates.

His running mate is Sara Duterte-Carpio , Duterte’s daughter, who took over as mayor of Davao City from her father and is leading the field for vice president.

Robredo is the current vice president and a human rights lawyer who got into politics in 2013 after her husband – a government minister – was killed in a plane crash.

She threw her hat into the ring at a relatively late stage, and has relied on a network of pink-clad volunteers to win over voters across the archipelago.

Thousands have turned out for her rallies, some of then standing for hours in their hot sun waiting to hear the presidential hopeful speak. Robredo, whose running mate is Senator Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan, is running on a platform of good governance, democracy and an end to corruption.

Other candidates include champion boxer Manny Pacquiao , Manila mayor Francisco “Isko Moreno” Domagoso, and a former police chief Panfilo Lacson.

Why would a Marcos victory be controversial?

Ferdinand Marcos became president of the Philippines in 1965, winning over Filipinos with his charisma and rhetoric, and taking control of a country that appeared at the time to be one of Southeast Asia’s emerging powerhouses.

Backed by the United States, Marcos won a second term in office in 1969, but three years later he declared martial law claiming the move was necessary to “save” the nation from communists.

For the next 14 years, he ruled the country as a dictator.

More than 3,200 people were killed – their bodies often dumped by the road side as a warning to others – and even more tortured or arbitrarily jailed, according to the US academic and historian, Alfred McCoy.

Marcos’s biggest rival, Benigno Aquino, was assassinated as he got off a plane at Manila airport.

The killing shocked Filipinos at a time when they were increasingly angry at the corruption and extravagance of the Marcos regime. Even as many lived in poverty, the Marcos family bought properties in New York and California, paintings by artists including impressionist master Monet, luxury jewellery and designer clothes.

Transparency International estimated in 2004 that the couple embezzled as much as $10bn during their years in power, and Imelda , Marcos’s wife, has become a byword for excess.

But since the former dictator’s death in Hawaii in 1989, the Marcos family have sought to rehabilitate themselves, trying to portray the dictatorship as some kind of golden age.

In 2016, Duterte allowed Ferdinand Marcos to be buried in Manila’s heroes cemetery, complete with a 21-gun salute .

Now the Duterte family is allied with the Marcos one, and their bid also has the support of other politically influential dynasties in a country where blood ties are more important than any political party.

“The meteoric resurgence of the Marcoses is itself a stinging judgement on the profound failures of the country’s democratic institutions,” academic Richard Javad Heydarian wrote in a column for Al Jazeera in December. “Decades of judicial impunity, historical whitewashing, corruption-infested politics and exclusionary economic growth has driven a growing number of Filipinos into the Marcoses’ embrace.”

Many worry the election of Marcos Jr, particularly if Duterte becomes vice president as widely expected, could herald a new era of repression.

“The two are the offspring of two strongman rulers,” Arugay said. “Can we expect restraint and inclusive government? You don’t need to be a political scientist to answer that question.”

Earlier this week, some 1,200 members of the clergy of the Catholic Church endorsed Robredo and Pangilinan describing them as “good shepherds”. At least 86 percent of Filipinos are Catholic.

“We cannot simply shrug, and let the fate of our country be dictated by false and misleading claims that aim to change our history,” they said.

Will the result be accepted?

When Marcos Jr lost the vice presidential race by 263,000 votes in 2016, he challenged the result in court.

With the stakes much higher this time around, some analysts worry he could do so again if Robredo manages to pull off a victory.

The role of social media

Filipinos are avid users of social media and the platforms have played a key – and divisive – role in the election, intensifying the more toxic elements of political campaigning.

Marcos Jr and his team have been accused of using – and abusing – online platforms.

In January, Twitter suspended more than 300 accounts promoting his campaign, which it said breached rules on spam and manipulation.

Joshua Kurtantzick of the Council on Foreign Relations says Marcos Jr has also benefited from “the legacy of Duterte, who fostered the spread of disinformation and made it easier for another strongman to win”.

Senatorial race

While all eyes are on the presidential race, it is worth keeping an eye on the senate, too.

Leila de Lima, who has spent the past five years imprisoned in the national police headquarters in Manila after questioning Duterte’s drug war, is campaigning for office again.

The opposition senator is hopeful she may soon be released after two key witnesses withdrew their testimony .

De Lima was the target of vicious, misogynistic attacks by Duterte and his supporters before she was charged in 2017 with taking money from drug lords while she was justice secretary in the government of the late Benigno Aquino III .

De Lima has denied the charges and Human Rights Watch has said the case is politically motivated.

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POLITICS IN THE PHILIPPINES

Politics in the Philippines has traditionally been dominated by clans and political bosses and patronage and is characterized by law makers that make decisions based on fiscal incentives rather that beliefs and voters that make choices based on personality rather than reasoned policies. Under the traditional “itang na loob” system of patronage, or obligation earned through favors, voters expect money or jobs in return for their political support. In many cases politician’s performance was based on dole-outs not on programs or policies. Philippine concepts about debt repayment and kinship responsibilities plays a major role in how political networks are set up and run (See FILIPINO CHARACTER AND PERSONALITY: HIYA, AMOR PROPIO Under People).

Personalities are more important than parties in Philippine politics. Movie stars and other celebrities have enjoyed considerable success. In addition1, several prominent families play a disproportionate role in politics. The support of the military and the Catholic church are key to political survival and success in the Philippines. Promises are generally not kept. Arroyo, for example, pledged to bring cheap power to the poor as a campaign pledge and then doubled power rates after she was elected. She also promised not to run for a second time but changed her mind because she said God made her decide to run.

The Philippines is known for its rough-and-tumble political scene. Politicians are rountinely killed and sometimes they even do the do the killing themselves. Every now and then it seems the entire country is on the verge of collapse because of a coup attempt, People Power protest or impeachment effort. On the day-to-day level, politicians are unable to achieve many of their goals and carry out programs they proposed due to political opposition, mainly from the ruling elite. Arroyo and her cabinet said that political fighting and sniping exhausted and frustrated them deeply.

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the New York Times, “In the Philippines, politics is a blood sport. Here, politicians often behave like gladiators: To survive they have to entertain the spectators. The turmoil from the [Arroyo] scandal has once again brought Filipinos and their unique brand of rambunctious democracy to international attention, providing a sideshow to the more pressing problems. Filipinos are no longer surprised by election fraud. Thanks to the damage Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator, did to the democratic institutions that American-style democracy helped establish after World War II, and the prevalence of an almost feudal political structure, particularly in the provinces, Filipinos have come to accept election cheating as normal. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, New York Times, July 2, 2005]

Pollster Social Weather Station and Pulse Asia.

Development of Philippines Politics After the Marcos

In 1991 Philippine politics resembled nothing so much as the "good old days" of the pre-martial law period — wide-open, sometimes irresponsible, but undeniably free. Pre-martial law politics, however, essentially were a distraction from the nation's serious problems. The parties were completely nonideological. Therefore, politicians and office-holders switched parties whenever it seemed advantageous to do so. Almost all politicians were wealthy, and many were landlords with large holdings. They blocked moves for social reform; indeed, they seemed not to have even imagined that society required serious reform. Congress acquired a reputation for corruption that made the few honest members stand out. When Marcos closed down Congress in 1972, hardly anyone was disappointed except the members themselves. *

The February 1986 People's Power Revolution, also called the EDSA Revolution had restored all the prerequisites of democratic politics: freedom of speech and press, civil liberties, regularly scheduled elections for genuine legislatures, plebiscites, and ways to ensure honest ballot counting. But by 1991 the return to irrelevant politics had caused a sense of hopelessness to creep back into the nation that five years before had been riding the euphoric crest of a nonviolent democratic revolution. In 1986 it seemed that democracy would have one last chance to solve the Philippines' deep-rooted social and economic problems. Within five years, it began to seem to many observers that the net result of democracy was to put the country back where it had been before Marcos: a democratic political system disguising an oligarchic society. *

Powerful Families in Philippine Politics

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: “Philippine elections have long been dominated by politicians belonging to the same bloodlines. At least 250 political families have monopolized power across the country, although such dynasties are prohibited under the 1987 constitution. Congress — long controlled by members of powerful clans targeted by the constitutional ban — has failed to pass the law needed to define and enforce the provision. "Wherever you go, you see the names of these people since we were kids. It is still them," businessman Martin Tunac, 54, said after voting in Manila. "One of the bad things about political dynasties is they control everything, including business." [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013 |=|]

“School counselor Evelyn Dioquino said that the proliferation of political dynasties was a cultural issue and other candidates stood little chance because clans "have money, so they are the only ones who can afford (to run). Of course, if you have no logistics, you can't run for office." Critics worry that a single family's stranglehold on different levels of government could stymie checks against abuses and corruption. A widely cited example is the 2009 massacre of 58 people, including 32 media workers, in an ambush blamed on rivalry between powerful clans in southern Maguindanao province. |=|

Ana Maria Tabunda from the independent pollster Pulse Asia said that dynasties restrict democracy, but added that past surveys by her organization have shown that most Filipinos are less concerned about the issue than with the benefits and patronage they can receive from particular candidates. Voters also often pick candidates with the most familiar surnames instead of those with the best records, she said. "It's name recall, like a brand. They go by that," she said. |=|

The American anthropologist Brian Fegan, writing in "An Anarchy of Families," a book published in the 1990s, told the New York Times that "the Filipino family is the most enduring political unit and the one into which, failing some wider principle of organization, all other units dissolve." Filipinos look at political continuity as merely the transfer of power among family members, Fegan said. Thus, they also look at political competition in terms of rivalry between families. "A family that has once contested an office, particularly if it has once won it, sets its eye on that office as its permanent right," Fegan said. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

Political Family Dynasties in the Philippines

Politics in the Philippines has been dominated by powerful families for as long as anyone can remember. Aquino was the wife of a opposition leader. Arroyo was the daughter of a president. In 2004, Arroyo’s son and brother-in-law held Congressional seats and five relatives of Aquino were in Congress and one was a Senator. Even the Marcos family remains powerful and influential in Philippines politics, especially in northen Luzon. Many local positions and governments are dominated by clans and powerful and wealthy families.

One Philippine political analyst told the Washington Post, “Some dynasties have made positive contributions, but by and large the dynastic system in the Philippines has stunted the growth of real democracy. It is not representative of the broad majority in any place.” Efforts to reduce the hold on power of local families by establishing term limits has meant that families hand over power from one family member to another.

The system of family dynasties has its roots in U.S. colonial rule when initially voting rights were only granted to Filipinos with property and education, allowing the landed aristocracy to attain a monopoly of power in the provinces. The United States also put in place a Congressional system that allowed families to establish local fiefdoms rather than fostering competition through an electoral list system.

This trend is beginning to change in some places. Grace Padaca, a former radio commentator, was elected governor of Isabela Province in 2004. She moved into the mansion of the former governor, from the powerful Dy family, thought he had built for himself. Padaca won by nonstop campaigning and dedicated grassroots volunteer movement.

Filipino Clans, Celebrities Dominate Midterm Polls in 2013

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: “From Imelda Marcos to Manny Pacquiao, familiar names of Philippine political clans and celebrities dominated the ballots for congressional and local elections, which will gauge popular support for the president's anti-corruption drive and other reforms. [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013 |=|]

“Among 33 senatorial candidates are two of Aquino's relatives, Binay's neophyte daughter, Estrada's son, a son of the sitting chamber president, a son of a late president, a spouse and children of former senators and there's a possibility that two pairs of siblings will be sitting in the me house. Currently, 15 senators have relatives serving in elective positions. The race for the House is even more of a family affair. Toppled dictator Ferdinand Marcos' widow, the flamboyant 83-year-old Imelda, is expected to keep her seat as a representative for Ilocos Norte province, the husband's birthplace where the locals kept electing the Marcoses despite allegations of corruption and abuse during their long rule. Marcos' daughter, Imee is seeking re-election as governor and the son, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., is already a senator. Boxing star and incumbent Rep. Manny Pacquiao is running unopposed and building a dynasty of his own: his brother Rogelio is running to represent his southern district and his wife Jinkee is vying to become vice-governor for Sarangani province. |=|

Palakasan System" in the Philippine Government

Iamthur.blogspot.jp reported: “How to get a job in the Philippine Government provided that there is a vacancy? First, you must be a Filipino citizen. Then, you should have a bachelor's degree related to the job, certification of eligibility from Civil Service Commission, experience related to the job, and other documents as the office/agency concerned may require. But in these days, there is a big problem. In a partisan system if they suspect you for not voting for a certain winning candidate, your chances to get hired even though you're qualified is lame. That's sad but true. [Source: iamthur.blogspot.jp ==]

“This scenario has been the headache for long a time. The recent official that being seated on certain position will going to terminate all people that being hired under the term of previous official. I can say this because, I already witnessed this when I visit our municipality. I've noticed that there are new faces working there, and old employees are replaced already. ==

“Nowadays in Philippines, it is very difficult to acquire a job in the government. Even though you have the qualities, abilities, and capabilities that match the criteria for a certain job you're applying for, sometimes it just not enough to get the job. That's because you don't have what they call a "backer", it's a certain people in the government with a high position or ranking that supposedly one of your relatives, friends or acquaintances. There are lots of people getting hired easily in the government even though they don't have what it takes for that certain position, but they made it possible because of their contacts(red tape) in the government. It is what you called the "Palakasan System" that run for so long. It's very unfair and disappointing to those honest and deserving Filipino job-seekers who aim to work for the government. ==

“The government now is full of corrupt people. I'm still hoping that someday this system will be changed. All corrupt must be washed out, and let the honest and dignified people work for their beloved county, who looks equally to all people under their good governance.” ==

Old-Style Politics in the Philippines Countryside

Philippine politics, along with other aspects of society, rely heavily on kinship and other personal relationships. To win a local election, one must assemble a coalition of families. To win a provincial election, the important families in each town must be drawn into a wider structure. To win a national election, the most prominent aristocratic clans from each region must temporarily come together. A family's power is not necessarily precisely correlated with wealth — numbers of followers matters more — but the middle class and the poor are sought mainly for the votes that they can deliver. Rarely will they be candidates themselves. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The suspension of elections during martial law seemed at first to herald a radical centralization of power in Manila, specifically in the Marcos and Romualdez clans, but traditional provincial oligarchs resurfaced when Aquino restored elections. To the dismay of her more idealistic followers, Aquino followed her brother's advice and concluded agreements with many former Marcos supporters who were probably going to win elections anyway. About 70 percent of the candidates elected to the House of Representatives in 1987 were scions of political dynasties. They included five relatives of Aquino: a brother, an uncle, a sister-in-law, a brother-in-law, and a cousin. Another brotherin -law was elected to the Senate. The newly elected Congress passed a bill prohibiting close relatives of government officials from becoming candidates, but it did not take effect until after the 1988 local elections. Many of the same prominent families who had dominated Philippine society from the Spanish colonial period returned to power. Commonly, the same two families vie for control of provinces. The specific reason for social and political bipolarity is not known, but it nourishes feuds between rival clans that are renewed generation after generation. *

Coercion is an alternative to buying votes. Because the population of the Philippines has multiplied by a factor of nine in the twentieth century, there is not enough land to go around. As a result, tenant-landlord relationships have become more businesslike and less personal, and some old elite families now rely on force to protect their interests. Article 18 of the constitution directs the dismantling of all "private armies," but it seemed unlikely that it could be enforced. *

Failure of People in the Philippines

Jim Gomez and Oliver Teves of Associated Press wrote: “The world watched in awe in 1986 as Filipinos, clutching rosaries and flowers, mounted a human barricade against tanks and troops and brought dictator Ferdinand Marcos down without a shot. What they did gave birth to the term "people power." Fifteen years later similar forces toppled President Joseph Estrada over alleged corruption, and even now, the nation's democracy remains fragile.” In the late 2000s, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo faced impeachment proceedings over allegations of vote-rigging and corruption and declared a state of emergency to quashed a coup plot. She said the political opposition and extremists on both left and right were determined to bring down her elected government. [Source: Jim Gomez and Oliver Teves Associated Press, February 25, 2006 +^+]

“Has "people power" gotten out of hand in the island nation where it was born? Even its most prominent beneficiary, Corazon Aquino, who succeeded the ousted Marcos in 1986, thinks so. "I would still prefer that we do it through a constitutional process," she said recently when asked if she would join an uprising against Arroyo. "Things are different now, we have other options." Besides democracy, little has changed in this nation of 86 million. It remains mired in appalling poverty, rural backwardness, chronic inequality, long-running Marxist and Muslim insurgencies and chaotic politics. Imelda Marcos, the dictator's widow once reviled for the extravagance epitomized by her vast shoe collection, retains political clout and still shows up occasionally to work the Manila social circuit. +^+

“The images of "people power" are fading into history, but remain iconic: nuns kneeling in prayer in front of tanks, and unarmed civilians trying to push back military vehicles with their bare hands. Historian Maria Serena Diokno said the administrations of Aquino and Arroyo, both from wealthy landowning clans, faced the same accusations as their predecessors - human rights violations, massive corruption and failure to enforce effective land reform. +^+

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “If there is any consensus it is that the system has to go, says Manuel Quezon 3rd, a political analyst and historian. "The problem is, no one agrees what system to replace it with," Quezon said.Experts on politics and governance do agree, however, that the families and politicians who have a lock on government here have been the bane of Filipinos, thriving on so-called patronage politics that keeps democratic processes in a state of dysfunction. The result is a faulty electoral system, a low level of political awareness among the populace and a degree of corruption that has seriously damaged Philippine society and hobbled economic development. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

“All of these factors conspire to push the country near the edge of chaos in a kind of cyclical pattern that has decayed what was once among the region's most promising democracies. Worse, the few new and young leaders who emerge are frequently co-opted by traditional politicians. These new leaders then establish political dynasties themselves or fortify existing ones, perpetuating a vicious circle.” \~/

Why the Powerful Family and Patronage System Endure in the Philippines

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “The reality here is that the same old faces, the same old families and the same old interests continue to hold sway over the political life of this country. The Philippines, which once boasted an intelligentsia that was deemed the most sophisticated in Southeast Asia, is still going through what one Filipino columnist recently called "the most drawn out political adolescence in modern history." [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

“Why do a few oligarchic families continue to dominate the political life of this former Spanish colony, in a pattern once familiar in many Latin-influenced countries? To put the question another way, why has the Philippines failed to produce a leader like Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil, a figure who springs from the bottom up and who, for better or worse, ushers in new politics that, on the surface at least, promise a better life for the people? \~/

Clarita Carlos, an expert on governance and politics at the University of the Philippines, said she believed that Philippine politics merely facilitated the "circulation of elites, people who have mastered how to be economically and socially mobile by taking advantage of the limitations of the system." As a result, the Filipino political class "has become so inbred that they've become detached from the concerns of the majority," said Quezon, who is himself the grandson of a former president. \~/

“In a healthy political environment, Quezon said, the oligarchy would relinquish power to a new political class. "Sadly, this is something most Filipino oligarchs never did," he said.Steven Rood, the country representative here of The Asia Foundation and an expert on local governance, thinks it is not so much a question of why Philippine politics has the same faces but why the situation has not changed over many decades. "I would say that the basic fundamental reason is that the people who run the system are the ones benefiting enough from it that they're worried about change," Rood said. That has been the case for decades and, as Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation explained, "there's an enormous amount of historical continuity at play" in the present crisis. Rood traces this back to the period of Spanish colonization and the American colonization that followed it. \~/

"The two decades of Marcos blocked off a generation of young, emerging leaders," said Nereus Acosta, a 39-year-old congressman who teaches public policy at the Ateneo School of Government. After Marcos was toppled in 1986, the political families that he cultivated were replaced by new ones allied to the next regime, that of Corazón Aquino. As if that were not enough, the lines that at first separated Marcos and anti-Marcos politics became so blurred that it is not surprising today to find a former Marcos foe hobnobbing with the scions and friends of the former dictator. Switching sides thus became widespread. Filipino political parties had intermarried to such an extent that, today, it is difficult to know which party is allied with whom. "We're paying for this damage now," Acosta said. \~/

“Given this, Acosta said, it would be difficult for idealism to evolve. "You may have new guys coming out, yes, but unfortunately, wealth and power being so confined to a few, this new generation will have limitations," he said. There has never been a shortage of idealistic Filipinos who can provide the kind of strong leadership the country needs. "Believe me, there are many Filipinos who are competent," said Carlos, the political science professor. The problem is, officials said, once they are inside the system, they are easily compromised. \~/

Is the U.S. to Blame for the Philippines’s Political Failures

Steven Rood of The Asia Foundation told the International Herald Tribune that the Americans did not change the Filipino social structure. "They imposed a political system that allowed this social structure to gain political power," he said. "It's been the marriage of social position and political power ever since that produced essentially the same state that we have now." [Source: Carlos H. Conde, International Herald Tribune, July 16, 2005 \~/]

Luis Teodoro, the executive director of the Center for People Empowerment in Governance, a political research institute in Manila, told the International Herald Tribune that the Americans had a hand in this predicament. They supported regimes led by powerful political families who, in turn, furthered American interests and helped suppress the nationalist politicians who tended to undermine them. "To a great extent, the United States is responsible for keeping these political dynasties in power," Teodoro said. Without U.S. support, he said by way of example, the regime of Ferdinand Marcos would not have lasted as long as it did and Marcos would not have been able to inflict the heavy damage on political institutions here that he is generally held responsible for. \~/

Carlos H. Conde wrote in the International Herald Tribune, “Marcos persecuted the oligarchs who went against him and befriended those who were willing to cooperate with his regime. While he used these families to prop up his regime and amass the wealth for which he would later be infamous, these families went on to exploit their ties with him, widening and strengthening their political bases and enriching themselves even more. Marcos, in turn, used these power bases, particularly in the provinces, to keep himself in the presidential palace. This resulted in a kind of political interregnum. Because the dictator, his wife, Imelda, and his closest cronies were the only kingmakers, they either corrupted young and idealistic politicians or made sure that those who could challenge them did not stand a chance. \~/

Philippine Mayor Killed at Manila Airport

Political violence is not confined to candidates running in elections that threaten the oligarchy status quo. It can strike sitting politicians—and innocent bystanders. In December 2013, Al Jazeera reported: “Gunmen have shot dead a town mayor and three other people at the airport in Manila, sending travellers fleeing for safety, authorities said. Ukol Talumpa, the mayor of the town of Labangan in Zamboanga del Sur province, was killed together with his wife, an 18-month-old baby and one other person, Al Jazeera's Jamela Alindogan reported from Manila on Friday. Four other people were wounded in the incident, airport manager Jose Honrado said. [Source: Al Jazeera, December 20, 2013]

“Honrado said that Talumpa was waiting for a ride with his family outside an airport terminal when the gunmen on a motorcycle shot him and others at close range. Airport security force chased the gunmen but they escaped on their vehicle in the heavy late-morning traffic outside the terminal, Honrado said. He added that the authorities did not know the identity of the attackers nor the motive for the attack "Government agencies are trying their best to determine the perpetrators and bring them to justice," the airport manager said. Talumpa, a member of the political opposition, won a hotly contested electoral contest for mayor of Labangan in last May's local elections. [Ibid]

Politicians in the Philippines

Personality and image count for a lot on Philippines politics. Presidential candidates have included high school drop out movie stars. In some cases they have had no public service experience before running for office. It is common in Philippine politics for movie stars, basketball players and comedians to be elected to public office. The two top vote getters in a 1992 Senate election were a former action-movie star and slapstick comedian. In the 1998 election, more than 100 candidates in national elections were former entertainers. Former police chief and Manila mayor Alfredo Lim was nicknamed "Dirty Harry" for having little respect for civil liberties.

According to everyculture.com: “Men of rank in the military also move into the political arena. Joseph Estrada, whose term as president is 1998–2004, entered the public eye as a popular film star. He then became the mayor of a large city and went on to become vice president in the Ramos administration. Previous presidents have had political or military backgrounds, with the exception of Corazon Aquino, the president from 1986 to 1992, who became politically active after her husband was assassinated. [Source: everyculture.com]

It is also not unusual for Philippines politicians to have a criminal record. The top politician on the island of Palawan, Edward Hagedorn. who has been greatly praised for his can do achievements, himself grew up as a petty criminal and became a gambling lord who was jailed for allegedly killing two policeman in a shootout and abandoned his wife and child to live with a showgirl he met at a bar. Using managment skills that he may have picked as a gangster he got roads paves, cracked down on illegal logging and fishing, and delivered on promises of bringing low-cost housing, clinics and garbage collection to remote villages. Hagedorn became so famous his life was made into a film staring future presidential candidate Edward Poe.

Ferdinand Marcos was accused of killing a man. President Joseph Estrada and popular politician and president candidate Edward Poe were popular actors. See History

Speaker Jose de Venecia: the Consumate Filipino Politician

Bong Austero wrote in his blog: “Speaker Jose de Venecia says he now wants to spend the last years of his life building his legacy to the Filipino people. The speaker is 70 years old. He is the longest-serving speaker of the House of Representatives. He could have been president of this country had it not been for the fact that someone more popular and more in touch with the common man was also running for the post in that particular election. He lost to Joseph Estrada, the actor. His running mate, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, however, won the vice presidency. Estrada would eventually get booted out of office, tried, and convicted for plunder. And as fate would have it, De Venecia’s running mate became President. [Source: bongaustero.blogspot.jp, October 22, 2007 /=]

“For quite sometime, De Venecia’s political fortunes were in limbo. But he eventually bounced back from the pits and reclaimed his seat as speaker of the House of Representatives, proof of the man’s resilience and tenacity as a political animal. This is a man who has fought many battles; a man who speaks with the wisdom of not only the aged, but of someone who has been a constant fixture in the political scene in the last four or five decades. In another time and place, when someone of De Venecia’s stature and experience speaks of moral regeneration and of the urgency of reclaiming the country’s pride and honor, we should be compelled to sit up and listen. /=\

“Sadly, this does not seem to be the case today. It has become difficult to empathize with the man. Not only because in all his TV appearances last week the speaker came across as a forlorn figure, of someone betrayed and on the brink of defeat. There was no fire in his eyes and his rhetoric lacked conviction. This is sad because what De Venecia is saying is true. This country needs moral regeneration. But corruption has not only become systemic and widespread, brazen and so unspeakably scandalous. We also know theoretical solutions and intellectual discussions won’t be enough. What we need are drastic and more effective courses of action. /=\

“It is difficult to empathize with De Venecia and his cause because despite the grand pronouncements, it is clear that the man is simply fighting for political survival. This is evident in the way De Venecia continues to hem and haw about where his political loyalties now reside. Despite thinly veiled threats about possible courses of actions that he might take if the current dispensation continues to marginalize him, we know that his main motivation is self-preservation. He wants to retire as speaker and this is only possible if he plays his cards right. It’s a political zarzuela. De Venecia is saying all the right things but unfortunately fails to buttress his rhetoric with the necessary actions indicative of moral courage. Thus, we can be forgiven for not trusting him at this point.” /=\

Political Parties in the Philippines

Political parties and leaders: 1) Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (Struggle of Filipino Democrats) or LDP [Edgardo Angara]; 2) Lakas ng EDSA-Christian Muslim Democrats or Lakas-CMD [Manuel "Mar" Roxas]; 3) Liberal Party or LP [Manuel Roxas]; 4) Nacionalista Party or NP [Manuel "Manny" Villar]; 4) Nationalist People's Coalition or NPC [Frisco San Juan]; 5) PDP-Laban [Aquilino Pimentel]; 6) People's Reform Party [Miriam Defensor Santiago]; 7) Puwersa ng Masang Pilipino (Force of the Philippine Masses) or PMP [Joseph Estrada]. The United Nationalist Alliance or [UNA] - PDP-Laban and PMP coalition for the 2013 election. Political pressure groups and leaders: Black and White Movement [Vicente Romano]; Kilosbayan [Jovito Salonga] [Source: CIA World Factbook]

Philippine political parties are essentially nonideological vehicles for personal and factional political ambition. Ruling party: The Liberal Party is the party of Benigno Aquino III, the current president of the Philippines. The Liberal Party, a democratic-elitist party founded in 1946, survived fourteen years of dormancy (1972 to 1986), largely through the staunch integrity of its central figure, Senate president Jovito Salonga, a survivor of the Plaza Miranda grenade attack of September 1971. In 1991 Salonga also was interested in the presidency, despite poor health and the fact that he is a Protestant in a largely Catholic country. Former President Macapagal-Arroyo is a member of the conservative Lakas-Christian Muslim Democratic Party (Lakas-CMD).

Political parties are not that strong in the Philippines. Rewriting the constitution to eliminate term limits and establishing a strong two-party system are the reforms that are discussed most often. Politicians move from party to party as the needs of their constituencies dictate because the political parties have no ideologies. [Source: everyculture.com]

Senate - percent of vote by party for 2013 election - UNA 26.94 percent, NP 15.3 percent, LP 11.32 percent, NPC 10.15 percent, LDP 5.38 percent, PDP-Laban 4.95 percent, others 9.72 percent, independents 16.24 percent; seats by party after 2013 election - UNA 5, NP 5, LP 4, Lakas 2, NPC 2, LDP 1, PDP-Laban 1, PRP 1, independents 3; House of Representatives - percent of vote by party - LP 38.3 percent, NPC 17.4 percent, UNA 11.4 percent, NUP 8.7 percent, NP 8.5 percent, Lakas 5.3 percent, independents 6.0 percent, others 4.4 percent; seats by party - LP 110, NPC 43, NUP 24, NP 17, Lakas 14, UNA 8, independents 6, others 12; party-list 57 [Source: CIA World Factbook]

After the May 2004 election, Lakas controlled the largest faction in the House of Representatives (100 seats). Lakas-CMD has formed a governing coalition with the Liberal Party (32 seats). Others major parties in the House at that time were the Nationalist Peoples Coalition (47 seats), led by the business tycoon Eduardo Cojuangco; Struggle for Democratic Filipinos (nine seats); Nationalista Party (six seats); Akbayan (three seats); Association of Philippine Electric Co-operatives (three seats); Bayan Muna (three seats); Power of the Filipino Masses (three seats); Aksyon Demokratiko, Promdi, and Reporma, which have formed an alliance (two seats); Philippine Democratic Party (two seats); and Philippines Democratic Socialist Party (two seats).

The Communists (NPA) split among the ranks.

Political Parties After the Ouster of Marcos

Political parties grew in profusion after the Marcos martiallaw regime (1972-81) was ended. There were 105 political parties registered in 1988. As in the pre-Marcos era, most legal political parties were coalitions, built around prominent individuals, which focused entirely on winning elections, not on what to do with the power achieved. There was little to distinguish one party from another ideologically, which was why many Filipinos regarded the political system as irrelevant. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The party system in the early 1990s closely resembled that of the premartial law years when the Nacionalista and Liberal parties alternated in power. Although they lacked coherent political programs, they generally championed conservative social positions and avoided taking any position that might divide the electorate. Each party tried to appeal to all regions, all ethnic groups, and all social classes and fostered national unity by never championing one group or region. Neither party had any way to enforce party discipline, so politicians switched capriciously back and forth. The parties were essentially pyramids of patronclient relationships stretching from the remotest villages to Manila. They existed to satisfy particular demands, not to promote general programs. Because nearly all senators and representatives were provincial aristocrats, the parties never tackled the fundamental national problem — the vastly inequitable distribution of land, power, and wealth. *

Ferdinand Marcos mastered that party system, then altered it by establishing an all-embracing ruling party to be the sole vehicle for those who wished to engage in political activity. He called it the New Society Movement (Kilusang Bagong Lipunan). The New Society Movement sought to extend Marcos's reach to far corners of the country. Bureaucrats at all levels were welladvised to join. The New Society Movement offered unlimited patronage. The party won 163 of 178 seats in the National Assembly in 1978 and easily won the 1980 local elections. In 1981 Marcos actually had to create his own opposition, because no one was willing to run against him. *

Pro-Government Parties After Marcos

In 1978 the imprisoned former senators Benigno Aquino and Lorenzo Tañada organized a political party named Lakas ng Bayan (Strength of the Nation; also known by its abbreviated form, LABAN, meaning fight). LABAN won 40 percent of the Manila vote in parliamentary elections that year but was not given a single seat in Marcos's New Society Movement-dominated parliament. After Aquino went into exile in the United States, his wife's brother, former Congressman Jose Cojuangco, managed LABAN. Cojuangco forged an alliance with the Pilipino Democratic Party (PDP), a regional party with strength in the Visayas and Mindanao, that had been organized by Aquilino Pimentel, the mayor of Cagayan de Oro City. The unified party was thereafter known as PDP-LABAN, and it — along with UNIDO conducted Corazon Aquino's presidential campaign against Marcos. [Source: Library of Congress *]

In its early years, PDP-LABAN espoused a strongly nationalist position on economic matters and United States base rights, aspiring to "democratize power and socialize wealth." Later, after Aquino became president, its rhetorical socialism evaporated. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, PDP-LABAN had the distinct advantage of patronage. Aquino named Pimentel her first minister of local government, then summarily dismissed every governor and mayor in the Philippines. Pimentel replaced them with officers in charge known personally to him, thereby creating an instant pyramid of allies throughout the country. Some, but not all, of these officers in charge won election on their own in the January 1988 local elections. *

PDP-LABAN was not immune from the problems that generally plagued Philippine political parties. What mainly kept the party together was the need to keep Aquino in power for her full sixyear term. In June 1988 the party was reorganized as the Struggle of Filipino Democrats (Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino). Speaker of the House Ramon Mitra was its first president, but he resigned the presidency of the party in 1989 in favor of Neptali Gonzales. *

In 1990 Aquino announced the formation of a movement called Kabisig (Arm-in-Arm), conceived as a nongovernmental organization to revive the spirit of People's Power and get around an obstinate bureaucracy and a conservative Congress. By 1991 its resemblance to a nascent political party worried the more traditional leadership, particularly Mitra. Part of Aquino's governing style was to maintain a stance of being "above politics." Although she endorsed political candidates, she refused to form a political party of her own, relying instead on her personal probity, spirituality, and simple living to maintain popular support. *

Opposition Parties After Marcos

The New Society Movement fell apart when Marcos fled the country. A former National Assembly speaker, Nicanor Yniguez, tried to "reorganize" it, but others scrambled to start new parties with new names. Blas Ople, Marcos's minister of labor, formed the Nationalist Party of the Philippines (Partido Nationalista ng Pilipinas) in March 1986. Enrile sought political refuge in a revival of the country's oldest party, the Nacionalista Party, first formed in 1907. Enrile used the rusty Nacionalista machinery and an ethnic network of Ilocanos to campaign for a no vote on the Constitution, and when that failed, for his election to the Senate. Lengthy negotiations with mistrustful political "allies" such as Ople and Laurel delayed the formal reestablishment of the Nacionalista Party until May 1989. Enrile also experimented with a short-lived Grand Alliance for Democracy with Francisco "Kit" Tatad, the erstwhile minister of information for Marcos, and the popular movie-star senator, Joseph Estrada. In 1991 Enrile remained a very powerful political figure, with landholdings all over the Philippines and a clandestine network of dissident military officers. [Source: Library of Congress *]

Vice President Laurel had few supporters in the military but long-term experience in political organizing. From his family base in Batangas Province, Laurel had cautiously distanced himself from Marcos in the early 1980s, then moved into open opposition under the banner of a loose alliance named the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO). Eventually, the UNIDO became Laurel's personal party. Aquino used the party's organization in February 1986, although her alliance with Laurel was never more than tactical. UNIDO might have endured had Aquino's allies granted Laurel more patronage when local governments were reorganized. As it was, Laurel could reward his supporters only with positions in the foreign service, and even there the opportunities were severely limited. The party soon fell by the wayside. Laurel and Enrile formed the United Nationalist Alliance, also called the Union for National Action, in 1988. The United Nationalist Alliance proposed a contradictory assortment of ideas including switching from a presidential to a parliamentary form of government, legalizing the Communist Party of the Philippines, and extending the United States bases treaty. By 1991 Laurel had abandoned these ad hoc creations and gone back to the revived Nacionalista Party, in a tentative alliance with Enrile. *

In 1991 a new opposition party, the Filipino Party (Partido Pilipino), was organized as a vehicle for the presidential campaign of Aquino's estranged cousin Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco. Despite the political baggage of a long association with Marcos, Cojuangco had the resources to assemble a powerful coalition of clans. *

In September 1986 the revolutionary left, stung by its shortsighted boycott of the February election, formed a legal political party to contest the congressional elections. The Partido ng Bayan (Party of the Nation) allied with other leftleaning groups in an Alliance for New Politics that fielded 7 candidates for the Senate and 103 for the House of Representatives, but it gained absolutely nothing from this exercise. The communists quickly dropped out of the electoral arena and reverted to guerrilla warfare. As of 1991, no Philippine party actively engaged in politics espoused a radical agenda.

Catholic Church and Politics in the Philippines

During the Spanish colonial period, the Catholic Church was extensively involved in colonial administration, especially in rural areas. With the advent of United States control, the Catholic Church relinquished its great estates. Church and state officially were separated, although the church, counting more than 80 percent of the population as members, continued to have influence when it wanted to exert it. For much of the Marcos administration, the official church, led by archbishop of Manila, Cardinal Jaime Sin, adopted a stance of "critical collaboration." This meant that although Sin did not flatly condemn Marcos, he reserved the right to criticize. Below the cardinal, the church was split between conservative and progressive elements, and some priests joined the communistdominated National Democratic Front through a group named Christians for National Liberation. Cardinal Sin was instrumental in the downfall of Marcos. He brokered the critical, if temporary, reconciliation between Aquino and Laurel and warned the Marcoses that vote fraud was "unforgivable." In radio broadcasts, he urged Manileños to come into the streets to help the forces led by Enrile and Ramos when they mutinied in February 1986. The church, therefore, could legitimately claim to be part of the revolutionary coalition. [Source: Library of Congress *]

Aquino is a deeply religious woman who has opened cabinet meetings with prayers and sought spiritual guidance in troubled times. Although there were reports that the Vatican in late 1986 had instructed Cardinal Sin to reduce his involvement in politics, Aquino continued to depend on him. The Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines issued a pastoral letter urging people to vote yes in the 1987 constitutional plebiscite. In March 1987, Sin announced that he was bowing out of politics, but two months later he broadcast his support for ten Aquino-backed candidates for the Senate and recommended that voters shun candidates of the left. In 1990 Sin defined his attitude toward the government as one of "critical solidarity." *

The church was very pleased with provisions of the 1987 Constitution that ban abortion and restore a limited role for religion in public education. The Constitution is essentially silent on the matter of family planning. The church used its very substantial influence to hinder government family-planning programs. Despite the fact that the population grew by 100,000 people per month in the late 1980s, Cardinal Sin believed that the Marcos government had gone too far in promoting contraception. He urged Aquino to "repeal, or at least revise" government family-planning programs. In August 1988, the bishops conference denounced contraception as "dehumanizing and ethically objectionable." For churchmen, this was an issue not to be taken lightly. One bishop called for the church to "protect our people from the contraceptive onslaught" and the bishops conference labelled rapid population growth a "nonproblem." In 1989 the United States Department of Commerce projected the Philippine population at 130 million by the year 2020 — in a country the size of California. *

Catholic Leaders and Politics in the Philippines

The Catholic church is one of the strongest institutions in the Philippines and major player in Philippine politics. Support of the Catholic church, and the military, are key to political survival and success in the Philippines. The Catholic is very involved in fighting poverty and in some cases some of its members have been involved in supporting poor tenant farmers in their battles against their rich landlords.

Priests and bishops and other religious leaders are powerful figures in the Philippines. Local priest and ministers are so highly respected that requests from them take on the power of mandates. A family considers having a son or daughter with a religious career as a high honor. Personal friendships with priests, ministers, and nuns are prized. Clerics take an active role in the secular world. An example is Brother Andrew Gonzales, the current secretary of DECS. [Source: everyculture.com]

The Catholic Church and, to a lesser extent, the Protestant churches engaged in a variety of community welfare efforts. These efforts went beyond giving relief and involved attempts to alter the economic position of the poor. Increasingly in the 1970s, these attempts led the armed forces of President Marcos to suspect that church agencies were aiding the communist guerrillas. In spite of reconciliation efforts, the estrangement between the churches and Marcos grew; it culminated in the call by Cardinal Jaime Sin for the people to go to the streets to block efforts of Marcos to remain in office after the questionable election of 1986. The resulting nonviolent uprising was known variously as People's Power and as the EDSA Revolution. [Source: Library of Congress, 1991 *]

The good feeling that initially existed between the church and the government of President Aquino lasted only a short time after her inauguration. Deep-seated divisions over the need for revolutionary changes again led to tension between the government and some elements in the churches. *

Catholics fall into three general groups: conservatives who are suspicious of social action and hold that Christian love could best be expressed through existing structures; moderates, probably the largest group, in favor of social action but inclined to cooperate with government programs; and progressives, who do not trust the government programs, are critical both of Philippine business and of American influence, and feel that drastic change is needed. In the past, progressives were especially disturbed at atrocities accompanying the use of vigilantes. They denied that they were communists, but some of their leaders supported communist fronts, and a few priests actually joined armed guerrilla bands. There appeared to be more progressives among religious-order priests than among diocesan priests. *

Cardinal Sin

Cardinal Jaime L. Sin was the top Catholic figure in the Philippines for decades until his death in 2005. Arguably one of the most powerful men in the Philippines and one of the most powerful Catholic clerics in the world, he was mentioned as a possible successor to Pope John Paul II. The son of Chinese immigrants, Cardinal Sin is well-known for his sense of humor, his name and his jokes about his name. When asked what his chances are of becoming the Pope, he says, "First of all, my name is bad." He often greets guest to his residence with "Welcome to the House of Sin" and is notorious for his bawdy comments.

Hrvoje Hranjski of Associated Press wrote: Cardinal Sin “shaped the role of the church during the country's darkest hours after dictator Ferdinand Marcos imposed martial law starting in 1972 by championing the cause of civil advocacy, human rights and freedoms. Sin's action mirrored that of his strong backer, Pope John Paul II, who himself challenged communist rulers in Eastern Europe. Three years after Benigno Aquino Sr., a senator opposing Marcos, was gunned down on the Manila airport tarmac in 1983, Sin persuaded Aquino's widow, Corazon, to run for president. When massive election cheating by Marcos was exposed, Sin went on Catholic-run Radio Veritas in February 1986 to summon millions of people to support military defectors and the Aquino-led opposition. Marcos fled and Aquino, a deeply religious woman, was sworn in as president. Democracy was restored, but the country remained chaotic. [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, January 3, 2013 ]

Cardinal Sin influence goes back to the Marcos era. Once when he sitting between Marcos and his wife Imelda in the back seat of the presidential limousine, Marcos asked him why he was so quiet. "Because," he said, "I feel like I am being crucified between two thieves." Marcos reportedly thought comment was funny but Imelda wouldn't speak to the cardinal for three months after that.

Michelle O'Donnell wrote in the New York Times, “Cardinal Jaime L. Sin, the powerful Roman Catholic archbishop of Manila, used his influence to champion the rights of the poor and rally the widespread popular resistance that brought down the presidencies of Ferdinand E. Marcos and Joseph Estrada Cardinal Sin led the nearly 40 million Catholics in the Philippines for almost three decades, through political upheaval that brought martial law, repressive dictatorship and democratic rule. A round-faced, bespectacled man, he was known for his sense of humor that included poking fun of his own name. But it was through his withering and unwavering public criticism of the Marcos regime in the 1980's that Cardinal Sin became an international figure. [Source: Michelle O'Donnell, New York Times, June 21, 2005 +++]

“At a time when reform-minded clergy in other developing countries were targets of assassination, Cardinal Sin tirelessly used his pulpit first as bishop, then archbishop, to attack Mr. Marcos' martial law, corruption and policies that oppressed the poor. Yet unlike Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador, a contemporary who also worked to empower the poor and was fatally shot as he delivered a homily in 1980, Cardinal Sin seemed insulated from personal harm. "If you compare him to Romero, he spoke out as much as Romero did," said the Rev. Paul L. Locatelli, the president of Santa Clara University. "He saw justice as making sure that the poor had a voice." But he was not witho Under the cardinal's tenure, the church was shaken by accusations of sexual misconduct by some of its priests, according to The Associated Press. Two years ago, Catholic bishops apologized for grave cases of sexual misconduct by priests and pledged to act on complaints. +++

During his long career, the cardinal was not without his critics. He staunchly opposed artificial means of birth control, which some critics said left the country overpopulated and mired in poverty. Under the cardinal's tenure, the church was shaken by accusations of sexual misconduct by some of its priests, according to The Associated Press. Two years ago, Catholic bishops apologized for grave cases of sexual misconduct by priests and pledged to act on complaints. +++

See Religion

Protests and Demonstrations in the Philippines

Describing a Manila protest against President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in 2006, Nicola Menzie of CBS wrote: “Riot police used water cannons and truncheons to break up a rally by more than 1,500 protesters as they demanded President Arroyo be removed from office. The protesters appeared emboldened by the success of similar protests in Thailand that led to Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's resignation from office. The demonstrators reported several injuries as a result of police using wooden sticks, fiberglass shields and water cannon spray in order to force them away from a bridge leading to the presidential palace. Rallies have been banned in the area, which has been the scene of recent clashes between police and demonstrators. Leftist groups have vowed to continue protests and are calling for Arroyo's ouster over corruption and vote-rigging allegations. [Source: Nicola Menzie, CBS, April 6, 2006]

The next day, Fight Back! News reported: “Riot police in the Philippines attacked and broke up a demonstration by human rights activists marching near an international parliamentarians' conference. The protesters were gathering at the Malate Church in Manila en route to the Philippine International Convention Center. The police injured various people, including Catholic priests from the organization Promotion for Church People’s Response (PCPR). Baton-wielding police charged into the protesters near the conference site for the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) assembly where about 1,400 lawmakers from 145 countries were meeting. Human rights activists led by several priests and nuns marched on the conference to protest widespread human rights violations in the Philippines under the Arroyo government, including a number of recent killings of political activists. [Source: Fight Back! News, April 12, 2005]

Filipinos Grow Disillusioned with People Power Protests

The Philippine middle-class, instrumental in the overthrow of presidents Marcos and Estrada, is fed up with political turbulence and wants stability, political analysts say. In 2005, Alan Sipress wrote in the Washington Post, “Jennifer Santos's eyes gleamed as she recalled her days as a young housewife staring down government tanks ordered to the streets by longtime dictator Ferdinand Marcos. For the better part of a week in 1986, she and tens of thousands of other Filipinos, carrying flowers and rosary beads, camped along the capital's gritty Edsa Boulevard until Marcos fell. She remembered with less enthusiasm returning to the boulevard four years ago when another graft-tainted leader, Joseph Estrada, left office after a single night of protests. "By the next morning," Santos recounted, "I was in Starbucks drinking coffee, and we had a new president." [Source: Alan Sipress, Washington Post, July 10, 2005 ^/^]

“Now, that president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, is facing a crescendo of calls to step down due to allegations she cheated in national elections last year. But like the vast majority of other Edsa veterans, Santos, 44, is not very interested in joining the few protesters on the streets. "I got tired. It happens over and over again," Santos said. "Our political system never changes." Across Manila, disappointment in Arroyo is surpassed only by a weary recognition that the Philippines' celebrated protest movement known as "people power" has run its course, and that no new political savior is at hand to rally the masses. ^/^

“Only several thousand flag-waving demonstrators joined the main anti-Arroyo rally in Manila's business district. Local office workers appeared almost oblivious to the event. The six-lane Edsa Boulevard was clogged with traffic. Not a protester was in sight and the adjacent plaza at the heroic People Power monument was empty. ^/^

“Luzviminda A. Santos, 52, a compact woman with intense brown eyes and shoulder-length black hair streaked with gray, was invited by several friends to join a small anti-Arroyo demonstration Saturday morning outside the local Santo Domingo church. She told them she would try to make it, but instead stayed home drinking coffee and watching the dizzying political developments on television. "I said to myself, 'What for?' " Four years ago, Santos said, she was among the first to reach Edsa Boulevard and demand Estrada's ouster. But this time there was little idealism, and the ascension of Arroyo, a product of the wealthy landed classes, was an immediate letdown. "Everyone is fatigued now with people power. It can't snowball to people power again," she said. But now, she said her family is less interested in the current political showdown than the basketball game Sunday between the country's two premier universities. She predicted the Manila sports coliseum would attract more people this weekend than any demonstration. "Are there people in Edsa now?" she asked. "Is anything happening now? I don't even care." ^/^

Image Sources:

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, Philippines Department of Tourism, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books, websites and other publications.

Last updated June 2015

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Democracy in the Philippines Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Democracy in the Philippines Setting

Travel and tourism scenario, organizational policy, public policies, problems in policy implementation, the policy of our organization.

The two questions to be answered and to form the main topic of discussion for this paper deal with democracy and the forms of government in a democratic society.

Chosen for an interesting topic of discussion is the country in the Philippines, as compared to the United States and its form of government.

The Philippines is chosen because of its unique background, the country having experienced two colonizers, one of which is the United States. The presidential form of government is a legacy of the American colonizers, while the Spaniards introduced Christianity.

Up to the present dispensation, the Philippines is a democratic society with a presidential form of government.

Over the years, there were attempts to change this form of government to parliamentary, but since the Filipinos have become accustomed to it, they have made their intention to oppose any move to change the status quo.

The second question is about a scenario which touches on Philippine tourism. The unique Philippines setting, with backdrops of heritage sites, unique architecture, beautiful scenic spots and islands the likes of the Caribbean, makes our scenario another interesting point of discussion.

A country whose people cherish democracy like the United States and Great Britain is the Republic of the Philippines. Filipinos are champions of democracy.

They introduced the term people power in the dictionary as a peaceful revolution when in 1986 they marched in the streets and opposed the guns and tanks of Marcos with their rosaries and flowers as peace offerings. Hours after that, Marcos fled to Hawaii.

The Philippines has a presidential form of government copied from the U.S. model. The branches of government, the bureaucracies and institutions are all U.S. made.

Democratic elections are being held for the president down to the barangay captain who is the head of a barangay, the smallest political unit.

But the democracy the Filipinos now cherish is the result of the sacrifices of heroes who fought in the battlefields of Bataan and Corregidor and the so-called ‘death march’ during World War II. (Canlas, 1999, p. 63)

In a presidential form of government, the people elect the president and vice president, and members of Congress. There are differences however in the manner of elections and the election of the higher and lower positions in government.

The Philippines is a multi-party system while the United States is a two-party system. The two parties are the Republican (GOP) and Democratic parties.

The executive branch in Washington is controlled by the party in power while in the Philippines the president can appoint cabinet secretaries who do not belong to their political party (Fernandez, 2007, p. 169).

More changes came in the style of governance in Washington, like instituting checks and balances within the executive branch itself. (Waldman, 1976, p. 260)

There are attempts to change the form of government from presidential to a parliamentary form of government, and this is through charter change.

But the people and the political leadership, along with the strong political opposition, are still not decided and there is a growing debate over this matter. I believe the Filipino is not ready yet for a parliamentary form of government.

Travel is an important human activity which affects our understanding of the world and our existence.

It is for this reason that we want to see and witness only the beautiful and pleasant things in the places we go, although there are people who want to see the bizarre and the unexpected.

In other countries, there are communities, human activities, wonderful things, or phenomena that we would like to personally see with our own eyes.

We want to record, write them down and video-tape them for posterity sake. Others consider them as part of their legacy to their children and grandchildren.

An outcome of travel is tourism, or shall we say, travel is a product of tourism. These two have become quite reciprocal, but I can consider it as synonymous.

Our organization considers travel and tourism as one. And our organizational policy must coincide with the policy of the country we conduct business with or guide travelers and tourists for the places they want to see and come in contact with.

We look at the Philippines in Asia with special attention because of its potential as a tourism destination which remains untapped for various reasons we would like to discuss here.

How the people and the government reacted to changes in the course of the country’s existence is an interesting point for discussion, considering that the political upheavals of this particular country influenced tourism policies.

The scenario created in those upheavals and history formed into what the country is today.

The Philippines is a developing country although in some respect it has been observed as more developed than some countries in the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN).

Politics and the quest of a few greedy politicians for power have put it in a stagnant position, perhaps deteriorating during the time of Marcos, who ruled with impunity and countless human rights violation. (Beirman, 2003, p. 254)

Our organizational policy we introduced in the Philippines is the same as the policies we introduced on other countries, i.e., we wanted to be a part in promoting tourism in the country by promoting the various tourist and scenic spots, heritage sites, the culture of the people, and other places of human-interest.

We have been in this business for some time now, and we know how to promote our business by promoting others.

Networking is part of our activities. We have always consulted government agencies in our promotional campaigns. Thus, we took some time contacting the tourism offices of the Philippines of which they were also happy to help and partner with us regarding our organizational policy.

We explained that promoting tourism in the Philippines is part of our agenda as a travel agency. Regular consultations have been conducted ever since. We have offices and people in the field, and quite a number of these are in the islands and beautiful places in the country.

We looked forward to promoting the entire archipelago of thousands of islands, the scenic spots, the baroque churches and unique architecture imported from Spain, Greece, and other European countries.

We also noted the uniqueness of the people, the different tribes and ethnic groups, and a ‘new’ race, which can be said as a blending of the east and the west.

Some of its women are holders of international beauty titles, and the workforce is composed of professionals and extraordinary artisans who have gone to different parts of the world to introduce their skills, talents, and professionalism.

To indulge in the Philippines and its people is a unique experience for us as a business organization and as career travel agents whose clients are the peoples of the world.

We consider ourselves and our organization as global, but we know we always want to ‘localize’ our operations to be successful in our business.

With these unique tourism attractions, we also outlined our policies for the country. Promotion and advertising are a part of our policy, but first, we also made it clear with the government agencies we have dealt with, that our organization also have to promote our travel agency.

The activity is reciprocal – we would promote the country, and they can help us by endorsing our agency. That said, we also enumerated objects which were really of interest to our country of destination, the Philippines.

Tourism is one of the major dollar earners of most countries in the world. It is also one of the largest industries in the world when it comes to output, investment, and employment.

Tourism cannot be talked about without mentioning other subjects involving contemporary culture which is influenced by globalization, multiculturalism, transnationalism, and so forth. (Ness, 2003, p. 3)

Tourism is a mix of cultural, economic and political factors (Burns and Novelli, 2007, p. 1), but there is now a renewed focus on it with the emergence of what is called international tourism (Huybers, 2007, p. 5).

The Philippines is an archipelago of thousands of islands, inhabited by many ethnic tribes and people who have experienced colonization from the Spaniards down to the Americans. Filipinos, young and old, know their heritage.

There are ethnic tribes in the mountains, but for those who have settled in the cities and suburban areas, they look like quite similar with their foreign ancestors – different colors of skin like white and brown but fair skin, blue and black eyes, and women with unique beauty, said to be of world class.

Because of the country’s historical background, it has formed its own unique culture but a government based on its experience with two colonizers.

The Spaniards were responsible for the Christianization of the Philippines while the Americans introduced democracy and the presidential form of government. (Schirmer & Shalom, 1987, pp. 1-2)

The presidential form of government was passed on to history by the U.S. during the time of General Emilio Aguinaldo, the first president of the Philippine Republic in 1898, then during World War II, to the time of the dictator, and now the present leader, Benigno Aquino III, son of martyred political leader in the 1980s, Benigno Aquino Jr., who was killed during the Marcos era, and Corazon Aquino who succeeded Marcos after the people power uprising. (Official Gazette, n.d.)

To talk about Philippine tourism and the policies imposed upon it by the government and the people means to speak about its rich history, the culture, and the people.

The people experienced two colonizers and have ingrained in their national psyche the so-called colonial mentality. But they are happy and hospitable people. It is a common public policy to smile and be hospitable to any foreigner who comes in and visits one of their islands.

The Filipinos are a proud race. They smile when they see a tourist. That is tourism public policy number one, and the beginning of a scenario we would like to talk about.

The sad note, however, is this. The Philippines has a big portion of its population in poverty, and so promoting tourism is sometimes distracted with the slums and squatter colonies right in the heart of Manila.

Some laws of the country protect squatter colonies; they cannot just be sent away and their shanties demolished. Laws and regulations are most of the times ignored by ordinary citizens and motorists, and law enforcement is weak. Laws are not strictly enforced.

There are smoke belchers, illegal loggers and other environmental violators, and the government is infested by corruption. But the public sector sees the significant role of the tourism industry in the growth of the economy by providing local employment. (Bloom, 2009, p. 16)

Our organization sees tourism as a flourishing industry in the Philippines and an attractive business venture because of its beautiful scenic spots, baroque churches, white beaches, and various heritage sites, a legacy of the hundreds of years of Spanish colonization, and subsequent American colonization which led to Philippine independence on June 12, 1898.

However, the Philippine tourism industry has passed through various stages of decay and then development.

If public policies had been enforced to the letter, the Philippines could have been the number one tourist destination in Asia because of its rich heritage, historic spots, rich natural resources, and a hospitable people willing to receive any guests who have entered into their shorelines.

We have witnessed it, and we can testify to the beauty of a country. Something has to be done, and we have promoted this country for all of its natural beauty.

Politics and perhaps greed by politicians marred the history of a great nation. From the literature, we can read that tourism was used for political purposes during the regime of the despot Marcos.

Tourism policies were concentrated on government efforts to gain support from foreign governments, especially during martial law which lasted for more than a decade.

There was no popular support or cooperation from the local community who had mixed feelings of fear, hatred, and remorse over the dictatorship. Human rights violations were rampant. Resorts, hotels and other business establishments were owned by cronies.

Rebel groups started to surface, and anarchy reigned. People power, led by Corazon Aquino, which was staged after the killing of her husband and opposition leader, Benigno Aquino Jr., led to the toppling of the dictatorship. Tourism was down at that time. (Gray, 2008, p. 369)

Similarly, the Philippines has a growing population and a bulging bureaucracy. There have been suggestions for it to adapt to the federal form of government.

The regional areas can become states with their constitutions, copy the U.S. model with states having their constitutions, and a supreme constitution.

Checks and balances in the Philippines seem to be not so effective, what with the rampant graft and corruption in the different branches of government as reported in the media.

The media, however, is also as effective in ousting erring officials. People power uprising seems to be the most effective way of punishing politicians who have erred in office and could not be ousted through legal means. (Mayton, 2009, p. 27)

The erring public officials could not be ousted because of the support that they still have in their political base or bailiwicks. Legal means seem to be not effective. But as in the U.S. model, the law is the people. In the EDSA uprising, the Filipinos spoke by denouncing the rampant graft and corruption. The U.S. model uses legal means because of its strong institutions, as mandated by the constitution and the people.

Corazon ‘Cory’ Aquino took over, and once again, her government used tourism as a tool to reassure the international community, particularly Japan and the United States, that she was in control and that her government had gained popular support.

There was a slight improvement in tourism programs though. The people showed support to the government and its programs, and the international community was convinced that there were peace and tranquillity in the islands.

Public policies for tourism centered on making the Philippines the ultimate destination of people seeking refuge from city life. Slowly, tourism was alive again. (Gray, 2008, p. 371)

However, the ‘honeymoon’ period between the new government and the new opposition did not last long.

Opposition to the new government continued to mount protests, a faction in the military staged coup d’états after coup d’états, making tourism once again a dream of people who always love peace. (Gray, 2008, p. 372)

At present, the new administration of President Benigno Aquino III, son of Corazon Aquino and martyred Benigno Aquino Jr., has some bright plans to jumpstart the tourism programs as envisioned by the newly created Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority formerly named the Philippine Tourism Authority. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

However, tourism is at present going in an up-and-down trend because of terrorism and destabilization campaigns being staged by communist and secessionist groups from the south. Tourism in any country is always affected by threats of terrorism.

In the farther south, in Mindanao, there are various groups seeking to separate from the republic.

The Abu Sayaff group, which has links to Al Qaeda, the international terrorist group headed by Osama bin Laden, has been responsible for various kidnapping incidents involving tourists and businessmen, making tourism in the south down.

That portion of the country is supposed to be a tourist haven because of its natural habitats, but these habitats have become hiding places of terrorist groups. (Travelblog, 2006)

Unlike the other members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Philippines cannot rely much on tourism as a dollar earner. The government has to institute measures to promote tourism.

The country is blessed with beautiful scenic spots, the likes of those in the Caribbean; but there are spots which are still not developed. (Richter, 2005, p. 255)

The constitution of the Republic of the Philippines provides for the conservation of lands and tourist parks and the promotion of tourist destinations which may include national parks and other natural resources. (Constitutional Commission, 1986)

The national agency that is taking the overall supervision of tourism is the Philippine Tourism Authority, which has recently been revitalized with a new name, the Tourism Infrastructure, and Enterprise Zone Authority.

It was created by law to develop and promote tourism destinations in the country, but it is under the Department of Tourism headed by a Cabinet Secretary who reports directly to the President of the Philippines. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

The agency is mandated by law

• to enhance private sector participation in the development of tourism infrastructure in the country;
• to implement privatisation efforts of some government facilities in order to contribute to the government income;
• to maximise collection efforts of the government by promoting tourism destinations;
• to maintain a pool of talented professional and skilled employees and managers to handle tourism. (Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority, 2010)

The public policy remains focused on acquiring foreign reserve for the economy to flourish.

The economy now depends on overseas-Filipino-workers’ (OFW) remittances and the volatile markets of a few products such as sugar, pineapple, cotton, coconut, and electronic products, being exported to major countries like the United States. OFW remittances remain the lifeblood of the economy.

The present administration of President Benigno Aquino III has yet to prove how the government can push through with new economic reforms.

Political will is difficult to impose, but the government has shown strength in instituting reforms in the midst of mounting terrorist threats and travel advisories from at least six countries including the United States for their respective citizens not to travel to the Philippines, particularly the provinces in the southern portion of the country which are being threatened by secessionist groups.

The local government units are composed of provinces, which are governed by governors; towns and cities, which are under the leadership of mayors; and barangays which are governed by barangay captains. The centralized form of government had barriers in local governance.

This was amended through the passage of the law known as the Local Government Code of 1991. It pushed for local autonomy where local government units were given a chance to govern.

Local autonomy enabled local officials to govern with authority and responsibilities for the resources of their local areas.

The Code transformed the provinces, towns, cities, and barangays into self-reliant and active local government units (LGU) by providing power, authority, responsibilities, and resources. (General Primer, 1991)

The local government units have the responsibility to promote tourism in their jurisdiction. Our organization has penetrated in these local areas. We have coordinated with the local tourism government agencies so that we could conduct business and promote our product.

Tourists are also guided accordingly. In other parts of the world, we have promoted the different localities of the Philippines as tourist destinations.

Tourism policies have not been clear. Past administrations have had difficulties in implementing the policies, not for lack of professional and expert policymakers, but due to politics. The present public policy is to promote these scenic spots and make them major dollar earners.

This is with the support and collaboration of the public and private sectors. The government acts as a catalyst and to help in what the private sectors are doing for tourism. The strategy is to develop a closer partnership and cooperation of all stakeholders involved in tourism.

The World Tourism Organization has recommended that the government should not duplicate what the private sectors are doing in tourism so that there will be no overlapping of functions. (Cruz, 2005, p. 49)

There are instances that conflicts arise between the government and private sectors due to the following:

• The private sectors refuse to finance some projects because they don’t believe that it will generate profit, but the government has given it a go and has prioritized it due to its potential as a tourist spot.
• A tourism project has no more market potential, and cannot be sold; the government may be forced to buy it, but conflict arises when the government has not enough money to buy the facility.
• The government is forced to build low-cost “social tourism” which is devoted to the poor, the sick, and the aged.
• The government encourages private sectors to develop tourism activities through pilot projects. (Cruz, 2005, p. 50)

In areas where there are no tourism plans, the government identifies tourism opportunities so that the private sector can invest and provide capital.

The presence of beautiful ‘white’ beaches, mountains and thousands of islands, not to mention the declared UNESCO World Heritage sites, makes the Philippines an attraction to tourists from neighboring countries in Asia, Europe, and the United States. (World Heritage Convention, 2010)

Likewise, it has a rich cultural heritage that has never waned even during economic hardships, political upheavals, and natural calamities.

The eruption of the active volcano in Central Luzon, a major island where Manila is located, has produced new land formation, making the neighboring towns and cities a tourist attraction.

Our organization has promoted these places as a sight to behold. Once they were flood-prone areas but after the flow of ‘lahar’ (lava mixed with sand) coming from the volcano, the places seemed to have ‘grown,’ and the local folks have regarded it as a blessing in disguise.

Filipinos celebrate fiestas, holidays and anniversaries like they are a part of religious obligations. During Lenten season, the Catholic celebration of the Holy Week which observes and honors the Lord Jesus’ passion and death on the cross, Filipinos celebrate it with the actual crucifixion of some of their devotees.

Although this is not permitted by the Catholic Church, the penitents flag their bodies, and the climax is the crucifixion on a hilltop.

At least three penitents are crucified, their hands extended and the nails are pounded hard injuring the penitents who are tied to the three wooden crosses, commemorating the crucifixion of Jesus Christ and the two criminals beside him, more than two thousand years ago. (The Oxford Business Group, 2008, p. 128)

The Filipinos observe fiestas and Christmases which attract tourists from around the world. Tourism spots are everywhere.

If you go northward, you would be happy to pass by the ‘Hundred Islands’ in Lingayen Gulf, a constant feature in movies depicting World War II, but now a national park. But if you divert to the Visayas islands, there are several places attractive to tourists, one of which is Boracay.

The island is at the tip of the group of Islands, and it is equipped with fine ‘white’ beaches. It is also a constant scene of reality shows featuring local movie stars. Beaches of the world-class are sprawling everywhere in the Visayas and Mindanao.

In each of these tourist destinations, the local community has a big role to play in the promotion and catering to the needs of the tourists. Travel companies and guides also have a big role to play in the promotion of these tourist spots. (Philippines Board, n.d.)

Lingayen Gulf in Pangasinan is a historical site because it is the site of one of the fierce sea battles fought between the Japanese and American forces reinforced by Filipino guerrilla forces. The Hundred Islands is not a hundred islands, although the number is approximate.

These places are the source of livelihood of most of its inhabitants, aside of course from fishing. (Hundred Islands National park, n.d.)

Being an archipelagic country, the Philippines has porous borders. The islands in the south, which are known as the ‘backdoor’ because they are not closely guarded and you can easily travel to other countries like Indonesia by way of a small commercial boat, are a tourists’ haven.

The Philippines has purged partnerships with neighboring Brunei Darussalam, Indonesia, and Malaysia, to make Davao, the ‘backdoor’ city, and surrounding places, as development areas. (Ness, 2003, p. 113)

Puerto Princesa in the island Palawan, itself a province and which is just near Davao, has also been developed, with the help of the UNESCO Development Programme.

The strategy involves community-based tourism in which the local folks, the young and the old, the public and private sectors, join hands to promote tourism destinations. (Gray, 2008, p. 375)

Still in the south of the country, in Zamboanga City, there are beautiful tourist spots being taken care of by residents. The city is inhabited by an ethnic group who speaks ‘Chabacano,’ a dialect which has some semblance to the Spanish language.

The city, however, is a melting pot because of the presence of other ethnic groups. Economic activity is very much alive in this city.

It is also home to the regional headquarters of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, which keeps guarding the presence of kidnap-for-ransom groups and other criminal elements. Foreign tourists are advised by their respective governments not to venture into this city. (Travelblog, 2006)

The situation affects tourism. Over the past years, tourists from different countries had been kidnapped. Some were killed while others were released on ransom. It is the duty of the government to safeguard the lives of the people, local and foreign.

The local inhabitants, no matter how they want that tourism should improve in their community, could do nothing except rely on the government and to God for peace and unity.

Our organization has a big role to play in the promotion of this beautiful country as a tourist destination. We have recruited tourist guides who are well knowledgeable of the areas tourist are more attracted to go and see the places and human activities which can fulfill human interest.

The present government has a present policy of establishing tourism infrastructure through a close partnership between the public and private sectors. We have taken hold of this opportunity.

It has proven to be effective in developing tourism as a major source of income for the local folks and the government in the form of taxes. This is demonstrated in the various examples of public policies in the Philippines setting.

During a recent dialogue with a government agency in charge of promoting tourism, we have made some suggestions.

It is of great importance to any place or country to develop first the community, emphasizing on the capability of the natives or inhabitants to promote tourism and to have an active part in dealing or living with tourists and tourism. It has to be a part of their lives. Tourism can alleviate poverty.

The folks have to perform a hands-on role in formulating those policies because they are the ones directly involved. Tourism affects their livelihood, family, and the whole society in general.

Where there are tourists, there is economic activity. This close coordination between the different sectors of the community has proven to be effective in developing tourism as a major source of livelihood for the local population, and income in the form of taxes for the government.

The most recent public tourism policy the Filipino people are crying and pushing for is to allow the eight-division world boxing champion Manny Pacquiao to be a part of the tourist attraction; in fact, it has already happened.

The world champ, who has been hailed by the Filipinos as a hero, is a boxing phenomenon when he earned the eighth belt upon defeating former world champion, Antonio Margarito. (Sports Newscaster, 2010)

Our organization hailed this recent development in the country and has helped in promoting Pacquiao as another tourist attraction.

Our guides have been instructed to mention Manny Pacquiao and his hometown in Sarangani province. Pacquiao can boost economic activity and tourism, at the same time promote the Philippines and erase all the negative news about the country. This is what the Filipino people want.

Beirman, D. (2003). A comparative assessment of three Southeast Asian tourism recovery campaigns: Singapore Roars: Post SARS 2003, Bali Post- the October 12, 2002 Bombing, and WOW Philippines 2003. In Y. Mansfeld and A. Pizam (Eds.) 2006, Tourism security and safety: from theory to practic e (p. 254). Oxford, UK: Elsevier Inc.

Bloom, G., (2009). Philippines . Oakland, CA: Lonely Planet Publications Ltd.

Burns, P. & Novelli, M. (2007). Tourism and politics: introduction. In P. Burns and M. Novelli, Eds. Tourism and politics: global frameworks and local rea lities (p. 1). Oxford, UK: Elsevier Ltd.

Canlas, L. P. (1999). Philippines’ 2 millennium history . United States of America: Infinity Publishing.com.

Constitutional Commission (1986). The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines . Quezon City, Philippines: National Government Center.

Cruz, Z. (2005). Principles of tourism part II (Updated edition) . Manila, Philippines: Rex Book Store, Inc.

Fernandez, L. H. (2007). A brief history of the Philippines . United States of America: University of Michigan.

General Primer (1991). The local government code of 1991. Philippines: Republic of the Philippines Press.

Gray, J. (2008). Responsible destination development: Puerto Princesa, Palawan, Philippines. In J. Cochrane, Ed. Asian tourism: growth and change (p. 369). UK: Elsevier Ltd.

Hundred Islands National Park (n.d). Web.

Huybers, T. (2007). Tourism in developing countries: economics and management of tourism 2 . UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited.

Mayton, D. M. (2009). Non violence and peace psychology . United States of America: Springer Science+Business Media, LLC.

Ness, S. (2003). Where Asia smiles: an ethnography of Philippine tourism. United States of America: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Official Gazette (n.d.). Philippine official papers & documents. Web.

Oxford Business Group (2008). The Report: the Philippines 2010 . Manila, Philippines: Oxford Business Group.

Philippines Board (n.d.) Tourist spots in Bacolod – Philippines. Web.

Richter, L. (2005). The Philippines: the politicization of tourism. In Y. Apostolopoulos, S. Leivadi and A. Yiannakis (Eds), The Sociology of Tourism (p. 255). New York, USA: Routledge.

Schirmer, D. B. & Shalom, R. S. (Eds.). (1987). The Philippines reader: a history of colonialism, neocolonialism, dictatorship, and resistance. United States of America: South End Press.

Sports Newscaster (2010). Pacquiao vs Margarito results and post game boxing fight analysis. Web.

Tourism Infrastructure and Enterprise Zone Authority (Philippine Tourism Authority) (2010). Pushing tourism ahead: a message from the general manager. Web.

Travelblog (2006). Mindanao: Abu Sayyaf the MILF and a bloke called Joe. Web.

Waldmann, R. J. (1976). The domestic council: innovation in presidential government. Public Administration Review. Web.

World Heritage Convention (2010). Philippines. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2020, March 13). Democracy in the Philippines. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/

"Democracy in the Philippines." IvyPanda , 13 Mar. 2020, ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

IvyPanda . (2020) 'Democracy in the Philippines'. 13 March.

IvyPanda . 2020. "Democracy in the Philippines." March 13, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

1. IvyPanda . "Democracy in the Philippines." March 13, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Democracy in the Philippines." March 13, 2020. https://ivypanda.com/essays/democracy-in-the-philippines/.

Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Students are often asked to write an essay on Philippine Politics And Governance in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics.

Philippine politics is a blend of democracy and a republic system. The Philippines is a democratic country, meaning the people have the power to choose their leaders. The republic part means that the country has a President, who is the head of state.

The Structure of Government

The Philippine government has three branches: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial. The Executive branch is led by the President. The Legislative branch makes laws and is divided into two parts: the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Judicial branch interprets laws.

Role of the President

The President of the Philippines has a vital role. They are the chief executive and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. They are responsible for implementing laws and maintaining peace and order.

The Election Process

Elections in the Philippines are held every six years. Citizens aged 18 and above can vote. They choose their leaders, including the President, Vice President, Senators, and Representatives. These leaders are expected to serve the people and the country.

Challenges in Philippine Politics

Understanding Philippine politics and governance is crucial. It helps us understand the country’s challenges and how they can be solved. It also helps us appreciate the role of citizens in shaping the nation’s future.

250 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Politics in the Philippines is a complex subject. It is run as a democratic republic, which means the people have the power to choose their leaders. The President is the head of the state and the government.

Elections are important events in the Philippines. They happen every six years for the President and Vice President, and every three years for other officials. The people vote for their leaders, which is a way of saying who they want to run the country.

Political Parties

There are many political parties in the Philippines. These parties represent different views and ideas. They play a big role in the elections as they support their candidates and help them win.

Role of the Government

The government has a big job to do. It has to make laws, keep the peace, and make sure people have what they need. The government is divided into three parts: the Executive, the Legislative, and the Judicial branches. Each has its own duties and powers.

Challenges in Governance

Philippine politics and governance are interesting to learn about. They show how people’s choices can shape a country. It also teaches us about the challenges of running a country and the importance of good leadership.

500 Words Essay on Philippine Politics And Governance

Introduction to philippine politics and governance.

Philippine politics and governance are interesting subjects. They are based on a democratic system, which means that the people have the power to choose their leaders. The Philippines has a president who is the head of the state, and also a prime minister who is the head of government.

The Political Structure

Political parties in the philippines.

In the Philippines, there are many political parties. These parties represent different beliefs and ideas about how the country should be run. During elections, these parties present candidates for the people to vote for. The party with the most votes usually takes control of the government.

Elections and Voting

Elections are very important in the Philippines. They are a way for people to choose their leaders and have a say in how their country is run. Voting is a right of all citizens who are 18 years old and above. During elections, people vote for their preferred candidates for various positions such as president, vice president, senators, and representatives.

Efforts for Improvement

Despite these challenges, there are efforts to improve the political system in the Philippines. Some people are working to fight corruption and promote good governance. There are also laws that aim to limit political dynasties and promote fair elections.

In conclusion, Philippine politics and governance are shaped by the democratic system, political parties, and elections. Although there are challenges such as corruption and political dynasties, there are also efforts to improve the system. Understanding these aspects can help us appreciate the importance of active participation in the political process.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

Happy studying!

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CONVERSATIONS: ‘Dirty’ Philippine politics

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

MANILA, Philippines – As the 2013 mid-term polls approaches, incidents of election-related violence continue to rise. Last April 25, an ambush in Lanao del Norte killed 12 , including the granddaughter of Nunungan mayor Abdulmalik Manamparan.  

The community on Twitter was quick to react to the news. One particular user noted that the incident reflects the low quality of Philippine politics.

@ rapplerdotcom 17 more days pa ang patayan ng nga kandidato. politics in Ph is dirty politics. — Deria Meneses (@InsatiableDeria) April 26, 2013

This sparked a conversation on how politics in our country has turned “dirty.”  Users indicated bribery, vote buying and shallow political platforms as indicators of the sorry state of our elections.

On the other hand, some point out that our politics will only be as clean as those we will elect. Despite this, many are still optimistic, believing that voters’ education will help solve these problems.

What can you say about the quality of elections in the country? Do you still think that this can be resolved? What solutions can you think of?

Send us a tweet ( @rapplerdotcom ) using the hashtag #PHVote , leave us a message on Facebook , or send an email to [email protected].

Check out what our online community is saying.

– Rappler.com

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